Chapter Thirteen

Spanish Resettlement of Nuevo Méjico

1692 C.E.-1800 C.E.



Thanks again to all the sources available on the Internet


The extent of el Imperio Español or the Spanish Empire at its height in the 16th and 17th centuries C.E. was truly staggering.  The map which follows provides a view of just a portion of Spain’s or España’s New World or Nuevo Mundo territory.  The map allows the reader to understand the enormity of the land mass which the Virreinato or Viceroyalty of Nueva España or New Spain had to deal with.  However, for the purpose of this chapter we will only be dealing in the main with those territories held under España’s Nuevo Méjico or New Mexico and its surrounding areas.  

When most Anglo-American, Northern European, and non-Spanish historians and commentators write about Nueva España, España, and Españoles or Spaniards they offer only the most obvious of circumstances.  The commentaries and conclusions drawn are normally offered without the reasons for governmental actions in the Nuevo Mundo.  The undercurrent that they inevitably stress for actions taken by the Españoles is almost always the Black Legend and its relentless attack upon the Noble Savage.  These represent their superimposed world view of España’s conduct in her dominions.  This underpinning is served up in concert with the inevitable characterization of the Españoles as Conquistadores or conquerors first, followed by their being greedy, cruel, and bloodthirsty.  

However, I must say that there are several non-Spanish writers, commentators, and historians that I can think of as fair minded and accurate.  I should say at the outset that both the Daughters of the American Revolution and the Sons of the American Revolution have taken a highly ethical and honorable position on España and its subjects during the American Revolution, citing the many kindnesses and assistance given by España to the American Revolution.  Another is Judge Edward Butler who wrote the book “Gálvez.”  A second and third are Granville W. Hough a retired Lieutenant Colonel, amateur genealogist, and historian for forty-five years and his daughter, N. C. Hough.  These in particular are to be commended for their honesty and love of the truth as it relates to España and Españoles.  

Let me clarify, I’m not a historian.  My interest is the legacy of my progenitors, the Españoles and my family, the de Ribera.  They have been misrepresented by those parties which choose to continue in the mischaracterization of the Españoles and España.  Thus, undertaken in this family history is an effort to clarify the state of affairs of Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico during the period covered in this chapter in which my family lines were participants.  

Also, a need exists to once again clarify the complexity of España’s governance of the Nuevo Mundo, Nueva España, and Nuevo Méjico.  That is to say, at any given point in time during the Nuevo Méjico Spanish Period (1598 C.E.-1821 C.E.) governance was dependent upon political, religious, military, and economic circumstances in the Viejo Mundo or Old World and on the ground in the Nuevo Mundo.  In addition, conditions in Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico were in a constant state of flux and transition due many times to circumstances beyond the control of those Españoles in the Nuevo Mundo.  

One important aspect of this includes the fact that España continually underwent political and economic changes which impacted its Nuevo Mundo adversely.  Her initial Iberian Peninsula monarchy, that of Fernando II de Aragón of the House of Trastámara the Kingdom of Aragón and Ysabel I, the daughter of John II of Castilla and Isabella of Portugal the Queen of Castilla, was short-lived.  An Austrian monarchy, the House of Hapsburg, replaced it in the very early-1500s C.E.  And finally, a French monarchy, the Borbóns, of the early-1700s C.E. replaced it.  

The second and third monarchies were decidedly expansionist and meddlesome as it relates to Europe.  This led to constant wars and the misuse of treasure which further undermined her ability to govern the Nuevo Mundo efficiently and effectively.  However, these factors do not make España a totally corrupt entity bent only upon conquest and destruction of Native peoples as anti-Spanish writers and commentators would have us believe.  Propaganda isn’t always correct.  The information provided by these anti-Spanish sources especially that which is obviously of a biased or misleading nature, has been used to promote Britain and the United States over España.  The best offense is a great defense and all of that.  To benefit themselves, they publicized their particular political causes and/or points of view.  Therefore these must be challenged intellectually.  

Additionally, as I’ve stated before, leading Spanish historical figures were and are almost always served up by anti-Spanish historians and commentators as cardboard figures.  These are presented as caricatures devoid of personal background and humanity and given the label “Conquistador” or conqueror.  What this approach suggests is an ongoing ignorance of the facts and conditions.  It also does a disservice to the many Spanish historical figures that played an important part in Nueva España.  

The resulting logic tree is that these Conquistadores after imposing their will upon the conquered only took what they wanted, offering nothing of value to the region.  This is followed inevitably by the idea of unwanted colonization, that position taken by one of the warring parties, the Natives.  According to the anti-Spanish historians and commentators, the Españoles never settled, but always colonized.  Therefore, they cannot be pobladores, or settlers or Ciudádanos, or citizens.  The inevitable result is that the Españoles can only be seen as colonists.  This leads the reader to only one conclusion; the Españoles were somehow illegitimate squatters.  If they were only squatters, whatever they did was of no consequence.  It would then follow that because of the resulting illegitimacy of their colonial presence in the Nuevo Mundo they had no legal standing.  Therefore, before we can proceed with the story of my family, we must begin at the beginning in order to clarify the reality of Spanish settlement.  

Let us begin with an important premise.  The España that these anti-Spanish historians and commentators described did not exist.  They were not simply one people whose psyche was formed by the almost 800 year Spanish “Reconquista” or Reconquest of Iberia and the removal of the Moros or Moors.  My statement is based upon the proposition that España was a place and people that continued to transition from its Iberian inception in 1492 C.E. through its fall as a world empire after 1899 C.E., when it sold its last Pacific Islands.  España was not an Iberian monarchy for long, only 14 years.  In fact, she became an Austrian oriented empire in 1506 C.E. which lasted until 1700 C.E., a period of almost 200 years.  Later, España became a French oriented monarchy from 1700 C.E. through her fall from power in 1899 C.E., or another 200 years.  

Firstly, prior to España’s beginning (1492 C.E.), the lands of the Iberian Peninsula on which it is situated were inhabited by many peoples who had arrived there and settled [Libyans, Celts, Israelites, Carthaginians, Greeks, Romans, Germanic Tribes, Moros (Moors), etc.] over thousands of years.  Therefore, these were not Españoles, but tribes with their own world views, religions, cultures, and governance.  It should be obvious that over the course of time and history these tribes remained by and large separate groups.  Few if any traveled beyond their farm or village.  Therefore, not all led the Reconquista, that tribe was the Germanic Visigoths who later would be called the Kingdom of Castilla.  The others followed into battle when necessary.  

The Iberian tribes did not suddenly coalesce into Españoles upon the defeat of the Moros by the original Germanic Iberian (Spanish) kings of Aragón and Castilla in 1492 C.E.  Instead, all parties went through a gradual evolution until arriving at an accommodation vis-à-vis being Españoles.  As a result, España was based upon the beliefs of many Iberian tribes who came together as a loose group of tribes in the state of becoming Españoles.  

The guiding light of the newly minted España was Ysabel I’s continental state of Castilla.  It was steeped in many centuries of Visigoth culture and history and dedicated to the Reconquista and the defeat of the Islamic Moros.  Aragón’s contribution to the new España was that of a kingdom which was a maritime power and had a close association with France.  The transition of these Iberians to Españoles only became a reality after España’s headlong plunge into exploration and settlement of the Nuevo Mundo.  It was at that point that the men from all of the Iberia tribes partook in the quest and began melding into subjects of el Imperio Español.

Additionally, one must remember that the expanded exploration and settlement of the Nuevo Mundo began and ended with foreign monarchs (Austrian and French), not the Iberians.  What the Anti-Spanish writers fail to understand is that in 1492 C.E. after the defeat of the Moros and the fall of Granada, there was no “one” España.  Instead, Iberia consisted of many Españas governed by one Iberian monarchy.  Therefore, there could have been no unifying Spanish belief other than the religion of Catholicism.  

To clarify, the United States of America of 1776 C.E. was a largely European (British) affair.  Its people, culture, religion, and history were driven by European men.  Today’s America has a large percentage of minority (Non-European) citizens, its half female, and is a melding of cultures and religious views.  Can America of the 18th-Century C.E. be seen as the America of today?  Are the people, language, culture, religion, etc. the same?  The answer is simple.  No!  How then could España remain the same at any given point in time?  The answer, it couldn’t.  

To further compound this problem of Iberian unification, the original Iberian, proto-Spanish kings of Aragón and Castilla only began their control of the majority of the Peninsula in 1492 C.E, the same year that Cristóbal Colón or Columbus sailed to the Nuevo Mundo.  Additionally, control of the newly minted España would only last a short 14 years, until 1506 C.E.  This is a very limited time for creation and consolidation of a new nation.  These transitioning Iberians on the verge of becoming Españoles had fought a long, hard, and bitter struggle of 781 years against the entrenched, obstinate, religiously fanatical Islamic Moros for their freedom.  They had battled, bled, died, and finally beaten a powerful and implacable enemy.  However, they were still separate tribes and not one large consolidated, coalesced Spanish nation.  

By 1504 C.E., Queen Ysabel I of Castilla was dead.  After his wife’s death, Fernando II of Aragón would try to maintain his position over Castilla, but the Castilian Cortés Generales or the royal court of España chose to crown Ysabel's daughter, Joanna, as queen.  Her husband was Felipe I, a Habsburg.  He was the son of the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I and Mary of Burgundy.  Felipe I was declared king of España jure uxoris, serving "by right of (his) wife."  His title of nobility was held by him because his wife held it suo jure, "in her own right."  Soon, Joanna began her journey into insanity.  Those of the old Germanic order of Castilla being Iberians (Españoles) understood the meaning of Iberia (España) as she did.  This was quite a different meaning from those held by the House of Habsburg or House of Austria.  This Iberian Raison d'être was to all be erased with the imposition of sovereign of foreign extraction in 1506 C.E. who knew nothing of that reality.  After all, Austrians were not Iberians.  

Felipe I was eventually declared king, but died later under mysterious circumstances.  At the time, Felipe and Joanna’s oldest son Carlos (Charles Quint) was only six.  It has been suggested that Felipe was possibly poisoned by his Iberian father-in-law, Fernando II.  The Cortés then reluctantly allowed Joanna's father, Fernando II, to rule España as regent of Joanna and young Carlos.  Here it must be remembered that this body had considerable power.  The Cortés Generales or General Courts had already come about when a new social class started to grow.  People living in the cities were neither vassals nor nobles.  The King began admitting representatives from the cities to the Cortés.  By the time of young Carlos, the Cortés already had the power to oppose the King's decisions, thus effectively vetoing them.  In addition, some representatives were permanent advisors to the King, even when the Cortés was not.  

As happens, life sorts itself out and the Habsburgs remained.  While España’s Habsburgs’ were only a part of that major branch of the Habsburg Dynasty, they would be associated with the future history of greater Europe and its issues of succession and power via what they saw as the possibility of a new Roman Empire spanning Europe under the Habsburgs.  España which had begun under the Iberian kings was barely 14 years old and still in its political and cultural infancy when she gradually began her transition from a monarchy with power over Iberia to an Imperial worldwide power.  The Habsburgs would rule España, when Carlos reached majority from 1516 C.E. through 1700 C.E.  This period of España’s history would last 184 years during the 16th-and 17th-centuries C.E.  The great Habsburg rulers would be chiefly Carlos I and Felipe II.  This period of Spanish history would be referred to as the "Age of Expansion."  

Forty-four years later, in 1560 C.E., there were barely 20,000 Españoles in that area of España’s Nuevo Mundo called Nueva España.  The Native population was devastated in the early Spanish Period, with an estimated 70 to 90 percent dying due to disease, famine, and other factors.  There were an estimated 25 million before the conquest and a little over a million by 1605 C.E.  

Here, I must explain to those that seem bent upon presenting España and her people as willingly participants in a planned genocide, it is not so.  This was not a Spanish government sanctioned “Intelligence Operation” housed at Madrid, España.  They did not purposely plan, develop, and execute such actions as disease pandemics in government laboratories, create vaccinations to purposely infect the population with deadly diseases, use drug medications, deadly chemotherapy and radiation prescribed by doctors, or escalate routine diseases such as heart disease, stroke, cancer, and Parkinson’s to kill.  Nor did they deliberately design famines, implement weather modification/control to deliberately produce droughts and floods in food-growing areas to destroy the Native populations.  Rather, the devastation came about in the main by human contact and diseases.  These found undefended human populations in which to grow, make ill, and eventually kill.  Now that I’ve belabored the issue, let’s move on.  

During this period, Spanish imperial expansion reached its zenith of influence, power, and control of territory including the Américas, the East Indies, the Low Countries and territories (now in France and Germany in Europe), the Portuguese Empire (1580 C.E.-1640 C.E.), and other territories such as Ceuta and Oran in North Africa.  

Under the Habsburgs, España dominated Europe politically and militarily through much of the Age of Expansion.  It achieved this by spending much of the Empire’s wealth in Europe and neglecting its Spanish Nuevo Mundo.  However, it would experience a gradual decline of influence under the later Habsburg kings in the second half of the 17-Century C.E.  After these any, many years, in 1700 C.E. the Austrian Habsburg kings would be followed by a new foreign monarchy, the French Borbón kings.  

During the early-18th-Century C.E., the Spanish Borbón kings (Cousins of the French Bourbons) arrived on the Spanish throne.  Immediately upon assuming the throne the Borbón Monarchy wanted complete control over the governance of their worldwide empire.  They arrived only to find the governing machinery of España cumbersome and ill suited for the new century.  It was clear to all that the policies of the last Austrian Hapsburg kings had failed.  

Here, we must make clear that the first Borbón monarch, Felipe V (1700 C.E.-1746 C.E.) and his son Carlos III (1759 C.E.-1788 C.E.) were dedicated to implementing new methods of governing.  These were based upon the French model of governance inspired by the ideals of Enlightenment.  However, this was not the only need of the French.  The Austrian Hapsburgs via España and her wealth had been in an ongoing feud with France over control of Europe.  The Austrians had used the wealth of España to blunt France’s aspirations at every turn.  Now the shoe was on the other foot, as it were.  

What the Borbón monarch faced was entrenched traditionalism.  The new Corona Española's insistence would overcome these impediments and bring España again to a status of world power of the first order.  But she would be opposed.  That opposition would come from France and Britain.  

French and British hostility and their insistence upon displacing España as the world power of the day forced military reforms of the greatest importance to the Corona Española.  Unfortunately, Spanish military forces were spread to thinly across its worldwide empire and committed to various military actions.  España found herself hard pressed to meet the military demands of a global empire attempting to defend its dominions.  This dilemma was most evident in North America than anywhere else.  España concentrated her military forces on the lands and coastlines of the vital Caribbean basin which were the most vulnerable.  This lack of adequate military resources left fewer than 1,000 men to defend the Provincias Internas of Nueva España, that 2,000-mile arc of territory which spread from Las Californias to Louisiana.  

By the 18th and 19th centuries C.E., the Spanish government would become concerned with the fact that the northern frontier provinces of Nueva España were under populated and thus vulnerable to foreign invasion and occupation.  This concern was particularly important in its impact on the settlement of Tejas, Arizona, and Alta California thought to be most vulnerable to foreign invasion.  As a result, the Corona Española would find it necessary, if not essential, to marshal its secular and religious resources to settle these areas quickly and prepare to protect them.  The Españoles had already blazed a trail from Méjico City northward to Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico via its Camino Real.  The trail would be extended from the most northern point of the Camino outward as España expanded her holdings.  

Here, let me add another major point to this discussion.  For some strange reason many people I speak to view España as an exclusively Iberian, monolithic, homogeneous empire from 1492 C.E. through its growth and demise.  To the contrary, it had over the course of centuries in fact become a worldwide, multi-national, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural entity.  Given this reality, it should be noted that to the degree possible, España was inclusive of all its peoples.  Peoples throughout the Empire saw themselves as part of her.  As the Iberian Españoles intermingled with others, these became part of the Imperio Español.  It would be of some value for the reader to begin to see España as an empire made up of many places, peoples, and cultures.  

This is no different than the United States with its Pax Americana of our day.  Her citizens are African-American, Asian-American, Hispanic-American, Native-American, European-American all being part of the greater nation and union.  In this context the term Españoles takes on a larger more complex meaning.  Filipinos, Pacific and Caribbean islanders, some in European non-Iberian nations, and others saw themselves as part of the Empire.  So too, did those in Nueva España.  This happened not only through the government, but the Church, and intermarriage.

By this logic, I’m not suggesting that the right of kings had been done away with or the rights of the average man had increased in el Imperio Español.  What I am saying is that given the cultural values of the time and the governance of each land, nation states had their own unique set of variables which drove day-to-day life.  Given the religious, political, and cultural conditions of the time, each person operated under obvious constraints.  To put European and Spanish society in the context of the freedoms of the 21st-Century C.E., with its citizen’s rights and racial equality would be a mistake.  Instead, one must accept history for what it is.  It is simply a view of a given point in time with religious, economic, social, governance, and political conditions as they existed then.  

The Spanish authorities in Nueva España enjoyed the patronato real or royal patronage over ecclesiastical affairs, granted to the Corona Española by the Catholic Pope.  Based upon the Spanish “New Laws” issued in the 1540s C.E., instructions from the Spanish government were given as to which misiónes were to be founded.  This policy was made to establish Spanish control of the land by teaching Catholicism to the Natives.  It was hoped that this would eventually cause the Natives then to become Spanish Ciudádanos.  According to the plan, they would be the pobladores or settlers of the new forward areas of North America.  It was believed that this was the quickest way of founding Spanish (Expanded view) villas in such remote areas rather than moving large numbers of racially/ethnically Iberian and other European pobladores there from España or southern Nueva España.  It was a wise choice given the fact that well-established communities did not want to be relocated to such remote areas.  

The code of the Spanish New Laws issued early on in the 1540s C.E. stated that (1) Natives should be permitted to dwell in communities of their own, (2) They should be permitted to choose their own leaders and councilors, (3) No Native might be held as a slave, (4) No Native might live outside his own village nor might any Spanish lay-person dwell within a Native village for longer than 3 days and then only if he were a merchant, (5) Natives were to be instructed in the Catholic faith.  This suggests a maturing of Spanish mind and heart as it relates to their fellow man (New World Natives).  

The Spanish misión or mission system was that frontier institution which sought to incorporate Natives into the Imperio Español and its Catholic Church.  It was the Franciscans from several of Nueva España’s provincias or provinces and misiónero or missionary colleges that would establish these misiónes or missions.  Further, the system would ensure their tutelage by misióneros.  However, the Monarchy as patrons, would make final determinations as to where and when misiónes would be established or closed, what administrative policies would be observed, who could be missionaries or misióneros, how many misióneros could be assigned to each misión, and how many soldados or if any would be stationed at a misión.  In turn, the state paid for the misióneros' overseas travel, the founding costs of a misión, and the misióneros' annual salary.  In addition, España intended to introduce the Natives of Nueva España’s Nuevo Méjico to certain aspects of Hispano culture.  

In the case of northern Nuevo Méjico, the home of my progenitors, the misión efforts found river valleys surrounded by snow-covered mountains.  But it was also harsh and unforgiving; one early settler called it a “glorious hell.”  The Españoles, who came to this area in the late-16th-Century C.E., had brought their century's old agricultural and irrigation system traditions with them to the Nuevo Mundo.  They found that the valleys near the Río Grande could be farmed when streams were channeled into irrigation systems.  More than two centuries later, they would move east across the Sangre de Cristo Mountains into new, greener valleys.  Later, the Españoles would encounter new influences from a rapidly expanding United States of America.  

It should be stated here that the misiónes were not intended to be permanent.  Most anti-Spanish, anti-Catholic writers would have us believe that the Catholic Church in concert España planned to have these used indefinitely as reservations.  The truth is the Spanish government thought that within a generation or two, the Natives would become loyal Spanish citizens or Ciudádanos, reclaim their land, and contribute to the Spanish economy.  It was also believed that skilled immigrants would follow the Franciscans to these areas and become pobladores there.  The best laid plans of men and all of that.  

As dictated by a larger plan, the misiónes would be followed by presidios, next Spanish villas, ranchos, and estancias, and mines.  Later, the misióneros supported by Real Cédula or Royal Decree would establish autonomous Native-Christian villas.  

After the founding of a misión, the Corona Española would usually provide military protection and enforcement from a nearby presidio.  The Corona Española would provide protection and order through its presidios.  The term presidio is taken from the Spanish word “presidir” meaning "to preside" or "to oversee."  These were fortified bases for military operations which were established by España in those areas it wanted to maintain control and/or influence over.  

At its inception, the royal government would organize groups of Spanish pobladores to populate the sparsely settled frontier areas in Spanish villas.  The government would also build military guarniciónes or garrisons along the border.  This it did with the intent that the soldados stationed in the presidios would establish families and remain in the area once they retired, as was the case with my progenitors, the de Ribera.  

By the 18th-Century C.E., the next two pronged phase would begin in Nuevo Méjico.  That initial plan had begun with exploration of suitable sites for habitation, the establishment of a misión, followed by the building of a protected presidio for keeping Spanish villas, mines, ranchos, and estancias secure.  These were followed by a Catholic religious Native villa.  It would then progress to a secularized Native villa.  

Introduction of the Natives of Nueva España’s Nuevo Méjico to certain aspects of Hispano culture would be attempted later via a formally established recognition of Native pueblos.  A joint institution of Native communities, the Church, and Corona Española was be instituted later in response to difficulties arising from having left control of relations between Natives on the far flung northern frontier to pobladores and soldados.  At times, the early governance model of these regions led to antagonized and abused Natives.  Therefore, it was believed that the Españoles goals of military, political, economic, and religious expansion in North America would succeed only to the degree the misión effort succeeded.  

Each Native villa would have communal property, labor, worship, political life, and social relations all influenced by the misióneros and insulated from the possible negative influences of other non-Christianized Native groups and the Españoles themselves.  To achieve these ends, the Christian villas would have to be highly organized and disciplined.  

Daily life would follow a well-structured routine.  First and foremost was prayer.  It was followed by the work necessary to ensure self-sufficiency.  Without work there could be no crops and meat from the cattle and sheep.  Churches, buildings, homes, and agricultural structures would need to be constructed.  Training of the villa’s inhabitants was critical to its success.  Meals for a large workforce had to be properly planned and prepared on time.  There was also some time for relaxation.  All of this was followed by frequent religious holidays and celebrations.  

It was hoped that the Natives of the villa would mature in their Christianity.  It was expected that this would be closely intermeshed with the Natives learning Spanish political and economic practices until they would no longer need a special misión status.  In this closely supervised setting their communities could finally be incorporated into normal secularized Spanish society.  This not to say that the policy would immediately overcome the Nuevo Mundo’s highly-regimented racial and class distinctions.  The transition from official misión status to ordinary Spanish society was to be no easy matter.  Additionally, Spanish laws for Nueva España had no specified time for this transition to take effect.  

However, increasing pressure for the secularization of most misiónes would develop during the last decades of the 18th-Century C.E. forcing these changes.  In the end, there would then be an official transaction for such a transition.  The misión's communal properties were to be privatized.  Direction of civil life was to become a secular governance model.  The direction of church life would be transferred from the misiónero religious orders to a Catholic diocesan church.  

The Spanish government also hoped that intermarriage between Españoles and the Natives would increase.  They planned for villas to grow up around the misiónes, which would then become parish churches.  As a result of this policy, the land on which the misiónes were established was not given to the Catholic Church and remained the property of the Spanish government.  It was intended to be held in trust for the Natives.  

As the Españoles explored the vast areas of the most northern part of Nueva España, they named the Natives of the north "ranchería people."  Their fixed points of settlements or rancherías were usually scattered over an area of several miles and one dwelling may be separated from the next by up to a half-mile.  Most of these ranchería people were agriculturalists and farming was their primary activity.  In Nuevo Méjico proper, they found the Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, and other Native tribal groups.  However, early on they did not find the Comanche.  

Given the circumstances of Spanish governance in the Nuevo Mundo, exploration led to control of large expanses of water and land which were very difficult to manage.  Exploration of new territories had remained an important part of España’s efforts in Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico.  Her policy for gradual settlement continued to be based upon the process of misión founding and placement, presidio establishment, Villa building and populating (Both for Españoles and Christianized Natives), and finally the granting of ranchos and estancias.  In this way there was an orderly way to settle each forward area.  But, how was an area to be effectively and efficiently maintained after initial settlement?  

The aforementioned Spanish policies and strategies speak to a higher level of purpose.  The reality on the ground was quite different.  Therefore, before proceeding with this chapter we must first look back to how Spanish settlements in Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico were established, supplied, survived, and then developed from 1598 C.E through the resettlement period led by de Vargas in the 18th-Century C.E.  

Spanish authorities had accepted the reality that no wealthy Native empires like that of the Aztecas conquered in 1521 C.E. would be found north of Nueva España’s Méjico City.  Thus, España’s misión policy and resulting history in the Southwestern part of the North American Continent would be different from that of Azteca Méjico.  It reveals much about España’s strategy for expanding in the region.  Misiónes were to become the basis for future explorations, settlement, and the overall maintenance of the vast areas of the region.  

What are today’s Américano states of Florida, Nuevo Méjico, Tejas, Arizona, and Las Californias were systematically explored for the establishment of Roman Catholic misiónes to be founded for the propagation of its doctrines.  The Franciscan order and its frayles would found a series of misiónes in Florida after 1573 C.E.  These would be established along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts.  The first misiónes in Nuevo Méjico were later to be established by frayles accompanying de Oñate's expedition of 1598 C.E.  

The period of 1600 C.E.-1610 C.E. brought with it further Spanish exploration of the region.  It had been the Late-16th-Century C.E. policy of the Españoles to assign Catholic misióneros as the principal agents for opening up new lands and the pacification of the Natives.  These were at the vanguard of the exploration of Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico.  In addition, the Corona Española also sent out military explorers.  This continued to be the rule.  The Spanish expeditions of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado (1540 C.E.-1542 C.E.) and Don Juan de Oñate (1598 C.E.) convinced those in power that the only gold to be found in the northern parts of Nueva España was that of the Native soul.  Thus, the conversion of the Natives of the region became España’s major goal.  

By 1598 C.E., Capitán and legal officer, Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá (1555 C.E.-1620 C.E.) was placed at the head of an expedition which went forward under the broader Juan de Oñate Expedition.  Between 1601 C.E.-1603 C.E., de Villagrá served as the alcalde mayor of the Guanacevi mines in what is now the Méjicano state of Durango.  He is better known for his authorship of Historia de la Nueva Méjico, published in 1610 C.E.  His work tells a great deal about España’s earliest presence in Nuevo Méjico.  

De Oñate was born in the Nueva España’s city of Zacatecas to Spanish-Basque colonists and Silver mine owners.  His father was Cristóbal de Oñate, a descendant of the noble house of Haro, and his mother Doña Catalina Salazar y de la Cadena who was a descendant by her maternal line of a famous Jewish Converso family the Ha-Levi's.  His ancestor Cadena, in the year 1212 C.E., fought in the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa.  The family was granted a coat of arms and thereafter known as Cadenas.  Juan de Oñate married Isabel de Tolosa Cortés de Moctezuma, granddaughter of Hernán Cortés, the conqueror of the Triple Alliance, and great granddaughter of the Azteca Emperor Moctezuma II Xocoyotzin.  He was hardly a Spaniard of “Clean Blood” that most Anglo-American writers would suggest.  He was in fact a man that exemplified the multi-cultural (Jewish/Christian) reality of el Imperio Español and married a part-Azteca wife.  This should have made the Old Christians envious and critical of his efforts.  

From this point on, I will now present the Spanish settlement of Nuevo Méjico in a timeline fashion, as it is easier to convey the information to the reader.  The initial settlement period we will view as beginning in 1599 C.E with de Oñate Expedition and ending in 1680 C.E. with the Pueblo Insurrection or Revolt.  The second settlement or resettlement period began in 1692 C.E. with the de Vargas re-entry and ends with his death in 1704 C.E.  The third settlement period begins after de Vargas’ death in 1704 C.E., continues through the consolidation of the governance of Nuevo Méjico and expansion throughout northern Nueva España until 1800 C.E.  

The first Spanish group was to the settle Santa Fé de Nuevo Méjico area in 1598 C.E.  At this juncture, it is necessary to clarify a critical historical reality of the conditions into which the Españoles entered when they migrated northward to Nueva España’s Nuevo Méjico and beyond.  It has occurred to me that few non-Spanish commentators and historians view this complexity in its entirety.  By this, I mean to say that the study and understanding by non-Spanish historians of Spanish Nueva España sets the historical stage with misunderstandings of the Españoles and their Native (Indian) relations.  Many non-Spanish writers see this period of history through a perspective which presents Natives as one large homogeneous group.  This is done rather than presenting the Natives as what they were, a series of heterogeneous warring tribes which were constantly vying for power and control over the lands and resources of their enemies, of which the Españoles were only one.  The warring Native tribes didn’t care who their enemy was at any given point in time.  An enemy was simply an enemy.  The ignorant would also tend to see the Spanish Period as having Españoles only originating from Iberian Peninsula stock, rather than from many European nations both under the Imperio Español and from without it.  In addition, many would not include those of mixed races (Mestízos, Mulatos, etc.) who willingly became Españoles in the sense of becoming an active, engaged, participant of that Empire serving her alongside other members of that Imperio Español.  

It should be said that presenting Natives as one large group serves the Anglo-American, Northern European, non-Spanish, anti-Spanish historical narrative where all Spaniards (as one large group of Iberians) are bad and all Natives (as one large group of Natives) are good.  These misguided commentators cannot for the life of them, leave-off using the terms conquistador, colony, colonists, colonizing.  Interestingly, all others making it into the region can be considered natives after some period of settlement.  The Apache and Comanche were not always native to Nuevo Méjico, and yet they are constantly referred to as migrants and then Natives.  Even the Américanos are considered pioneers and later settlers, their colonies are never mentioned.  Where is the fairness?  

In addition, the relationships between the Natives were ever changing and dependent upon many factors and conditions that existed on the ground at any given time.  In short, relationships were fluid.  The context of the Spanish and Native relationship in the region must be viewed in this light.  The enemy of my enemy is my friend, and all of that.  

By the early-17th-Century C.E., the Spanish Misión System was already a guiding institution in northern Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico.  It sought to incorporate Natives into the Imperio Español, with its Catholic religion and Hispano culture.  The system accomplished this through formal establishment and recognition of Native communities under the tutelage of misióneros and the protection and control of the Corona Española.  

The Españoles had already established presidios or fortified guarniciónes of troops incrementally to protect its misiónes, mines, ranchos or ranches, and estancias or farms of the heartland of Nueva España.  These were fortified bases for military operations which were established by España in those areas it wanted to maintain control over and/or influence.  These presidios or fortresses were built to protect against pirates, hostile Natives, and invaders from enemy nations.  In western North America, a rancho del rey or king's ranch would be established a short distance outside a presidio.  This was a tract of land given to the presidio as pasturage for horses and other beasts of burden of the guarnición.  These presidios protected them from attacks by hostile forces from the remote northern areas.  

The first Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, Juan de Oñate (1598 C.E.-1610 C.E.), was under the Virreinato of Nueva España.  As such, he was watched carefully and dealt with harshly when he failed to meet its expectations.  He was a strict, demanding Gobernador who overstepped his bounds of authority which would lead to his removal.  During his tenure the Españoles granted Estancias to pobladores.  Estancia is used here for landed estates of significant size and smaller for Nuevo Méjico.  To use the term hacienda would be imprecise, as it also refers to landed estates of significant size.  In this decade, smaller holdings were termed estancias or ranchos.  These were owned almost exclusively by the Españoles who were either Peninsulares (Born in España.) or Criollos (Born in the Nuevo Mundo) and in rare cases by Mestízos or individuals of mixed-race.  In Méjico landed estates of significant size would be termed haciendas.  

In addition, “Land Grants” were made both to individuals and communities during the Spanish Period (1598 C.E.-1821 C.E.) of Nuevo Méjico.  Unfortunately, nearly all of the Spanish records of land grants that were made in what is now Nuevo Méjico prior to the Pueblo Insurrection (Revolt) of 1680 C.E. were destroyed in that insurrection.  Thus, historians can often only be certain of land grants that were made after the Spanish Resettlement of Nuevo Méjico in 1693 C.E., or termed the “Reconquest” by many writers.  When discussing the period, the preferred term is “Resettlement.”  As a point of reference there were two major types of land grants, private grants made to individuals and communal grants made to groups of individuals for the purpose of establishing settlements.  Communal land grants were also made to Native Pueblos for the lands they inhabited.  

Given the fact that some of my progenitors entered Nuevo Méjico, by 1598 C.E., it is necessary to present certain facts regarding the various Natives tribes in the region.  However, first I will introduce some of my progenitors.  To clarify, I haven’t offered much information on family lines other than the de Ribera as it would be almost impossible to do them all justice in such a limited family history.  However, here I will attempt to offer some insights into some of those other three family lines.



Firstly, I am a direct descendant of Pedro Lucero de Godoi (Godoy).  His was one of the “First Families” of Nuevo Méjico who were members of the original de Oñate settlement Expedition by the Corona Española to Nuevo Méjico (1598 C.E.).  They remained until 1680 C.E., and retuned during the Reconquest of 1692 C.E.

Pedro Lucero de Godoi (Godoy) was born Méjico City, Nueva España c. 1600 C.E.  Pedro died well before the Insurrection (Revolt) of 1680 C.E.  His occupation was that of Teniente-Gobernador and Commanding General of Royal Troops in Nuevo Méjico, in 1663 C.E.  Pedro's first wife was Petronila de Zamora.  By all appearances, she was the Petronila listed as the youngest child of Bartolomé Montoya and María de Zamora when they came to Nuevo Méjico in 1600 C.E.  They had a daughter, Catalina, who married Diego Romero, son of Gaspar Pérez, and also a son Juan, also prominent in local affairs.  Another son, Pedro, Alcalde of Santa Fé at this time (1663 C.E.), might have been a child by Petronila, or else his second wife.  Pedro's known second wife was Francisca Gómez Robledo, who was also active in affairs connected with the Palace of Governors in Santa Fé.  By 1663 C.E., they had five daughters "of marriageable age," and the young Pedro, just mentioned.  Another son, Francisco, is present in later historical events.  One of the daughters, María, who was perhaps the youngest, became the wife of Lazaro de Mizquía.


Juan Lucero de Godoi (1625 C.E.-1693 C.E.) was Pedro's eldest son.  He served as Secretary of Government and War in 1663 C.E.  Until 1693 C.E., he claimed to have served the King for fifty-two years, from the time that he was seventeen until his then present age of sixty-nine.  He had resided in Santa Fé for forty years; his property there was at the "Pueblo Quemado."  Juan was a Sargento Mayor and the Alcalde Mayor of Santa Fé when he escaped the Indian siege of 1680 C.E. with his wife, four grown sons bearing arms, and four grown daughters.  The next year, he was described as having a good stature with a large, pock-marked aquiline face, crooked nose, and fifty-nine years old. (Origins, p.60)


Nicolás Lucero de Godoi, a grandson, was born in Nuevo Méjico, on 1635 C.E. to Juan Lucero de Godoy and Juana De Carvajal.  Nicolás Lucero married María Montoya and had 3 children.  He passed away on 1727 C.E. in Albuquerque.


Miguel Lucero [(de Godoi or Godoy) (Great Grandson of) was born in 1668 C.E. to Nicolás Lucero de Godoi and María Montoya.  He died on June 15, 1709 C.E. and was buried at Zuñi Pueblo, Nuevo Méjico.  Miguel Lucero (de Godoy) was born at Zuñi Pueblo, Nuevo Méjico.  He was married María Ángela Teresa Vallejos at Bernalillo, Nuevo Méjico in 1700 C.E.  She was the daughter of Manuel Vallejos González and María Nicolása López Solis.  Miguel Lucero was found to be living in the Río Abajo at the start of the century.


María Ángela Teresa Vallejos was born before October 16, 1685 C.E. in Ciudád de Méjico, Nueva España, baptized on October 16, 1685 C.E. in Ciudád de Méjico, Nueva España and died after 1750 C.E. in Nuevo Méjico, Nueva España.

Diligencia Matrimonial: In 1700 C.E., at Bernalillo Miguel Lucero (de Godoy), Santa Fé Presidio soldier, son of Nicolás Lucero and María Montoya, natives of Nuevo Méjico living here, married María Ángela Teresa Vallejo, daughter of Manuel Vallejo and María López Solis, both deceased.  Witnesses: José Mascareñas (age 32) native of Méjico City, notary; Joaquín Sedillo (age 35), native of Nuevo Méjico, Cristóba; Jaramillo (age 36).


The children of Miguel Lucero de Godoy and María Ángela Teresa Vallejos were: Manuel, María, born December 1, 1708 C.E., and Manuel Miguel II born on January 6, 1710 C.E.  He was born after the untimely death of his father who was wounded at El Morro.  Manuel Miguel died shortly after at Zuñi on June 15, 1709 C.E., where he was buried in the Misión's sanctuary on the Lectern Side also called the Epistle Side of the church.  On December 8, 1710 C.E., his widow acted as sponsor with one Pedro Lucero, who could well have been her brother-in-law, and one of the sons of old Nicolás Lucero de Godoy.


Manual Miguel Lucero (de Godoy) II (G-G Grandson of) was born on January 6, 1710 C.E. at Alburquerque, Provincia de Nuevo Méjico in the Virreinato de Nueva España.  He died January 25, 1766 C.E. in Tomé, Provincia de Nuevo Méjico part of the Virreinato de Nueva España.  He was the son of Miguel Lucero de Godoy and María Ángela Teresa Vallejos.  Manual Miguel married:

(1)   María Rosa Baca in 1740 C.E.  She died on June 6, 1755 C.E.

(2)   Antónia Durán y Cháves


He was father of Joséfa Lucero; Diego António Lucero; Miguel António Lucero; Manuel Lucero; María de Loreto Lucero, and 12 others.


Manuel Miguel was the bother of María de la Luz Lucero, half-brother of Rosalía Romero; Capitán Pedro Romero; Tadeo Romero; Rosa Margarita Romero; Quiteria Romero and, 2 others.  His occupation was that of a farmer. Loreto Lucero [Daughter of Miguel Lucero (de Godoy) II] married Eusebio Varela


Eusebio Varela is descended from Pedro Varela.  Juan António (c.1742 C.E.-d.?) was his son.  Eusebio Varela descended from the Varelas as follows.  In 1598 C.E., Juan de Onate conquered Nuevo Méjico and established a Spanish colony there.  Among the soldados serving under him were the Varela brothers.  Alonso Varela was of a native of Santiago, Galicia, España.  He was of good stature, chestnut colored beard, 30 years of age, son of Pedro Varela.  He supplied a complete armor for himself and his horse.  Alonso had a brown beard and was of a good stature.  Most of de Oñate’s soldados were not described as having “a good stature.”  Alonso was a brother to the Pedro Varela.


Pedro Varela was also a native of Santiago, Galicia, España.  He was of good stature, red-bearded, 24 years of age, son of Pedro Varela, and supplied the complete armor for himself and his horse.  He was “of a good stature” and “red-bearded.”  He was a brother to Alonso Varela.


From Don Juan de Oñate, Colonizer of New Mexico 1595-1628, Vols. I & II:  Statement of what I, Pedro Varela, am taking to serve his majesty in the Indies in Nuevo Méjico:

·       One set of armor consisting of a coat of mail, cuisse, and beaver of mail

·       One strong buckskin jacket

·       One harquebus with its equipment

·       One hooked blade

·       One sword

·       One pound of powder

·       One set of horse armor

·       One leather shield

·       Ten horses and one donkey

·       Half a dozen pairs of horseshoes with nails

·       Two jineta saddles with all their trappings and bridles


“I am taking all of this to serve his majesty, and I swear by God and this cross that everything contained herein is mine.  Done on this day, December 7, 1597 C.E., Pedro Varela.”  There was a list for his brother Alonso, though Alonso brought 12 horses and 2 mules.  Alonso was sworn in on the same day as Pedro.


It is from this family line that the Varelas descend.  Juan Lucero de Godoy (Antónia Varela de Losada, Juan, Pedro, Pedro, Pedro) was born 1684 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  He died on November 23, 1741 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  On May 7, 1713 C.E., he married Ysabel López Lujan at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  She was born 1692 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico and died August 9, 1771 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  She was the daughter of Pedro Lujan and Francisca Martín Salazar.  Children of Juan Lucero de Godoy and Ysabel López Lujan were as follows:

·       María Antónia Lucero de Godoy was born in 1714 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married Luís Varela Jaramillo who was born in 1710 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  He was the son of Cristóbal Varela Jaramillo and Leonor Lujan Dominguez.  They were married on November 23, 1729 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.

·       Juan Lucero de Godoy was born in 1716 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.

·       Francisca Alfansa Lucero de Godoy was born in 1718 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She died January 1786 C.E. at Albuquerque, Bernalillo Nuevo Méjico.  She married Salvadór Manuel Secundo Armijo.

·       María Ygnacia Lucero de Godoy was born in 1721 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married Manuel Sáenz Garvisu.

·       Ysabel Lucero de Godoy was born 1722 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She died in 1758 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  She married Alonzo García de Noriega.

·       Pedro António Lucero de Godoy was born in 1724 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  He married Margarita Lobato.


José Varela (Son of Eusebio) married Rita Otero


Bernardo Varela (Son of José) married Altagracia López


Marcelina Varela (Daughter of José) married Cruz Cebelles (Ceballos)

Amalia Ceballes (Daughter of Cruz) married Isidro Ribera (Rivera)


With all of that said, we will now get on with our story.  

A Navajo Nation Territory Map is provided for informational purposes.  As can be seen, the Navajo pueblos surrounded the Spanish villa of Santa Fé.


Ten years after the Españoles settled Nuevo Méjico in 1598 C.E. the Navajos had obtained sheep, cattle and horses from Pueblo Natives and were tending them.  After 1700 C.E., the Españoles would find the Navajo to be a scourge because of their constant raids and alliances with other Natives.  The tribe managed intermittent peace with one tribe or another, while it raided and fought the Españoles and others.  The Navajo feared only the Utes, who learned Plains warfare and used it effectively.  It is clear that once the Plains tribes acquired the horse, they developed Native warfare into an art.


As can be seen by this map, there was a second and important Native group the Pueblo Natives.  They were wide-spread and covered what are now four American states.  In the early Spanish Period, it would be difficult for a small hand-full of soldados to manage such an extensive area in order to control these pueblos and their warriors.


These Pueblo Natives were groups of natives in central Nuevo Méjico and northeast Arizona that resided in permanent stone or adobe dwellings.  The term “Pueblo” refers to a cultural classification, which disregards language and tribal lines that separate the various Pueblo groups.  The Pueblo were mainly agricultural, growing principally beans and maíz along with pumpkins, and sometimes cotton.  Despite the arid weather, the Pueblos were excellent farmers.  The Natives did some limited hunting, mostly for jackrabbits.  Crafts such as weaving, pottery, and basket making were fashioned with great skill and artistry.  Women crafted pots, made bread, and were the owners of the homes and gardens.  The men and women shared in activities such as basket and cloth weaving, basket, building houses, and farming.  Individual “pueblos” were independent identities that had connections to other pueblos through related customs and languages.  

Converting the Pueblo Natives through misión efforts became an integral goal of Spanish governance.  It should be noted that many Pueblos converted for the protection against their traditional enemies the Apache and the Navajo which the Spanish presence afforded them.  Later, with religious conversion not complete among the Pueblos, there emerged forms of resistance which would lead to war.  

A third tribal group, the Apaches, would first be encountered by the Españoles when they lived peacefully on the plains.  The word "Apache" comes from the Yuma word for "fighting-men."  It also comes from a Zuñi word meaning "enemy."  Some experts refer to the Apaches as diverse bands" of hunter-gatherers "related linguistically to the Athapaskan speakers of Alaska and western Canada.  The Apaches were composed of six regional groups: The Western Apaches (Coyotero) of eastern Arizona; (2) the Chiricahua of southwestern Nuevo Méjico, southeastern Arizona, Chihuahua and Sonora; (3) the Mescalero of southern Nuevo Méjico; (4) the Jicarilla of Colorado, northern Nuevo Méjico and northwestern Tejas; (5) the Lipan Apache of Nuevo Méjico and Tejas; and (6) the Kiowa Apache of Colorado, Oklahoma, and Tejas.  

It must be said that they occasionally raided nearby tribes.  Later, when the Españoles first began settling in what is now the American Southwest they changed the dynamics of the region by introducing horses.  The Apache quickly adopt horses into their culture.  Unfortunately, as they did, they used them to dominate their neighbors through mobile warfare.  

A report on the Apache would be compiled and printed for the King of España later at Madrid in 1630 C.E.  It was written by a Nuevo Méjico misiónero Franciscan fray.  Called “The Memorial of Fray Alonso Benavides,” it was a comprehensive account of the Apaches as they existed in that period.  Wherein, Benavides refers to all the outlying native tribes in Nuevo Méjico as Apaches.  He classifies them as Gila Apaches, Navajo Apaches, and Apaches Vaqueros.  It must be stated here that even then the Apaches were a terror to the other native tribes of the region.  However, at that point in time they did not present a difficulty for the Españoles.  

What is also of importance is the fact that the Native Pueblo villages on the Río Grande were surrounded by the Apache nation.  It was written that as a people, the Apache “were very fiery and bellicose, and very crafty in war.  Even in the method of speaking, they show a difference from the rest of the nations.”  Here one must accept that before the arrival of the Españoles Native vs. Native warfare was already a harsh reality.  The Españoles would only be one more tribe to contend with.  

A fourth and very important Native group were the Comanche.  The earliest known use of the term "Comanche" would come in 1706 C.E., when Comanches were reported to be preparing to attack far outlying Pueblo settlements in southern Colorado.  By the beginning in the 1740s C.E., more Comanches would begin crossing the Arkansas River from their earlier territories between the Platte and Arkansas Rivers in eastern Colorado and western Kansas.  They would then establish themselves on the edges of the Llano Estacado or Staked Plains which extended from western Oklahoma across to the Tejas Panhandle into Nuevo Méjico.  The areas they controlled would become known as the Comancheria.  These extended south from the Arkansas River across central Tejas and into the vicinity of San António.  It included the entire Edwards Plateau west to the Pecos River and went northward following the foothills of the Rocky Mountains up to the Arkansas.  

There were many other Native tribes in the various regions of Nueva España.  Many of these were warlike and would challenge the Españoles for supremacy.  

In the decade from 1610 C.E.-1620 C.E., Spanish exploration would continue as would its misión building.  The Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España was Pedro de Peralta (1610 C.E.-1614 C.E.).  Sometime between 1617 C.E.-1620 C.E. a Franciscan fray became a resident at Pecos, Nuevo Méjico and a church was constructed not far from the Pueblo.  The Spanish era in the Upper Pecos Valley had begun.  To provide governance and security for the misiónes during the period, the establishment of presidios and the building and populating of Villas would follow.  De Peralta would be succeeded by Gobernador Bernardino de Ceballos (1614 C.E.-1618 C.E.).  As had happened in the earlier decade, these Gobernadores would ensure that land grants for estancias and ranchos were given to eligible pobladores.  

With Spanish expansion, Natives of the region would begin to have concerns about encroachment upon their traditional territories.  These included, the Navajo, Pueblo, and to some degree, the Apache.  The Comanche, however, had not yet arrived on the scene in full force and were not impacted.  

The decade of 1620 C.E.-1630 C.E., saw continued exploration and the planting of misiónes.  During the next 100 years the Franciscans would found more than 40 additional misiónes, most of these along the Río Grande.  Fray Alonso de Benavides was especially influential in directing the founding of 10 misiónes between 1625 C.E.-1629 C.E.  Thereafter, he promoted them ably in España.  

The misiónes of San Buenaventura and San Isidro were established at the Pueblo de Las Humanas at the Gran Quivira which is located at the top of the windy Chupadero Mesa on the south rim of the Estancia Basin of central Nuevo Méjico.  During the early period of Spanish settlement of Nuevo Méjico, Franciscan misióneros undertook the conversion of the Salinas Pueblos.  Four of the misiónes established at that time are now included La Purisma Concepcion at Quarai, San Gregorio at Abó, and San Buenaventura and San Isidro at Gran quivira, or Pubelo de Las Humanas, as it was called in the 17th-Century C.E.  The other Salinas misiónes were at Cililí, Taxique, and Tabirá.  The church of Misión San Isidro was constructed between 1629 C.E.-1631 C.E.  The convento of this original misión was situated in a remodeled and extended portion of the house block north of the church.  Misión San Buenaventura de las Humanas (Gran Quivira) was established in 1629 C.E.  

Expansion of Spanish control over the area of Nueva España outside of Nuevo Méjico was also a feature of España’s policy.  To ensure that a continuing string of presidio protection was developed and employed for Nueva España’s northern most areas, protective presidios continued to be established and manned during this decade such as the Presidio de Santa Catalina de Tepehuanes (1620 C.E.-1690's C.E.?) in Santa Catarina de Tepehuanes, Durango.  There was also the placement of the Presidio San Gregorio de Cerralvo, founded in 1626 C.E. in Nuevo León, Méjico.  Other Misiónes and villas were also being built at a steady pace during the period.  

Overseeing all of this for Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España was Juan Álvarez de Eulate y Ladrón de Cegama (1618 C.E.-1625 C.E.).  He was born in Améscoa Baja, a town in Navarra, northern España.  As a Spanish soldado who served with distinction in the Netherlands.  In 1602 C.E., de Eulate travelled to Flanders at his own expense and enlisted in the army of Albert VII, Archduke of Austria.  Juan Álvarez fought with valor in the brutal and protracted Siege of Ostend, and was twice wounded.  He served under Don Ambrogio Spinola Doria, 1st Marqués of the Balbases Grandee of España in two expeditions into Friesland, again distinguishing himself for his bravery.  In 1608 C.E., he was given a certificate testifying to his excellent character and service, and was allowed to return to España.  De Eulate was also a Capitán in the Spanish fleet from 1608 C.E. to 1617 C.E.  Juan Álvarez would be followed by Gobernador Felipe de Sotelo Osorio (1625 C.E.-1630 C.E.) who had joined the Spanish Navy in his youth, eventually becoming an Admiral.  

Both of these Gobernadores provided land grants for ranchos and estancias in the Provincia.  Those living in the region would experience Navajo unrest as a continued problem, while the Pueblo and Apache contributed few difficulties.  The Comanche as of yet had not come on the scene.  

The decade of 1630 C.E.-1640 C.E. brought with it continued Spanish exploration in the region along with the establishments of misiónes.  San Isidro Misión in San Isidro, Doña Ana County in Nuevo Méjico was built between 1630 C.E. and 1635 C.E. of limestone quarried on site.  The church measured 109 feet long by 29 feet wide.  Inglesia de San Isidro was very similar in design to the church at Abó.  A campo santo, or walled cemetery, is attached to the structure just east of the church.  From 1631 C.E., Misión San Isidro was administered as a Visita of Abó, until 1659 C.E., when the new church and convento of San Buenaventura were begun.  A Visita was a visiting station or encampment of friendly Natives close to a misión.  The Inglesia de San Isidro was a focus of treasure hunters following the abandonment of Gran Quivira.  

The Santa Fé Presidio continued providing protection for the region.  The Villa of Santa Fé was the capital and economic hub of the region and administered by four Gobernadores of Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España during the decade.  The first was Gobernador Francisco Manuel de Silva Nieto (1630 C.E.-1632 C.E.).  He was followed by Gobernador Francisco de la Mora Ceballos (1632 C.E.-1635 C.E.), Gobernador Francisco Martínez de Baeza (1635 C.E.-1637 C.E.), and Gobernador Luís de Rosas (1637 C.E.-assassinated 1641 C.E.).  These continued land grants for both estancias and ranchos.  

Natives in the region, the Navajo, Pueblo, and Apache were relatively calm.  The Comanche were not yet a pronounced problem.  

The decade of 1640 C.E.-1650 C.E. had continued Spanish exploration and misión building.  In seeking to introduce both Catholicism and European methods of agriculture, the misiónes encouraged the Natives to establish their settlements close by, where the frayles could give them religious instruction and supervise their labor.  Unfortunately this arrangement exposed the natives to European diseases, against which they had little immunity.  An epidemic in Nuevo Méjico killed 3,000 Natives (Natives) in 1640 C.E.  This did not stop the establishment of Misión San Gregorio de Abó in 1640 C.E. by Fray Francisco Acevedo.  

Spanish presidio placement continued in northern Nueva España for the protection of the Españoles.  The Presidio de San Miguel de Cerrogordo (1648 C.E.-1767 C.E.) in Villa Hidalgo Durango was one such addition.  

The decade brought a new Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, Juan Flores de Sierra y Valdés (Died 1641 C.E.) a Spanish soldier who joined the Spanish Army in his youth and later became a General of the Army.  He was soon followed by Gobernador Francisco Gómes (acting, 1641 C.E.-1642 C.E.), Francisco Gómes was born in 1576 C.E. in Villa de Coima, Portugal.  He was the son of Manuel Gómes and Ana Vicente and became an orphan at an early age.  Francisco was then raised in Lisbon by his only brother, Alvaro (or Alonso) Gómes, a Franciscan who worked as a high sheriff of the Holy Office of the Inquisition.  His family was probably of noble origin.  Gómez resided for a time in Madrid at the house of Alonso de Oñate, the brother of Juan de Oñate.  This placed him in the court of King Felipe II during the king's illness.  Gómes probably lived there until the death of king in 1598 C.E.  The next Gobernador was Alonso de Pachéco de Herédia (1643 C.E.).  He was followed by Gobernador Fernando de Argüello (1644 C.E.-1647 C.E.), and Gobernador Luís de Guzmán y Figueroa (1647 C.E.-1649 C.E.).  Each would provide for new land grants for estancias and ranchos and provide for governance of the mostly peaceful Natives of the region.  

In the years of 1650 C.E. to 1660 C.E., there would be continued activity in the areas of exploration.  Misión planning and administration would be ongoing in the mid-1600s C.E., as Spanish officials created the Jurisdicción de las Salinas near the area of Misión Nuestra Señora de Purísima Concepción de Quarai which included Las Humanas, Abó and Quarai, as well as Cililí, Tajique, and Tabirá.  Presidio protection remained an important aspect of Spanish control during the period.  The Villas of the region continued to grow and prosper.  Four Gobernadores would administer Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España, Gobernador Hernándo de Ugarte y la Concha (1649 C.E.-1652 C.E.), Gobernador Juan de Samaniego y Xaca (1652 C.E.-1656 C.E.).  

Gobernador Juan Manso de Contreras (1656 C.E.-1659 C.E.) followed de Samaniego y Xaca.  De Contreras was born in la Villa de Loarca, Consejo de Valdes, in Oviedo (Asturias, España).  He lived in Sevilla (Andalucía, España).  Juan Manso was the younger half-brother of Fray Tomás Manso who later became the bishop of Nicaragua.  This appointment led to good relations with the Franciscans.  Juan and Tomás Manso traveled to Nueva España around 1652 C.E., on a mission to supply caravans from Méjico City to Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  By 1656 C.E., he was involved with mission supply wagons.  

Juan Manso was appointment Gobernador of Santa Fé de Nuevo Méjico in 1656 C.E.  He soon issued legislation against the Pueblo Natives, over religious issues.  Contreras would create many enemies among the pobladores in Nuevo Méjico.  One of these enemies was a soldier, Francisco de Anaya Almazán.  Almazán occupied several important positions in both military and administrative areas of government.  Manso had him jailed, although he was able to escape with the assistance of Pedro Lucero de Godoy and Francisco Gómez de Robledo.  The reasons of imprisonment of Anaya are unknown.  

Manso was replaced in the Nuevo Méjico government in 1656 C.E. by Bernardo López de Mendizábal.  Gobernador Bernardo López de Mendizábal (1659 C.E.-1660 C.E.).  De Mendizábal (1620 C.E.-September 16, 1664 C.E.) was a Spanish politician, soldier, religious, and native of what is today Méjico.  He served as Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico between 1659 C.E.-1660 C.E. and as alcalde mayor, or royal administrator in Guayacocotla on the Sierra Madre Oriental, northeast of Méjico City.  

De Mendizábal was born about 1620 C.E. in the town of Chietla, in Puebla (present-day Méjico) at the family’s hacienda.  His father, Cristóbal López de Mendizábal, was a Basque Capitán and legal representative.  His mother, Leónor Pastrana, was the granddaughter of Jew, Juan Núñez de León.  De León had been prosecuted by the Inquisition for having been accused of secretly practicing the Jewish religion.  López also had a brother, Gregorio López de Mendizábal.  López studied arts and canon law at a Jesuit college located at Puebla and finished his studies at the university in Méjico City.  Mendizábal would later join the Spanish Army, where he served in the "Galleon de la Armada" and was stationed for a time at the Presidio of Cartagena de Indias in modern-day Colombia.  López occupied government positions in Nueva Granada, Cuba, and Nueva España.  

Among other of Lopez's directives as gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, he prohibited the Franciscan priests from forcing the Natives to work without being paid.  He was one who recognized the rights of the Natives to practice their religion.  Lopez also permitted the Pueblos to perform their religious dances and religious practices which had been prohibited for over 30 years.  These decisions caused disagreements with the Franciscan misióneros of Nuevo Méjico in their relations with the Natives.  A man named Contreras moved to Méjico City, where he remained until 1661 C.E.  In that same year, he was appointed Alguacil mayor, or chief constable, to Nuevo Méjico.  His responsibility was to arrest Bernardo López de Mendizábal following a commission from the Inquisition.  Mendizábal was arrested in the spring of 1663 C.E. before completing his administration.  He was condemned to prison by the Inquisition on thirty-three counts of malfeasance and the practice of Judaism in 1660 C.E., leading to his being replaced in 1663 C.E.  De Mendizábal died in prison before the final verdict was reached.  His arrest may have been due to his mother, Leonor Pastrana, a granddaughter of a Jew, Juan Núñez de León.  Juan was prosecuted by the Inquisition for having been accused of being a secretly practicing Jew.  Contreras later moved to Parral, in Nueva Vizcaya where he became administrator of the Nuevo Méjico Misión wagons.  He supplied wagons while working in Parral until his death in 1671 C.E.  

Each of the gobernadores had guided the provisioning of land grants for new estancias and ranchos and had also continued Spanish efforts to Hispanicize the region’s Native populations.  

By the decade of 1660 C.E.-1670 C.E., exploration and misiónes were permanent ways of life for the region’s pobladores.  With continued protection from the Presidio of Santa Fé and the Villa prospering, its Spanish population thought all was well.  Unfortunately, the Spanish Provincia de Nuevo Méjico was to become the victim of a looming catastrophe in the decades of the 1660s C.E. and 1670s C.E.  With repeated disputes between Franciscan frayles and royal gobernadores over the use of Native labor and differing attitudes toward Native religious practices, the Pueblos were conflicted.  Additionally, the Españoles were prone to rancorous disputes and occasional violence, as each partisan faction vied for preeminence.  

Under these political conditions the Pueblo Natives of the Provincia became the objects of attack for their beliefs.  They were alternately persecuted for practicing them and later having them tolerated.  However, the Church could not and would not condone them.  As for Native labor, it was at times abused and its resulting products were appropriated by greedy government officials and over-zealous misióneros.  The resulting widespread discomfort and anger in Nuevo Méjico was exacerbated by unending droughts, contagious diseases and their ravages, and Apache raids against all quarters of the Provincia.  This combination of circumstances and their negative impacts would later reach their severest levels during the 1670s C.E.  

Yet, even with these problems the Españoles flourished.  The Villa of Alburquerque (present-day Albuquerque, Nuevo Méjico) was founded in 1660 C.E. to meet the needs for expansion.  To administer the Villa and the rest of Nuevo Méjico four new Gobernadores for Nuevo Méjico would be appointed.  The Virreinato of Nueva España appointed Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa Briceño y Berdugo (1661 C.E.-1664 C.E.).  He was a Lima-born soldado.  Peñalosa's administration was notable for its positive treatment of the Pueblo Natives and their religious practices.  This earned him the hostility of the Roman Catholic frayles, who were determined to Christianize Native populations.  He later was declared a blasphemer and heretic by a Catholic tribunal.  Forced into exile, he would become an active opponent of España’s interests and offered his services to England and France, España’s rivals in the colonization of the Nuevo Mundo.  On March 6, 1662 C.E., he led the Quivira Expedition.  This expedition was later turned into a legend with a variety of fantastic objects.  

Juan Durán de Miranda (First time as governor 1664 C.E.-1665 C.E.) was a soldier who served as Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico in the 1600s C.E.  He occupied the position of Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico twice (1664 C.E.-1665 C.E. and 1671 C.E.-1675 C.E.).  He was arrested in 1665 C.E.  Despite this, he was eventually appointed for a second term in Nuevo Méjico in 1671 C.E.  

During this period, the Nuevo Méjico government, the state, and the Church clashed.  Power over civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions was at issue as one of the authorities abandoned its responsibility thus undermining the provincial government.  This caused the Natives to increasingly reject the power and authority of el Imperio Español.  In addition, the Misión Supply Service of the Mansso Administration became ineffective which damaged Nuevo Méjico's stability.  Since the misiónes supplied food for the territory's population, this failure negatively impacted the region.  

In July 1671 C.E., Miranda elevated Juan Domínguez de Mendoza to the rank of Mariscal del Campo or Field Marshal and led a military campaign against the Gila Apache and the "Siete Ríos Apaches," in the south of Nuevo Méjico.  

During de Miranda’s first administration, a faction led by Tomé Domínguez de Mendoza accused and filed charges against Juan.  These charges caused Miranda to be imprisoned for a brief period in the Casa de Cabildo or Council Jail at Santa .  In addition, he was subjected to "an iniquitous residencia."  This was a judicial review of an official’s acts conducted at the conclusion of his term of office.  In this case for it was for wickedness.  All of his goods were confiscated.  However, later he was released when he argued successfully at Méjico City against the accusations for which he was charged.  Also, he was able to recover his property and position.  

In 1675 C.E., Miranda was replaced by Juan Francisco Treviño as Gobernador.  

Next, came Gobernador Tomé Domínguez de Mendoza (acting, 1664 C.E.).  De Mendoza (1626 C.E.-After 1692 C.E.) was a Spanish soldier (native of modern Méjico) who served as acting Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico in 1664 C.E.  De Mendoza was born in 1626 C.E., in Méjico City.  His father was a Spanish officer with the same name who arrived in Nuevo Méjico with the Juan de Oñate expedition of 1598 C.E.  He had at least two siblings including the soldier Juan Domínguez de Mendoza.  

De Mendoza joined the Spanish Army in his youth.  Before 1662 C.E., he lived below Isleta Pueblo, Nuevo Méjico.  When Mendoza arrived in Nuevo Méjico, a faction led by him accused and "filed grave charges" against the Gobernador of the provincia of Nuevo Méjico Juan Durán de Miranda, which caused imprisonment and the seizure of his goods.  In 1664 C.E., Tomé was appointed Acting Gobernardor of Santa Fé de Nuevo Méjico.  However, his government would only last a short time.  Juan Durán de Miranda (1664 C.E.-1665 C.E.) was released from prison when he defended his actions while in office about the charges issued against him in Méjico City, recovering his government position in the provincia a year later.  

In August 1680 C.E., Tomé, his family, and other residents of Río Abajo, Nuevo Méjico would escape to El Paso del Norte, Ciudád Juarez in what is today modern Méjico.  The present-day Méjicano villa of Paso del Norte at Ciudád Juárez was founded in 1667 C.E.  There, he held several positions.  One of the positions he occupied was Maeses de Campo "with full complement of arms."  In 1681 C.E., Mendoza, at sixty-one years old, died from gout and a stomach disease.  

Gobernador Juan Durán de Miranda (1664 C.E.-1665 C.E.) was then followed by Gobernador Fernando de Villanueva y Armendáris (1665 C.E.-1668 C.E.).  Fernando (died May 17, 1679 C.E.) was a Spanish soldier, judge, and politician who served as Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  

Fernando was born in the early 17th-Century C.E. in San Sebastián, in Quetzaltenango.  He was the son of Fernando de Villanueva y Armendáris and Clara de Irigoyen.  In 1630 C.E., as a teenager, he was enlisted in the Marina de guerra real Español of España or Spanish Royal Navy.  By 1634 C.E., he was promoted to the rank of second alférez in the army of Cataluña.  There, he fought against the French, which attempted to invade Leocata (a place in Cataluña), and he successfully drove out the besieging army.  In April 1637 C.E., he joined the Royal Indian Navy, where he fought in Algarve (in southern Portugal).  Also, he received the promotion to soldier in the presidio, on the Caribbean island of St. Martin, while in the army.  

He became a Teniente and sargento mayor or sergeant major of the presidio on the island.  On four occasions, Villanueva traveled to Puerto Rico to get supplies that were needed on the island.  In three of these trips, he had to fight against hostile forces.  On the trip he fought against the British on the island of Anguilla and defeated them.  

Later, he left Saint Martin and traveled to Nueva Vizcaya (consisting of the current Chihuahua and Durango, Méjico), where he obtained the title of Justicia Mayor and Capitán a Guerra (Chief Judge and War Captain) in the Guanaceví mines and San Pedro, in the villa of the Tepehuán people.  While there, Villanueva kept peace.  When revolt later broke out, he participated in putting down the rebellion which resulted in charges being filed against him.  After leaving the provincia, he joined the Barlovento Army, with the goal to protect new international possessions of España.  The Barlovento Army was also called the Armada de las Islas de Barlovento y Seno Méjicano.  It had been authorized by the Corona Española about 1635 C.E.  The name was abbreviated to Armada de Barlovento, or Windward Fleet.  The purpose was to police the sea lanes in the Golfo de Méjico and the Caribbean Sea protecting Spanish shipping and coastal settlements from foreign raiders.  

The return of the Barlovento Army to España allowed Villanueva to return to Cataluña in 1644 C.E., so that he could fight in the Thirty Years War.  In March 22, 1646 C.E., he returned to the Barlovento Army.  After he arrived in Veracruz, Villanueva became ill and obtained permission from the Commandante-General to stay there for a while.  

The last Gobernador of the decade was Capitán Juan de Medrano y Mesía (1668 C.E.-1671 C.E.).  As with the others, he would preside over the administration and granting of lands for estancias and ranchos.  He would also attempt to keep the Natives of the region peaceful.  He was appointed to office by Virrey António Sebastián de Toledo and began his administration suffering persistent raids and hostilities from the Apaches.  During that period the hostilities caused fear and worry among the pobladores.  It is also given as the reason for the abandonment of Chililí and all the other pueblos in the vicinity of Salinas.  The Gobernador was to experience rivalry from his own both lay and ecclesiastical Españoles which was reportedly due to continued controversy among them.  

It is reported that very serious charges were instigated against him.  He fled his house with a Cristo in hand, a lanza, and cloak on his shoulder.  It’s said he shouted that he was leaving for Méjico to seek justice from God and the King against a people abandoned by God.  He reached Méjico safely, as about 1673 C.E. the future Misión Supply Service had not been definitely decided.  At that time, he made bid on the contract two bids were received, one from the Franciscan Order and the other from Medrano.  His was the more favorable.  In 1674 C.E., it was decided that the wagons were to be sold and all accounts settled.  The regular journeys of the caravans, organized for transporting supplies to Nuevo Méjico and the contracts came to an end.  This was not the end of the supply service.  Medrano failed to receive the contract.  

With the coming new decade of 1670 C.E.-1680 C.E., for Nuevo Méjico exploration would continue.  Also, maintenance of the misiónes would be an ongoing effort.  It is important to remember that in 1680 C.E., there were less than 2,400 Españoles in Nuevo Méjico.  Therefore, the expansion of misiónes meant thousands of friendly natives rather that warring tribes.  

Outside of Nuevo Méjico in 1670 C.E., Chichimecas invaded Durango.  Gobernador, Francisco González was forced to abandon its defense.  Native insurrections were a continual problem throughout Nueva España.  

Unfortunately, for the Españoles they had to great a faith in their Presidio at Santa Fé and the strength of their Villa.  The Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, Juan Durán de Miranda (1671 C.E.-1675 C.E.) would do little to improve either.  By 1672 C.E., Pueblo de Las Humanas was abandoned and nothing could be done.  The Apaches of northern Nuevo Méjico became more and more dangerous as time went on.  In a raid on a Zuñi pueblo, about 1672 C.E., and other pueblos farther east, they killed several frayles.  

Disease among the Natives was a continued problem.  Nueva España’s El Paso had more than 25 percent of its Misión Natives fall victim to Typhus before the scourge ended in early-1675 C.E.  

The next Gobernador, Juan Francisco Treviño (1675 C.E.-1679 C.E.) would inherit a disintegrating situation and only make it worse.  With the administration at Santa Fé of Gobernador Treviño the wave of misery increased to its highest point.  Under his failed leadership, Pueblo religious practice suffered unprecedented assaults.  On the Gobernador’s orders kivas and pueblo ceremonial rooms were demolished and destroyed.  During his first year in office, Gobernador Treviño had 47 Pueblo religious leaders publicly whipped.  Four of which were later executed by hanging.  The Pueblos reacted swiftly and forcefully.  A large mob of insurgents laid siege to the provincial capital of Santa Fé.  Approximately 70 entered the villa, breached the Gobernador’s Palacio, and took Don Treviño prisoner.  

Later, in exchange for his life the Gobernador was forced to release the remaining Pueblo religious leaders.  These actions did little to help the situation.  The Pueblos remained angry and resentful.  Almost immediately, agitation and the planning for a wide-spread Pueblo insurrection against Spanish authority were underway.  One of the freed leaders, Po'pay, of San Juan Pueblo was to be the principal leader behind the Pueblo Insurrection which was to oust the Españoles.  The principal war chiefs who acted with Po'pay were El Jaca of Taos, Don Luís Tupatú of Picurís, Alonso Catiti of Santo Domingo, Luís Cuniju of Jémez, António Bolsas the spokesperson for the Tanos Pueblos, Cristóbal Yope of San Lázaro, and Keres leader Altónio Malacate.  

To make matters worse, there was open war between the Pueblo Natives and the Apaches at this time.  Affairs continued to grow out of control, and about 1676 C.E., the Apaches destroyed churches and villas and killed a good many Españoles.  The Spanish settlements were without suitable defense, each frontier station having only five men poorly armed and almost no horses.  

By 1678 C.E., the Salinas pueblos and their misiónes at Cililí, Taxique, and Tabirá began experiencing grave problems.  By the late-1670s C.E., the entire Salinas District near the area of Misión Nuestra Señora de Purísima Concepción de Quarai was depopulated of Native and Spanish inhabitants.  This was primarily due to a number of hardships including a series of droughts, Apache attacks, and unrest within the Spanish government causing people at Quarai to decide to leave the pueblo.  Tiwa speaking inhabitants it is said joined their linguistic kinsmen along the Río Grande.  It is reported that by 1678 C.E., none of the Salinas Valle pueblos and misiónes had inhabitants.  

The next Gobernador was António de Otermín (1679 C.E.-1680 C.E.).  It is assumed that he was born in the family home Otermín, which in this time was recorded as Otromín House.  It is located on the foothills of the Massif de Aralar, natural border between Gipuzkoa and Navarra, España.  Treviño served as titular Gobernador until 1683 C.E.  De Otermín, Governador Treviño's replacement, arrived inheriting an explosive situation in 1678 C.E.  One can speculate that Don Otermín had some knowledge of the precarious nature of the Nuevo Méjico situation before assuming the governorship.  It has been suggested that he did little to mitigate the enmity which had already driven a wedge between the Españoles and the Pueblos.  

It has been offered that others, including a poblador named Francisco Javier, who had served as Treviño's secretary of government and war, were leading advocates for the relentless campaign against Native religious practices.  However, Don Otermín retained Javier’s services in the same position.  There is also some suggestion that those who had been responsible for the campaign had remained active and influenced his administration.  Therefore, harassment and abuse of Pueblo religious leaders may have continued.  Don Otermín was ensuring protection and expansion of the estancias and ranchos.  He paid little attention to the Natives and their needs.  

The Navajo remained the enemy of the Españoles.  The Pueblos were now a powder keg ready to explode.  The Apaches, as well as the other tribes of Nuevo Méjico, would grow more war-like during the next two decades, and kill several of the Españoles.  For this they were hung or sold into slavery.  

The decade of 1680 C.E.-1690 C.E., would bring with it the terrible consequences of intolerance and in some cases outright greed.  The Españoles would continue their endless exploration.  However, their misión efforts would be brought to an abrupt halt in Nuevo Méjico.  Critics have charged that the Misión System destroyed much of the Native culture and turned them into an exploited and degraded labor force.  It is suggested by anti-Spanish writers that Native lives were not improved by the misiónes.  That can hardly be the case.  Life in any system is a series of trade-offs.  Nueva España before the Españoles wasn’t the perfection for the Natives of the region that some would have us believe.  Food was scarce and warfare was an ongoing affair.  The Españoles brought with them technology, training, new and important food sources, and the horse.  These changed life in Nuevo Méjico forever.  However, these improvements came at a price.  They required order and compliance by the Natives.  The Españoles used the Church for this purpose.  There were Natives throughout Nueva España that were resistant.  They wanted the benefits of the system, but none of the personal costs.  War and a free spirit were a large part of their nature and culture.  Many Natives wanted to return to the old ways.  

By 1680 C.E., the Janos, Chihuahua Misión Nuestra Señora de la Soledad de Janos which had been founded around 1580 C.E. by Franciscan misióneros was completely destroyed.  It was located near the Villa of Janos in the current-day northern Méjicano state of Chihuahua.  The Villa of Janos had been subject to many raids by Apache and Jumano Natives.  Yet in Nuevo Méjico of the time, misiónes could be found among most of the Nuevo Méjicano Native villas.  

Resistance against Spanish authority and the Church gave rise to sporadic insurrections, the most spectacular of which was led by the Native Po'pay in 1680 C.E.  Following Po'pay’s instructions, the Natives first captured the Spanish horses and mules, thus making it impossible for the Españoles to communicate rapidly with one another.  The insurrection was also timed to precede the arrival of the caravan which brought supplies to the Spanish pobladores from Méjico.  At this time, the Españoles would be low on weapons and ammunition.  Almost 400 Españoles were killed, and the rest were temporarily driven from Santa Fé and northern Nuevo Méjico.  The Pueblo Native’s insurrection headed by its leader Po'pay (1680 C.E.-1685 C.E.) was more than a move against Spanish governance and wanting to live under their own rulers.  It was in fact a direct attack upon the religion of the Españoles and their culture.  In their rage against Spanish Catholicism, the Pueblos killed Franciscan frayles, mutilated their bodies, and destroyed the churches.  Of the 33 Franciscan frayles in the territory, 21 were killed in the insurrection.  Despite this, the misiónes continued to be an important part of Spanish expansion further into Nueva España and outward from Nuevo Méjico.  This expansion of the faith would be a continued feature of Spanish religious and cultural influence in the region.  

On August 9, 1680 C.E., two Pueblo leaders of the Galisteo Basin in north-central Nuevo Méjico, allies of the Españoles, sent the news to Otermín of an insurrection of the Pueblos against the Españoles.  According to the message, two men from Tesuque had planned the attack on the Spanish villas and Franciscan misiónes.  

On August 20, 1680 C.E., pobladores and soldados abandoned a fortified enclave and proceeded to raid the insurrectionists at the Pueblo.  However, the Pueblos had a number of weapons, but Otermín´s army managed to defeat and kill many Native terrorists.  Unfortunately, the number of his soldados killed exceeded that of terrorists.  However, the insurrectionist victory over the Españoles to that point was simply astounding.  According to reports from the terrorist captives, most of the people of the Provincia de Nuevo Méjico had been killed by them.  

After the limited success of defeat of Otermín’s army, his council thought that if they wanted to survive of the Pueblo Insurrection, they had to go to Isleta Pueblo, where he had established the other people who had survived the insurrection.  So, Otermín surrendered some of his army’s arms to the pobladores and, on August 21, 1680 C.E. they headed en masse at the Isleta Pueblo.  After their arrival, they met another group of refugees who had arrived there a few weeks before them.  

During the Pueblo Insurrection, Po'pay's terrorists besieged Santa Fé, surrounded the city, and cut-off its water supply.  Otermín immediately assembled a council of war and it was decided to launch a surprise attack on the Pueblo.  

Three days after his arrival, Otermín obtained the position of Teniente-Gobernador.  On September 13, 1680 C.E. the number of refugees from Santa Fé overtook those from Isleta.  By then, the number of insurgents was very large for a fight against them.  On that day, Otermín was barricaded in the Palacio de los gobernadores or Palace of the Governors.  He believed that all pobladores in northern Nuevo Méjico had already been killed by the Puebloans.  Otermín did not feel safe going to Isleta and called for a general retreat.  All the while, the pobladores of Santa Fé were alive and continued to resist the attacks of Puebloans.  He and the Fray Cristóbal ordered to people of Isleta to emigrate from Nuevo Méjico.  On September 21, 1680 C.E. the Spanish pobladores left the capital city and headed to El Paso del Norte (current Ciudád Juárez) to plan the reconquest of Nuevo Méjico.  The number of persons accompanying to Otermín was at least 1,946.  Five days later, the pobladores arrived at Salineta, north of El Paso del Norte.  At La Salineta a meeting was organized.  It was also decided to delay the retaking of Nuevo Méjico, until the pobladores could get the help of the virrey.  The group of refugees with Otermín at the Guadalupe Misión soon left because of the dangers in El Paso del Norte.  By October 9th, the refugees had made their way two leagues downriver from the Guadalupe Misión.  

On September 16, 1680 C.E. a group Queres warriors from Cochití and Santo Domingo led by Mestízo, Alonso de Catiti, whose brother was with the defenders of the Gobernador's house in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico arrived.  Alonso informed the Españoles that the attackers of Santa Fé were 2,500 strong and the city could not withstand them.  Otermín then blocked the Casa Real or Royal House, cutting the water supply, so the women and children, after exhausting their supplies in a few days, began to die of thirst.  Otermín made his decision.  On August 21, 1680 C.E., he executed 47 prisoners that he had captured during raids.  He then arranged a retreat through a break in the Villa’s fence.  

In the end, these Natives would once again lose the land.  Though, after the Great Pueblo Insurrection of 1680 C.E. and resettlement 1692 C.E., the Españoles would be forced to establish the first formal laws used to govern water rights in Nuevo Méjico.  This was in part an effort to ease the tensions between the parties.  

Even with the defeat, life went on as usual for the Españoles.  No longer in Nuevo Méjico, they held at El Paso de Norte and other places.  One of these was Juan Rivera who was born in Nuevo Méjico.  He was the son of Francisco de Rivera and Los Ángeles Martín.  He married Luísa López Ocanto about in 1680 C.E. at Guadalupe del Paso.  Luísa López Ocanto was born in Guadalupe del Paso.  She was the daughter of Domingo López de Ocanto and Juana de Mondragon.  The children of Juan Rivera and Luísa Ocanto were: María Rivera, born about 1680 C.E. in Nuevo Méjico and died January 28, 1731-1732 C.E.  She married Francisco García de Noriega on October 27, 1697 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  Juan Francisco Rivera was born 1682 C.E. at Guadalupe del Paso and died before 1725 C.E. in Albuquerque, Nuevo Méjico.  He married Juana Romero on February 23, 1709 C.E.-1710 C.E. in Albuquerque, Nuevo Méjico.  She was born 1690 C.E. and died at Albuquerque, Nuevo Méjico.  

In November 1681 C.E., Otermín attempted to retake Nuevo Méjico.  While there, he burned both Isleta Pueblo which had not taken part in the insurrection and Sandia Pueblo.  He then returned to modern Isleta del Sur, near El Paso, with a few prisoners, but little else.  

In Isleta Pueblo, the pobladores were attacked by the Puebloans, but they were defeated.  So Otermín held a ceremony in which he reestablished Spanish governance in the region and spared the Natives for their actions.  Otermín also gave large amounts of maíz to the local inhabitants, although he gave scarce amounts in Isleta.  

After Otermín’s victory, he sent Juan Domínguez de Mendoza and a company of Hispano men and Pueblo allies north, to the Tiwa and Keres lands of Albuquerque and Bernalillo.  There Mendoza spoke with Pueblo leaders who told him that it was their intent to attack and kill the pobladores who returned to the region.  Therefore, Mendoza ordered that the pobladores be directed to Isleta, where the Gobernador was.  Otermín then traveled with his army to northern Nuevo Méjico, but found that the region of the Pueblos empty.  Perhaps because of fear of new attack by the insurrectionists being planned, he decided to reconvene several councils of war.  

By February of 1681 C.E., Otermín led his army along with many of the inhabitants of Isleta to El Paso (in the present Tejas), while the other pobladores fled to south and into the interior of Parral, Chihuahua and west into Sonora.  Nuevo Méjico was already in the hands of the Puebloans.  

By August 1682 C.E., Otermín fell ill and requested to be replaced in his position in the government of Nuevo Méjico.  His replacement was Domingo Jirónza (Xirónza or Girónza) Pétriz de Cruzate (1683 C.E.-1686 C.E.).  In that same year, de Cruzate along with Fray Francisco de Ayeta founded La Misión de Corpus Christi de San António de la Ysleta del Sur in Ysleta, Tejas.  

The Presidio System had become a key part of España’s continued planning for both expansion and consolidation of areas of control.  Safety and security of the Padres and pobladores was essential for the process to continue.  The Presidio de El Paso del Río Grande del Norte (1683 C.E.-1773 C.E.), at Ciudád Juárez, Chihuahua across the river from El Paso, Tejas was one such presidio.  It would later be relocated south in 1773 C.E. to Carrizal.  The titular Gobernador of a defunct Nuevo Méjico was Domingo Jirónza (1683 C.E.-1686 C.E.) during the period when Robert Cavelier de La Salle led a French landing on the Tejas coast in 1684 C.E.  This proved the Spanish point of expedited settlements in the remotest regions of Nueva España.  The French incursion spurred the Españoles to build misiónes in that area.  

By August, 1684 C.E., a vigorous retaliatory attack had taken place by the combined forces of Españoles and Natives (allies) against an Apache ranchería.  The Españoles intent was to kill as many of the men as possible in an effort to end Apache attacks once and for all.  Secondly, they would capture and enslave the women and children.  This was thought necessary because Apache raids had only grown bolder and more insistent.  There had to be an end put these attacks.  

What is very interesting is that records show that Gobernador António de Otermín dispatched one Pedro Reneros de Posada to Méjico City in 1684 C.E.  This would mean that de Otermín still had some power.  

Despite what the Españoles thought or believed about Nueva España the Native peoples were living under their own rulers such as the Pueblos under Luís Tupatu (1685 C.E.-1692 C.E.), without a need for Spanish authority or governance.  In fact, the Españoles had almost given up on retaking and resettling the land.  

Soon, the Presidio de San Felipe y Santiago de Janos was to be founded in 1685 C.E. at Janos, Sonora, Méjico.  The Gobernador ordered Capitán Juan Fernández de la Fuente to send troops to Janos to establish the Presidio.  Its purpose was to counter the early Apache thrusts into Sonora.  The Españoles were beginning to see what was to be an all-out war with the fierce Apaches.  The Presidio del Pasaje (1685 C.E.), on Río Nazas northwest of Cuencamé Durango, the Presidio de San Francisco de Conchos was founded in 1685 C.E. at San Francisco de Conchos, Chihuahua, and the Presidio de Casas Grandes (1686 C.E.), was to be relocated to Janos, Chihuahua in 1691 C.E. were also a part of this fortress bulwark.  

The Pueblo people would have none of the Spanish government.  And it wasn’t just the Pueblos.  As stated earlier, as a consequence of numerous and deadly raids by Apaches, a presidio, or military outpost, was established at Janos, Chihuahua in 1686 C.E. in an effort to hold the area.  Yet, despite the Pueblo Insurrection and a surge in Apache attacks, from 1687 C.E., Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino, with the marqués de Villapuente’s economic help, founded over twenty more misiónes in the Sonora Desert (in present day Méjicano state Sonora and U.S. state Arizona).  

Even as the new titular Gobernador Pedro Reneros de Posada (1686 C.E.-1689 C.E.) came into office and carried out the pretence of Spanish power in the region.  Back in September of 1681 C.E., de Posada had passed muster before Gobernador António de Otermín.  He reported that he was a thirty-year-old bachelor.  That same month, he enlisted as a presidial soldado.  De Posada was a native of Oceño (Peñamellera Alta) in eastern Asturias, España.  He was born there approximately 1651 C.E.  The mountainous area surrounding the Peñamellera valle or valley is narrow, and the valle is held between the Cordillera de Cuera to the north and the Picos de Europa to the south.  San Juan de Oceño is the highest of the five villas in the valley, at 3,280 feet.  

As early sacramental records at the parish of San Juan have not survived, it’s not possible to ascertain de Posada's exact date of birth or the names of his parents.  However, there are other records from the area establishing that the surnames Reneros and de Posada are clearly from Oceño and used as early as 1584 C.E.  

In 1681 C.E., records describe de Posada as being of good physique, with a ruddy complexion, wavy chestnut hair and beard.  One assumes that he fought with de Otermín in his unsuccessful 1681 C.E. campaign.  De Posada rose quickly through the soldiering ranks to become an alférez or Ensign and eventually a Capitán.  By April 13, 1682 C.E., we find him in El Paso standing as godfather for the son of Juan Cabello and María Holguín, António.  Alférez Pedro Reneros de Posada and Catalina de Gamboa baptized their natural son, Francisco Ascencio, on May 8, 1682 C.E. at the church of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe.  

Records show that in May 1686 C.E., Pedro Reneros de Posada was residing at Méjico City and was already using the title Gobernador and Capitán General of the provinces of Nuevo Méjico when he agreed to repay 2,161 pesos to one Juan de Somoano.  

By September 19, 1686 C.E., de Posada is found in El Paso assuming the governorship of Nuevo Méjico.  Within nine days, Gobernador Pedro Reneros de Posada issued orders for Sargento Mayor Roque Madrid, Capitán Alonso de Aguilar, and Sargento Juan de Vargas to carry-out the capital punishment and execution of one Juan de Montoya, whom de Reneros had found guilty of treason.  The three men were gathered at eleven o'clock in the morning on the appointed date and executed the order.  

An edict was issued on September 30, 1686 C.E., by Gobernador de Reneros ordering the residents of the El Paso area to be vigilant against possible Native hostilities.  De Reneros stated that Natives had found the Españoles and Padres sleeping in 1680 C.E., during the Insurrection.  He demanded that they should not to let it happen once again.  The Gobernador told the people that their sons and servants were to act as sentinels watching carefully over their homes and lands.  Those without children would be responsible to perform this duty themselves.  Pobladores were ordered to remain on a war footing with their weapons at the ready and be prepared to use them.  Failure to follow his order would have resulted in a sentence of two years of service, without pay, protecting the horse herd of the presidio.  

Gobernador de Reneros addressed dueling, which was apparently common in the area at the time.  He issued an edict on February 11, 1687 C.E., wherein he informed the pobladores that it was against the law to threaten a fellow ciudadano with a harquebus.  No matter how serious a situation, one could not challenge his fellow man to a duel.  A second was not to be taken when going to confront someone and it was forbidden to carry a lanza or any other prohibited weapon.  Dueling was prohibited and wouldn’t be tolerated unless in such urgent cases that the matter had to be settled with equal weapons, man-to-man, at the risk of losing one's life.  In no case could a ciudadano confront someone with a weapon if one's opponent did not have a weapon with which to defend himself.  To do so would be a criminal act.  

In early March1687 C.E., Gobernador de Reneros issued an edict regarding control of livestock.  He was concerned about horses, cattle, and sheep being allowed to graze in planted fields, especially those of wheat that had just come up, and harm the critical acequias.  Animals found in planted fields or harming acequias would be seized and their value applied to the damages to the crops or repairs.  Any money left over after covering the damages would be kept in a fund for war expenses.  Maestre de campo (Master of field was a military rank created in 1534 King Carlos I of España.  In the scale of ranks was under the Capitán General and above the sargento mayor) Felipe Romero, Capitán António Domínguez, and Ayudante Juan García were assigned the duty of carrying-out the edict.  

An edict was issued on April 28, 1687 C.E. by Gobernador de Reneros ordering the ciudadanos of the El Paso area not to purchase stallions or mares, articles of clothing, or weapons from soldados.  Should a purchase of this kind be made, the item would be forfeit.  Both seller and buyer would also be subject to punishment.  Further, soldados were to bring all their firearms to the gunsmith, Francisco Lucero to be put in good working order.  It was also ordered that lanzas made so that all would be ready in the event of Native hostilities.  

In the summer of 1687 C.E., Gobernador de Reneros led soldados up the Río Grande to the Jémez River, which his party then followed to Santa Ana.  Once the insurrectionists at Santa Ana had refused the surrender terms de Reneros proposed, a battle began.  An angry de Reneros then burned the pueblo and returned to El Paso with four Pueblo leaders and ten other captives.  De Reneros later had the four leaders executed.  He found the other ten Keres Indian captives guilty of taking part in the Insurrection (Revolt) of 1680 C.E.  These ten captives were then brought to El Paso sometime after Gobernador de Reneros' raid upriver at Santa Ana.  There they were found guilty of treason and sentenced in October 1687 C.E.  Their sentence, to ten years of slavery in the silver mines of Nueva Vizcaya and the insurrectionists were forbidden to return to of Nuevo Méjico.  The proceeds of the sale of the insurrectionists went to the war fund.  

On July 3rd, Gobernador de Reneros began the trial of Silvestre Pachéco for the killing of one José Baca.  It was alleged that the two men had fought, resulting in Pachéco killing his brother-in-law, Baca by attacking him with a hoe.  Baca's immediate family came forward to request a pardon for Pachéco.  The case was not decided until September 1690 C.E., by which time de Reneros was no longer in the governorship of Nuevo Méjico.  Gobernador Jirónza would later pardon Pachéco and assess him a fine of one hundred pesos for his actions in Baca's death.  

In 1689 C.E., Gobernador de Reneros came upon a large number of Suma Indians in the area just below San Lorenzo.  These included a group who had destroyed the misión at Ojito some five years earlier.  Knowing that the Natives were dangerous, under a flag truce de Reneros attacked and killed many of them.  He next had nine identified leaders and shot.  The other forty he ordered sold into slavery in the mines for ten years.  He selected two little girls and sent them to the Gobernador of Nueva Vizcaya as gifts.  

On February 21, 1689 C.E., Domingo Jirónza (Xirónza or Girónza) Pétriz de Cruzate replaced Gobernador de Reneros.  Jirónza then held de Reneros' residencia or administrative review during which a charge was leveled by soldados against the Gobernador.  They claimed that de Reneros had embezzled their salaries.  Later, when authorities in Méjico City sought to examine the residencia during subsequent litigation, it was found to be missing.

The soldados alleged that Gobernador de Reneros had provided only a quarter of their pay for the years 1687 C.E. and 1688 C.E.  It was alleged that he then ordered each soldado to attend a personal interview.  They reported that during the meeting, the Gobernador coerced them into signing receipts for pay which he subsequently collected and kept for himself.  His accomplices were said to have been Diego Arias Quirós, Tomás Gutiérrez Carrera, and Leonardo de Villanueva.  When de Reneros departed Nuevo Méjico for Zacatecas, the three accompanied him.  Later, de Reneros was commanded to restore the stolen salary to the soldados, which was estimated at 26,000 pesos for the year-and-a-half for which they were owed.  

In April 1689 C.E., Sebastián Rodríguez Brito and Antónia Naranjo underwent a prenuptial investigation in El Paso.  During the investigation Brito stated that Gobernador de Reneros, whom he had served for three years, was attempting to prevent the marriage by alleging that he was already married to a woman in Veracruz.  It was reported to the body that in the month of July 1687 C.E., Gobernador de Reneros had as a slave in his domestic service Sebastián Rodríguez Brito, the son of Manuel Rodríguez and María Fernández.  It has been suggested that Brito was probably born in the 1650s or near Luanda, Angola.  The circumstances through which he came to the Nuevo Mundo as a slave were never provided.  Estéban de Berdiguil, a native of Méjico City, testified that two Méjico City merchants, one of whom was Juan de Samano, had requested that Brito be manacled and returned to his wife.  Due to this testimony, the marriage did not take place.  Soon, Gobernador de Reneros had a change of heart and facilitated Brito being freed from slavery.  By May 1689 C.E., Brito regained his freedom and was living at El Paso.  

In a larger context of life in Nueva España, the Españoles could not allow the Pueblo people’s insurrection to last forever.  It was a matter of Spanish power and pride.  The latest titular Gobernador, Domingo Jirónza (Xirónza or Girónza) Pétriz de Cruzate (1689C.E.-1691 C.E.) was to be part of the upcoming change.  

De Cruzate was baptized at Hecho in the Spanish province of Huesca in the Kingdom of Aragón on September 11, 1640 C.E.  A marriage record exists for one Domingo Xirónza who wed Sebastián de Oquendo at Méjico City on April 30, 1663 C.E.  He was the son of António Xirónza and Ana Mangues Pérez.  Those with the Aragonese surname, Pétriz had their seat in Hecho.  Three of his uncles bore the additional name, Redín y Cruzate: fray Martín, Miguel António, and Tiburcio.  These men performed admirable services to the Corona Española, especially Tiburcio.  It was he that drove Islamic corsairs from Spanish coasts until joining the Capuchin Order and serving twenty years as a misiónero in Africa and the Indies.  

De Cruzate was also related to Fausto Cruzat y Góngora, his contemporary, who was Gobernador of the Philippines from 1690 C.E. to1700 C.E. and the son of the first Marqués de Góngora, a title created by Carlos II in 1695 C.E.  De Cruzate and Fausto were relatives of Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora, who was the Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico from 1736 C.E. to 1739 C.E.  It has been suggested that Domingo's nephew, Juan Mateo Manje, added the surname Góngora to Jirónza's list of names.  In 1692 C.E., the Méjicano intellectual giant, Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora, in his letter to Andrés de Pez would mention that Jirónza was his uncle.  

In 1675 C.E., Domingo had returned to España.  While in Madrid, Jirónza executed the conveyance of a 3,000-peso credit to Francisco Freire de Andrade, supposedly for loans of cash he’d made to him for various trips, illnesses, and other reasons.  One Francisca María Osorio referred to Jirónza as licenciado, or licenciate, in a document implying he had a university degree.  

On April 10, 1680 C.E., Jirónza left Cádiz sailing aboard the warship San José.  He held the rank of Capitán in command of fifty soldados.  Domingo later held the title of Inspector of the Presidios of the Windward Islands, while simultaneously acting as a royal courier to the Virrey of Nueva España.  He carried among those messages one to the Virrey.  It was an order to provide Jirónza with a suitable position in the Indies.  The Virrey, Payo Enríquez de Rivera, soon named Jirónza to an available post, the alcaldía or Mayor's office of Mestitlán.  Jirónza would serve in this post with distinction until 1682 C.E.  

By May of 1683 C.E., Domingo was already using the title of Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  It is known that Jirónza executed a power of attorney to one Diego Ignacio de Córdoba and to Juan Pascual Lalana in Zacatecas.  De Córdoba operated as a business agent and resident of Madrid.  Juan Lalana was also a resident of Madrid, though no occupation was stated for him.  It is suggested that Jirónza intended de Córdoba and Lalana to represent him before the king and his councils.  The purpose of which was to have them seek promotion or appointment to a high position or office for military or judicial position in El Imperio Español.  All of this was in an effort to provide documents attesting to his record of service and the services provided by Domingo’s ancestors to ensure a future position as he made his way to his current post as Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  

In 1684 C.E., we find Domingo Jirónza leading an expedition against the Apaches.  The following year, he tried to gather and return the many Nuevo Méjico refugees who had fled the El Paso area against royal orders.  

Pedro Reneros Posada replaced Domingo Jirónza in 1686 C.E.  He would serve until 1689 C.E.  Upon his return to El Paso, Jirónza led an expedition attempting the resettlement of Nuevo Méjico in 1689 C.E.  The major action of the expedition was the destruction of Zía Pueblo.  During the day-long battle, of Jirónza’s contingent of eighty soldados, fifty were wounded.  An estimated six hundred Natives were killed and seventy were taken captive and removed to El Paso.  

España wanting to expedite territorial consolidation of Nueva España built the Méjicano villa of Santiago de la Monclova, establishing it in 1689 C.E.  It is today, a city and the seat of the surrounding municipality of the same name in the northern Méjicano state of Coahuila.  

In March, 1689 C.E., the tenacious Apaches again thundered down on a villa and drove off two hundred horses.  Pursuit was prompt and eighteen Apaches were killed but only one of the horses was recovered.  As soon as the soldados had returned to their presidio, the insurrectionists, terrorists attacked and murdered a party from Arispe, consisting of Capitán Cristóbal León, his son, two other Españoles, and six Native servants.  Jirónza followed the Natives with his “Compañía Volante or Flying Company” and killed three of them.  The term "Flying Company" applies to a certain type of cavalry troop.  It was frequently in the field pursuing hostile Natives and protecting frontier settlements.  The military unit was detached from the main guarnición in order to provide "quick-response."  Soon, Capitán Fuente arrived from Janos to join in the punitive expedition.  The punishment was severe; the Apaches were forced back to the Gila River, and thirty-two of their warriors were killed.  A joint campaign of considerable importance was then waged against the Apaches and their allies in September, 1689 C.E., by three commanders, Jirónza, Terán, and Fuente.  Many Natives were slain.  

The decade of 1690 C.E.-1699 C.E. would begin with more Spanish exploration outward from Nuevo Méjico.  In 1690 C.E., following various Native and buffalo trails, the Spanish explorer Alonso de León, crossed the Río Grande on his way to East Tejas to establish misiónes, effectively establishing Old San António Road.  The Old San António Road was not a single road, but a network of trails with different routes at different times.  Each trail's path was dictated by things as diverse as weather and Native threats.  During this period, Tejas was a Spanish provincia and the road was used as a major thoroughfare between Méjico City and East Tejas.  

In the Tejas region at the close of the 17th-Century C.E., España responded to expanding French settlements in the Mississippi River valley, and even incursions along the Red River, by establishing two small forward misiónes in 1690 C.E.  These were the precursors to the larger, expanded misiónes which would be expanded and followed by presidios, ranchos, estancias, and villas.  

España would continue with its vanguard of Church influence by building the first of its Tejas misiónes when founding one near what is now Weches, Tejas in 1690 C.E.  However, it would fail due to Native hostility.  The Españoles were anything but weak on the matter of overcoming adversity.  The Native problem was beginning to test their ability to grow and thrive.  Even after the first Apache raids on Sonora during the early part of the late-17th-Century C.E. the Españoles continued in their efforts.  The ongoing Native problem would lead Spanish authorities to establish the protective Presidio de San Pedro del Gallo in 1690's C.E. at San Pedro del Gallo, Durango.  To further counter the early Apache thrusts into Sonora, a presidio was established at Frontéras in that same year in northern Opata country.  

The year that Gobernador Diego de Vargas (titular 1688 C.E.-1691 C.E., effective 1691 C.E.-1697 C.E.) of Nuevo Méjico came to power under the Virreinato of Nueva España, Spanish explorers and misióneros visited the interior of Tejas and came upon a river and Native settlement on June 13th, the Feast day of Saint Anthony, and named the location and river San António in his honor.  

The Spanish thrust outward from Tejas had begun with the Old San António Road.  It is generally accepted that by 1691 C.E. the Old San António Road had come into being.  Domingo Terán de los Ríos served as the first governor of Spanish Tejas from 1691 C.E.-1692 C.E. and took additional misióneros to East Tejas following much the same course as traveled by de León.  Old San António Road, now called the Camino Arriba, was the route which would later be expanded from San António to its terminus at Natchitoches, Louisiana.  

During the decade, misión efforts would continue everywhere possible in Nueva España.  Native alcaldes were appointed in the misión towns to maintain order and carry out their duties as police officers.  They dressed better than the other Natives wearing shoes and stockings, which newly appointed officers dispensed as often as possible.  Many chose to go barefoot or only wear stockings.  When a vacancy in the office occurred the Natives themselves were asked which one they preferred of several suggested by the local Padre.  

The misiónes had thousands of Native converts at the time of its greatest prosperity, and a number of Native alcaldes were needed there.  The alcaldes of the Spanish people in the pueblos acted more as local judges and were appointed by the Gobernador.  

Natives chosen to be personal attendants of the Padres were selected for their obedience and quickness of perception with much care.  Some seemed to have reached the very perfection of silent, careful, unselfish service.  They could be trusted with the most important matters.  They were strictly honest.  Many of the Padres had their own private barbers.  Other Natives enjoyed the honor of a seat at the table with their padre and generally accompanied him on journeys to other misiónes.  Later, when the misiónes were secularized, this custom, like many others, was ended.  

Native vaqueros, who lived much of the time on the more distant cattle ranges, were considered a wild group of men.  These were stationed as hill vaqueros, who were very different from the vaqueros of the large valle near the misiónes.  

It was the custom at all the misiónes and the rule of the Franciscan misióneros to keep the young unmarried Natives separate.  The young girls and the young widows at the misiónes occupied a large adobe building, with a yard behind it, enclosed by high adobe walls.  In this yard some trees were planned, and a zanja or water-ditch supplied a large bathing-pond.  The women were kept busy at various occupations, in the building, under the trees, or on the wide porch; they were taught spinning, knitting, the weaving of Native baskets from grasses, willow rods and roots, and more especially plain sewing.  The treatment and occupation of the unmarried women was similar at the other misiónes.  When heathen Native women entered, were brought in by their friends or by the soldados, they were put in these houses.  They would then be placed under the charge of older women who taught them what to do.  

The women, thus separated from the men, could only be courted from without through the upper windows facing on narrow villa streets.  These windows were about two feet square, crossed by iron bars, and perhaps three feet deep, as the adobe walls were very thick.  However, the rules were no stricter than those that still prevailed in some of the Spanish-Américano countries for those Natives of a much higher social class than these uneducated Natives belonged to.  Rules for this region were adopted by the padres from Méjicano models.  

After a Native, in his hours of freedom from toil, declared his affection by a sufficiently long attendance upon a certain window, it was the duty of the woman to tell the father misiónero or missionary and to declare her decision.  If this was favorable, the young man was asked if he was willing to contract marriage with the young woman who had confessed her preference.  Sometimes there were several rival suitors.  After marriage the couple was conducted to their home, a hut built for them among the other Native houses in the villa near the misión.  

The Native mothers were instructed on the proper care of children and the cleanliness of the person was strongly inculcated.  In fact, the misión Natives, large and small, were wonderfully clean.  Their faces and hair fairly shined as a result of soap and water.  In cases where a Native woman was so slovenly and neglectful of her infant that it died, she was punished.  

The Padres always had a school for the Native boys.  Every prominent misión had Padres who paid great attention to training the Natives in music.  Many young Natives had good voices, and these were selected with great care to be trained in singing for the church choir.  It was thought to be such an honor to sing in church that, the Native families were all very anxious to be represented.  Some were taught to play on the violin and other stringed instruments.  There were often more than a dozen players on instruments.  Padres could be most genial and kindly men of the misióneros.  It is surprising that people today believe that every one of the Padres of the time was severe.  

At many of Nueva España’s misiónes there were sometimes large flocks of tame pigeons.  At the misiónes, the Padres’ doves consumed centals of wheat daily, besides what they gathered in the villa.  The doves were of many colors, and they made a beautiful appearance on the red tiles of the church and the tops of the dark garden walls.  

The Native houses at the misiónes were never more than one story high, also of adobe, but much smaller and with thinner walls.  The Natives covered the earthen floors in part with coarse mats, on which they slept.  The misiónes, as quickly as possible, provided the Natives with blankets.  These were woven for home use and for sale under a padre’s personal supervision.  

Ex-Gobernador de Reneros had a dispute with the Tribunal of Accounts in Méjico City regarding a request to be excused from paying for weapons that he alleged had simply worn-out during his term as Gobernador.  On June 12, 1691 C.E., de Reneros presented a detailed accounting of the weapons and related items.  It was his position that he should not be held accountable.  Apparently the tribunal agreed with the reasons he cited and accepted his request.  Later, in October 1691 C.E., de Reneros executed an obligation by which he promised to repay a loan of 425 pesos to Julián Espinosa of Méjico City.  Acting as guarantor of the loan was General Felipe de Montemayor y Prado.  

The Españoles had once again turned their sights to Nuevo Méjico.  De Vargas had been appointed Gobernador and Capitán-General of Nuevo Méjico in Mid-1688 C.E.  He finally assumed the position in February of 1691 C.E.  Although his original intention was to immediately undertake the retaking of Nuevo Méjico, economic conditions in El Paso and hostilities between the Españoles and Native tribes in northern Nueva España would prevent his departure until 1692 C.E.  The new Gobernador and Capitán-General of Nuevo Méjico, de Vargas was the man the Españoles had chosen to regain the provincia.  He would use all of his considerable skills to achieve that end.  His resetteling of the land would begin as quickly as possible.  

In 1691 C.E., Ex-Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Domingo Jirónza had planned another attempt at resetteling Nuevo Méjico, but Suma uprisings south of El Paso forced him to cancel the expedition.  He was in Méjico City in early September when he acted as guarantor for four hundred pesos for Sargento Mayor Francisco António Castellanos, a ciudadano of Puebla residing in Méjico City.  The pesos were owed to one Pedro de la Parra who had loaned Castellanos the money for outfitting him in Puebla.  

King Carlos II was pleased with Jirónza’s service and would have reappointed him to the governorship of Nuevo Méjico had Don Diego de Vargas not already taken up the post.  In those circumstances, the king directed his Virrey in Méjico City to find another governorship for Jirónza.  He also granted Jirónza membership in one of the Spanish military orders although there is no evidence that he ever became a knight.  

In April 1692 C.E., de Reneros wrote a letter from the virreinalor court at Méjico City to Don Diego de Vargas.  The letter regarded the marital status of his former slave, Rodríguez Brito, and provided news from that de Reneros had been ill.  It was also stated that de Reneros was by then in good health as were the horses he was riding.  He requested that de Vargas, whom he considered a friend, to order him as he wished.  

By 1692 C.E., de Vargas succeeded in persuading twenty-three Nuevo Méjico pueblos to rejoin the Imperio Español.  Two separate expeditions had been planned by de Vargas.  The first was the reconnaissance of Nuevo Méjico.  The second was for the resettlement and reestablishment of Spanish governance over the region.  The Españoles considered the first expedition an unequivocal success.  During the four months of the expedition, de Vargas succeeded in obtaining the loyalty from some of the pueblos.  

Unfortunately, the expedition was not without hostility.  The Gobernador's forces were faced with aggressive Native forces that outnumbered the Españoles by ten-to-one at Santa Fé, Jémez, and the Hopi pueblos.  Fortunately, De Vargas' diplomacy prevailed and bloodshed was avoided.  He then returned to El Paso and began preparations for the resettlement of Nuevo Méjico.  The Provincia remained in the hands of the Pueblos for the next year.  At this point, the regaining of it was not yet completed.  

Santa Fé had been the capital of the Spanish province of Nuevo Méjico since 1610 C.E.  The Presidio of Santa was rebuilt after 1692 C.E. and named Presidio de Exaltación de la Cruz del Nuevo Méjico and was also known as El Real Presidio de Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y la Exaltación de la Santa Cruz.  The Palacio de los gobernadores is at the heart of this presidio.  Fortified barracks were north of the Palacio.  The Plaza de Armas outside the Palacio later became part of Américano Fort Marcy.  

The protective Presidio de Santa Rosa de Corodéguachi was founded in 1692 C.E., near the Sonora/Arizona border and later moved to Frontéras, Sonora  

The Apaches were another issue.  Near Zuñi, in the autumn of 1692 C.E., a herd of cattle owned by Españoles was stampeded by the Apaches and stolen.  With Native unrest continuing throughout Nueva España, the Españoles found it necessary to establish the Frontier Line Presidio de San Felipe y Santiago de Janos (1691 C.E.-?) at Janos, Chihuahua.  

After Gobernador Diego de Vargas led the resettlement of the Río Grande Valley (1693 C.E.-1696 C.E.) in Nuevo Méjico, détente prevailed between the Españoles and Pueblos.  This was in part due to the Pueblos' diminished fighting capability.  It was also because of the necessity for a military alliance in the face of constant Apache and Navajo raids and warfare.  

In other parts of the region of Nueva España, in 1693 C.E. there were Native insurrections.  After leaving Nuevo Méjico, Ex-Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Don Domingo Jirónza assumed command of a highly mobile military unit in Sonora.  That brave and capable officer was placed in command of a “Flying Company” organized for the defense of Sonora against the marauding Apaches.  He immediately made two strong attacks on the Apaches.  He would later become Capitán for life of the Presidio of Fronteras and alcalde mayor of Sonora.  Created in 1690 C.E., the Presidio de las Fronteras de Sonora was for the first ten years of its existence a “Flying Company” with no permanent base.  Initially, the military unit operated out of the mining camp of San Juan Bautista.  That same year, Jirónza's nephew, Juan Mateo Mange, would come to Sonora from España and his uncle would make him a teniente in the presidial company.

In that same year, of 1693 C.E., Gregorio de Salinas Varona further defined the course of the Old San António Road while bringing relief supplies from Monclova.  Gregorio de Salinas Varona (ca. 1650 C.E.-?) was a Spanish official who entered royal service as a privada or private and rose through the ranks.  Earlier, at Nueva España he had been ordered by the new virrey, Conde de Gálvez, to join Alonso de León's 1690 C.E. Tejas Expedition.  He journeyed north toward Monclova escorting four of the Franciscans destined for the first East Tejas misión, San Francisco de los Tejas.  By royal order of May 30, 1691 C.E., de Salinas was given command of the Presidio de San Francisco de Coahuila (Monclova), but other assignments kept him away from the post.  The previous month the virrey had ordered him to assist the expedition of Gobernador Domingo Terán de los Ríos, aimed at expanding the East Tejas misiónero effort.  Later, he was ordered to undertake a relief expedition to the afflicted East Tejas misiónes.  On May 3, 1693 C.E., he left Monclova with twenty soldados and ninety-six mules loaded with provisions.  On this expedition he defined a portion of the Old San António Road.  During his term as Gobernador, de Salinas aided in the material improvement of the Coahuila misiónes and assisted the reduction of numerous Natives.  

On October 4, 1693, de Vargas left El Paso for Santa Fé with a resettlement expedition comprised of one hundred soldados, pobladores represented by seventy families, and eighteen Franciscan frayles, and Native allies.  In addition, several thousand horses and mules and approximately one thousand head of livestock were herded along by the main force of the expedition.  Supplies and three cannon were hauled by six wagons and eighty mules.  

Despite the relatively peaceful nature of de Vargas's preliminary expedition and the submission of the twenty-three pueblos, the Spanish resettlement force of the second expedition met with Native resistance upon their arrival in Nuevo Méjico.  Only 4 of the 23 pueblos remained loyal, Pecos, Santa Ana, Zia, and San Felipe.  The Gobernador of Pecos, Juan de Ye, met de Vargas before the Gobernador reached Santa Fé warning him that most of the province had prepared for war.  

De Vargas arrived at Santa Fé to find Tewas and Tanos tribesmen fortified within the plaza.  The Gobernador decided to establish an encampment near the villa.  The Españoles remained camped outside Santa Fé under difficult and the cold conditions for two weeks.  Twenty-three members of the expedition died from exposure.  With rumors of Pueblo attacks and war running wild, the Españoles decided that the Natives holding Santa Fé should be confronted and returned to their pueblo of Galisteo.  The Españoles would accomplish this by force if necessary and then enter the town and resettle it.  As the Natives at Santa Fé could see and hear the proceedings, they planned for resistance.  

In the early morning of the 28th of December, de Vargas was aroused by a messenger.  He was warned of an imminent attack by the native forces from Santa Fé.  Immediately, de Vargas made plans to counter the attack.  He also sent the Gobernador of Pecos to his pueblo for reinforcements.  A squadron of Spanish soldados was dispatched to approach the walls of the villa to estimate the force of armed warriors.  It was at this point that another force of Pueblos arrived to aid those Natives on the Santa Fé walls.

With most of his soldado, de Vargas proceeded to the walls attempting a diplomatic solution to the crisis.  During talks with the Españoles António Bolsas, the leader of the Natives, agreed to discuss the situation with his Native forces and give reply to de Vargas by evening.  None was forthcoming.  Early the next morning, a group of 140 reinforcements arrived from.  A determined De Vargas next moved forward against the villa.  The Natives on the walls began shouting threats that the entire province was against the Españoles and would kill them all, except for the frayles who they would make slaves.  Arrows and stones followed the insults.  The valiant de Vargas shouted out the Santiago y cierra, España!  A war cry of Iberian troops during España’s Reconquista and that of the Imperio Español, urging his men into battle.  Thus began the battle which lasted until early the next morning.  The Españoles were victorious.  

De Vargas had succeeded in capturing the main city of Nuevo Méjico, its capital.  With this victory, he’d gained a solid foundation for the eventual reestablishment of Spanish control over the entire region.  With the capture of Santa Fé complete, de Vargas divided the stores of maíz, beans, and other foodstuffs among the resettling Spanish Pobladores.  Next, the Pobladores then resettled into the houses which had been retrieved from the defeated Natives.  By 1694 C.E., the attempted insurrection by the Tewa and Tano Pueblos to drive the Españoles once more out of the area was put down by the Españoles.  But de Vargas' problems with insurrection would continue.  He would soon discover that reestablishment of Spanish governance over the region would prove no easy task.  With the beginning of 1694 C.E., Santa Fé would find itself the lone outpost of España in Nuevo Méjico.  Only 4 pueblos had sided with the Españoles--Santa Ana, San Felipe, Zia, and Pecos.  

By January of 1694 C.E., de Vargas had taken most of the Río Grande valley.  Now under Spanish control, de Vargas’ defeats of the pueblos along the Río Grande had gained him their stores.  In doing so he had forced their capitulation.  The reconstituted region soon began to grow as more pobladores arrived from southern Nueva España.  Two new Spanish villas, Santa Cruz and Bernalillo were founded and eleven misiónes reestablished.  Soon, the misióneros felt secure enough to be assigned to various pueblos.  But still, Nuevo Méjico’s western pueblos of Ácoma, Zuñi, and the Hopi located in areas where Spanish governance was still unrecognized had not been dealt with.  To make matters worse, hostilities began to emerge at the pueblos that had accepted Spanish governance.  

In March 1695 C.E., Ex-Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Jirónza granted power of attorney, first to Manuel Tirrado, an official in the office of the secretary and then acting secretary to the Virrey of Nueva España, and second to Luís Ibáñez de Ozerín, another official in the office of the secretary.  The holders of power of attorney were to collect from the royal treasury in Méjico City, 2,086 pesos the crown owed Jirónza for the period beginning on May 2, 1694 C.E. and lasting until October 20, 1695 C.E. for campaigns and other activities performed in the royal service.  Jirónza also established his temporary headquarters during his 1695 C.E. campaign against rebellious Pimas at Cucurpe.  During this period of service in Sonora, Jirónza led campaigns against Apaches, Janos, Jocomes, Upper Pimas, and Sumas.  

In April of 1694 C.E., de Vargas launched campaigns against those pueblos along the Río Grande who still had not accepted Spanish governance.  These would continue through September of that year.  The continual battles for supremacy between the Españoles and the Natives kept the Españoles in Santa Fé from planting crops.  Starvation soon became a very real possibility. When two hundred and thirty additional pobladores arrived in June, the situation was exacerbated.  

My progenitor, Juan Felipe de Ribera was born 1694 C.E. in Zacatecas, Nueva España.  Juan was one of those that entered Nuevo Méjico with the de Vargas resettlement efforts.  He would die after a long, full life on October 01, 1767 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  

In 1694 C.E., outside of Nuevo Méjico Comendador Jirónza conducted four energetic campaigns against the Apaches and other hostile tribes.  A band of Apaches had stolen thousands of horses in northern Sonora.  Jirónza pursued these marauders, killing thirteen of them and capturing seven.  Later in the same year, with the aid of Pima warriors, he gained a great victory over six hundred of the invaders, killing large numbers of them.  In cooperation with Capitán Fuente of the presidio at Janos, and with the aid of the Pimas, he invaded the territory of the Apaches.  His efforts would gain meager results.  Young ensign Juan Mateo Manje was associated with his uncle, Comendador or Commander Jirónza, in these Apache battles and was later assigned as military escort to the Jesuit Padres on their dangerous journeys into new territory.  In his Lux de Tierra Incognita (Unknown land), Manje makes frequent allusion to Apache raids into Sonora for the purpose of stealing horses and ravaging the Spanish settlements.  He comments, too, on the great difficulty of winning any of the Apaches to the church; and consoles himself with the thought that, hard as it may be to instill the Faith into the hearts of these people, when once the impression is made it will be as if stamped on bronze.  

The Presidio Santa Cruz de la Cañada, in Santa Cruz, was established when the Españoles resettled Nuevo Méjico and quickly moved to regain control of the middle Río Grande Valley.  In 1695 C.E., the town of "Villa Nueva de Santa Cruz de los Españoles Méjicanos de Rey Nuestro Señor Carlos Segundo" became the second town established by the Españoles (Santa Fé being the first).  The new villa, or seat of government, was established at Santa Cruz de La Cañada, north of the capital at Santa Fé.  As the settlement's population grew, there was an urgent need to establish communities further from the Río Grande Valley and out into Nuevo Méjico's mountain valleys which were more easily irrigated.  Much of this expansion was made possible through a system of land grants that awarded tracts of land to individuals and groups who agreed to establish settlements and cultivate land along the frontier.  Examples of this are communities that were established along Nuevo Méjico's frontier during this period.  Among those that shouldered the burden of frontier settlement and defense, was the growing Mestízo, or mixed blood, population of the province.  Among the least recognized and appreciated of these groups were the Genízaro.  The Genízaro Natives were from many tribes.  For a variety of reasons they had lost their tribal identity.  Many of them had been captive children who were raised in Spanish households, had been baptized, assumed Spanish surnames, and eventually became Hispanicized.  

By mid-year, 1695 C.E., the soldados of de Vargas were dispersed.  This left the Franciscan frayles alone and unprotected at their misiónes.  The winter of 1695 C.E.-1696 C.E. was harsh one, putting additional burdens on the Spanish pobladores continued having difficulty providing food.  Those Pueblo leaders hostile to the Españoles had watched and waited.  They now perceived with the Spanish soldados occupied elsewhere and the pobladores in a weakened state the time was propitious for a second insurrection.  It appeared that they could be successful as they had fifteen years earlier.  

By July of 1695 C.E., the misióneros began to fear that the Pueblos were preparing another uprising.  In December, the Custodio, Fray Francisco de Vargas held a meeting to ascertain the extent of the possible insurrection.  With fears rampant the frayles petitioned the Gobernador to post soldados at the pueblos for protection.  Gobernador de Vargas made the decision not to send troops to the pueblos.  He reasoned that such an action would incite hostilities among more loyal Natives.  Despite the fears of the frayles, an insurrection did not occur in December of 1695 C.E.  However, their efforts at the pueblos became increasingly difficult as actions on the part of the pueblos became increasingly hostile.  

By March of 1696 C.E., the misióneros again pleaded with de Vargas for military protection as the rumors of war had greatly increased.  From San Juan, Fray Gerónimo Prieto wrote that natives of the Hopi, Zuñi, Ácoma, and other pueblos were on their way to San Juan.  It was suggested that they were there to meet with insurrectionist leaders under the pretense of coming to trade.  The tone of the frayles' letters appeared to be one of panic.  On the fifteenth of March, de Vargas’ response to the request made by the Custodio was to place soldados at some of the pueblos.  However, by this time the misióneros had abandoned their flocks in favor of the safer Spanish villas.  

It must be said that in addition to the Pueblos, the Apache kept up continual, brutal attacks upon the forces of de Vargas during his return march after the retaking of the Pueblos, and succeeded in wounding a soldado and capturing a number of horses.  A fray, named P. Casanes, was led into an ambush by the Apaches, in March, 1696 C.E., and was beaten to death with clubs and stones.  The Españoles had arrived to retake the land, but the Natives would resist.  

It had been 11 months of increasing unrest at the Pueblos.  There had continued to be persistent rumors of an imminent insurrection.  Actions taken by the Pueblos appeared to be in preparation for a general insurrection.  On June 4, 1696 C.E., an insurrection broke out with 5 misióneros and 21 other Españoles killed.  Before fleeing into the mountains the people of the pueblos had rose up and terrorist pueblo forces among them burned the misiónes.  Only Tesuque, Pecos, San Felipe, Santa Ana, and Zia had remained loyal.  

Unfortunately for the Pueblos, the insurrection was poorly planned.  The insurrectionists, now terrorists, soon divided into several factions.  This was very different from the Insurrection of 1680 C.E. which was well-planned and executed.  The pueblos of that time were of one accord, one organized and cohesive group with a shared purpose.  The 1696 C.E. insurrection was made under the command of one faction’s leader, a Cochití named Lucas Naranjo.

In late July 1696 C.E., de Vargas left Santa Fé with Spanish soldados and native troops from Pecos in search of Naranjo and his terrorists.  They were found hiding in the slopes of a canyon waiting for the arrival of the Españoles.  Naranjo was killed during the battle by a harquebus shot to the Adam's apple and then beheaded by the same Spanish soldado.  De Vargas was reported as saying, "It gave me great pleasure to see the said rebel apostate dog in that condition.  A pistol shot that was fired into his right temple had blown out his brains leaving the said head hollow."  The remaining rebels had fled and the Pecos allies were given Naranjo's head as a trophy of war.  

Soon after the death of Naranjo, the insurrection began to collapse.  The most persistent terrorists in the central Río Grande Valley were destroyed.  Those who had fled their pueblos to the mountains were leaderless and in desperate circumstance.  The Españoles had appropriated stores of food after each victory, and the people remaining in the mountains faced the choice of either returning to their pueblos and accepting Spanish governance or starving.  

Although de Vargas succeeded in subduing the terrorists closest to the center of Spanish power in Nuevo Méjico, the Pueblo terrorist fringe was still unrepentant.  Picurís, Taos, and of course the western pueblos of Ácoma, Zuñi and the Hopi were outside the reach of de Vargas, his troops and Native allies.  

In August of 1696 C.E., de Vargas mounted an expedition against the recalcitrant pueblo of Ácoma.  Having come to the mesa, de Vargas and his troops could not mount an assault, but proceeded to gather the sheep the Ácoma had left at the base of the mesa.  After waiting below the mesa for several days and issuing threats and ultimatums, de Vargas instructed his men to burn the Ácoma fields and then departed to the east.  The Ácoma remained on their mesa.  

In September, the Gobernador moved against the northern pueblos still in insurrection.  The people of Taos were talked down from the mountains after the peaceful capitulation of the pueblo's leaders.  At Picurís, de Vargas found no one.  The Españoles set out after the inhabitants of the pueblo who, in the company of some Tewas, Tanos, and Apaches, were fleeing eastward.  In late-October, de Vargas caught up to the retreating Natives and, in a short battle, captured approximately eighty of them.  The rest continued to flee eastward and were captured by a band of Apaches in western Kansas.  Those who had been captured were distributed to the victors to be held as hostages until the remaining Picurís returned to their pueblo.  

With Picurís no longer a threat, the threat to the Spanish of Nuevo Méjico was eliminated.  Slowly, Natives remaining in the mountains descended to their pueblos.  Some leaders of small terrorist bands voluntarily surrendered while others were tracked down with the help of friendly Pueblo allies.  Still other Natives did not return to their pueblos along the Río Grande, but continued to hide with the Apache and the Navajos and at the pueblos of Ácoma, Zuñi, and Hopi.  The Pueblo Insurrection of 1696 C.E. was over by the end of the year.  With the exception of the western pueblos, the Pueblo Natives of Nuevo Méjico had once more accepted Spanish authority.  

The Spanish villas were being quickly reestablished.  The pobladores came well-prepared with all that was necessary for the maintenance and enjoyment of life according to the simple and healthful standards of those days.  They had seeds, trees, vines, cattle, household goods, and servants.  However, the returning Spanish pobladores would still suffer many hardships and privations in Nuevo Méjico.  In a few years, their orchards yielded abundantly and their gardens were full of vegetables.  Poultry was raised by the Natives, and sold very cheaply; a fat capon cost only twelve and a half cents.  Beef and mutton were abundant.  Wild game was everywhere.  

At the ranchos and estancias and the houses of the Españoles were rebuilt of adobe with some roofs having red tiles.  They were very comfortable, cool in summer and warm in winter.  The clay used to make the bricks was of white or yellow adobe of the Río Grande region.  Cut straw was mixed with the clay and trodden together by the pobladores and Natives.  When the bricks were laid, they were set in clay as mortar.  Sometimes small pebbles from the brooks were mixed with the mortar to make bands across the house.  All the timber of the floors, the rafters and crossbeams, the doorways, and the window lintels were “built in” as the house was carried up.  After the house was roofed it was usually plastered inside and out to protect it against the weather and make it more comfortable.  A great deal of trouble was often taken to obtain stone for the doorsteps.  Curious rocks were sometimes brought many miles for this purpose or for gate-posts in front of the dwelling.  

The Nuevo Méjico Gobernadores brought a number of artisans from Nueva España’s capital Méjico City.  Every misión and rancho wanted them to improve the appearance of their churches and homes.  The demand was so great that there were not enough to go around.  There were masons, millwrights, tanners, shoemakers, saddlers, potters, a ribbon maker, and several weavers.  The blankets and the coarse cloth were first woven at the misiónes.  Later, some cotton cloth was also made in a few cases, but only where the cotton plant was found to grow well.  Pottery was made at the misiónes and soap.  

Afterwards at all the misiónes and on many large ranchos the pobladores were obliged to learn trades and teach them to their servants, an educated young gentlemen was well-skilled in many arts and handicrafts.  He could ride, of course, as well as the best cowboy of the Southwest, and with more grace.  He could throw la reata or the lasso so expertly that I never heard of any Américano who was able to equal it.  He could also make soap, pottery, and bricks, burn lime, tan hides, cut out and put together a pair of shoes, make candles, roll cigars and do a great number of things that belong to different trades.  

In 1696 C.E., Don Pedro Rodríguez Cubero (1696 C.E.-1703 C.E.) became Gobernador after de Vargas' term expired.  He would begin office with a growing province and newly arriving pobladores bringing with them disease.  By 1696 C.E., Pecos Villa experienced a major epidemic (Fever).  To make matters worse for him the Apache were now in his provincia in force.

As 1697 C.E. came, Cubero continued on in his work.  However, Native insurrection and war over many areas of Nueva España would continue to plague the Gobernador and the other Españoles.  

That following year of 1698 C.E., found repeated and vicious attacks made by the Apaches on the Pima villages of northern Sonora.  They were there to steal the maíz and livestock that the Christian Natives had accumulated.  This highlights a very important point.  By this time in Spanish Nueva España’s history Hispanicization had taken root.  Many Native bands, tribes, etc. had become acculturated Christians.  They spoke Spanish, ate Spanish food, dressed somewhat as Españoles, practiced Spanish religion, and in effect had become part of the Spanish system.  Those tribes that remained outside of the Spanish economic system chose to obtain what they wanted by killing, stealing, and destroying.  

In a raid on Cocospera in northern Sonora in February, 1698 C.E., Padre Contreras was wounded and barely escaped with his life, and two Pima women were killed.  The savages descended three hundred strong, robbed the town, burned the Church and the house of the Padre, and killed women.  The Native men were nearly all away at the time on a trading trip in the north.  The few Pima men that were left in the town followed the enemy, but were ambushed and murdered.  

April 1698 C.E., emboldened by their victory at Cocospera, the Apaches fell upon the Ranchería Santa Cruz (At what is now Fairbank, Arizona).  The chief of the villa and two or three of his followers suffered immediate death.  Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino, the brave and devout pioneer Jesuit misiónero to the Upper Pimas, had erected an adobe house there.  He had also brought cattle and horses for to start a misión.  The house was built with embrasures and was surrounded by a corral.  After the death of the chief the surviving inhabitants were driven into this house.  Three more of the people were killed as the fight progressed.  The Apaches then climbed onto the roof and began burning the building.  With an arquebus they had taken in battle they killed another man.  They then slaughtered a number of horses and cattle, set fire to the corral and buildings, and took whatever they could steal.  Thinking they had won a complete victory, they began feasting on the animals they had killed, maíz, and beans they had stolen.  

Three miles down the San Pedro River at Quiburi where Kino had started a misión, lived Capitán Coro, a good friend of Padre Kino’s.  He was one the best fighter in the Pima nation.  When word reached him of the destruction and slaughter of Santa Cruz, he left at once to assist his kinsmen.  At the time, a large number of Pimas from San Xavier who had arrived to trade happened to be at his village.  They joined him on the expedition.  

Capotcari was the Apache leader who would parley with Coro after he arrived on the scene.  Capotcari made fun of Coro and his band, calling them women.  Capotcari next declared that the Españoles, with whom they were allied, were cowards.  He further stated that he had killed many Pimas and Españoles, and dared Coro to match ten Pimas against ten of his party and fight it out in this way.  This he proposed instead of fighting a general battle.  Coro accepted his proposal and picked ten brave Pimas to meet ten of Capotcari’s men.  Capotcari was as daring as he was abusive and boastful.  He led his band in person.  

The Apaches were very effective in offensive warfare using spears, bows and arrows.  However, they were not as experienced at warding off the missiles of their enemy.  The Pimas were good both in defensive and in offensive battle tactics.  Soon, Apaches were either killed or unable to fight.  This left Capotcari to bear the brunt of the fight.  He was skillful and could catch arrows launched at him with his hand.  One Pima warrior after engaged him, rushed Capotcari.  Once upon him, the Pima threw him to the ground and pounded him to death with a stone.  It was a great victory for the Pimas.  The Apaches defeat was impressive.  

The defeated Apaches then attempted escape by fleeing to the woods and mountains.  However, the Pimas pursued them and scores of Apache were killed.  Capitán Coro sent word of his victory to Kino.  The Padre, with Manje and Escalante, the Spanish military representatives, came to assess the battle scene and count the dead.  They counted fifty-four dead bodies.  It has been suggested that many of the Apaches wounded by poisoned arrows died during their attempted escape.  Later, Kino stated that three hundred of the enemy was killed during the fight and an equal number presented themselves at the nearest presidios seeking peace.  

Toward the close of the 17th-Century C.E., Sonora and Nueva Vizcaya or New Biscay suffered greatly from Apache incursions.  The province was located in the north of Nueva España and consisted of the area which is today the states of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango in Méjico.  The Comandante en Jefe or commanding officer responsible for the protection of this region lived at San Juan.  There was a guarnición at Frontéras and one at Janos to the east.  These cooperated with each other in efforts to hold the enemy in check.  By 1699 C.E., the Presidio of the Frontier Line at San Juan Bautista would need to be founded.  In cases of great need reinforcements were drawn from distant points.  

The Natives were continually raiding the exposed villas and misiónes.  Their methods were simple but effective.  The Apache rushed a community, drove-off its livestock, and retreated quickly to their northern strongholds.  When the soldados pursue them, it was often too late to matter.  They rarely had success recovering stolen property or catching the thieving murderers.  There were times when stolen livestock was recovered and a few terrorists killed.  In the cases where captives were involved, very few women and children were freed.  For many reasons the Españoles were unable to achieve decisive victories against the Apaches.  

By 1699 C.E., the Keres who had fled from the pueblos of Cieneguilla, Santo Domingo, and Cochití after de Vargas’ retaking of Nuevo Méjico built a new pueblo on a stream called Cubero.  In the vicinity is a vast plain known as the Cubero Plain, named because of the visit of Cubero at this time.  The pueblo was also known as San José de la Laguna, and later Laguna Pueblo.  The Spanish soon followed with the placement of the Misión San José de Laguna which was built in that same year at the Laguna Pueblo.  

Despite the continued problems with the Natives, life had to go on.  On November 5, 1699 C.E., Sebastian Ruiz (age 22), and María de la 0 (age 24) married at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  Witnesses included Lorenzo Rodriguez, Teresa Olguín, Juan de Ribera (49 years of age), and the soldier Salvadór Matiás (22 years of age) most probably last name was de Ribera, my progenitor.  

I end this portion of the Spanish Period with the clear understanding that Nueva España’s Nuevo Méjico did not stand alone.  It was only a part of a larger political, military, and economic network of provinces.  España’s strategy to hold on to the majority of the North American Continent was doomed to failure.  She lacked the necessary resources, continued unnecessary exploration, and her efforts to expand and settle in vast unsustainable territories was unrealistic.  She could not maintain and protect the misiónes, presidios, villas, ranchos, estancias, and mines against Native tribes bent upon living the old way.  The Natives of this vast region had always been at war with one another.  They would continue to be at war.  To them, the Españoles were no more than another competing tribe, one to be dealt with.  Also, the geographic spread of the region was far too great for control.  The 18th-Century C.E. was to see much more of the same Native unrest, warfare, and raiding.  

Native tribal disputes and continued raiding and warring would remain the theme throughout the Provincia.  The 18th-Century C.E. would be an incessant cycle of raids on Spanish settlements and Pueblos by the various nomadic Native groups which inhabited Nueva España and its northern frontier.  Spanish retaliatory campaigns against these raiders were the only means available to contain such activities.  It should be clear to the reader that to fully understand the scope of this problem it is necessary to realize that Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico were quite literally surrounded by hostile tribes.  As an example, along Nuevo Méjico's northern and eastern frontier were the Comanche and Jicarilla Apache.  To the north and northwest were the Utes, who constantly fought with the Comanche, and often allied themselves with the Españoles, but they, too, raided the Spanish villas and pueblos of the upper Río Grande when it suited them.  To the northwest and west were las provincias de Navajo, or Navajo territory; and to the southwest, south and southeast, the various other Apache tribes.  Spanish Nueva España her provinces and settlements were the agreed upon targets of opportunity for the Native raiders.  It is not difficult to see why Native relations dominated Nuevo Méjico during this period.  

After 1700 C.E. and through 1709 C.E., surrounding lands near Pecos, Nuevo Méjico were given to several of the Native pueblos as grants.  Official Spanish grants were at least four square leagues in size.  The word “league” originally meant the distance a person could walk in an hour.  On land, the league was most commonly defined as three miles, though the length of a mile could vary from place to place and depending on the era.  These grants were intended to provide for the security and subsistence of the pueblos by forbidding encroachment on cultivated Native land.  

There is little information concerning Apache depredations between 1700 C.E. and 1724 C.E.  However, from 1700 C.E. through 1701 C.E. the Hopis from surrounding villas destroy Aguatuvi, a Christianized pueblo.  In the last days of the year 1700 C.E. through the beginning of 1701 C.E., the Moquis (Hopis) of the other Pueblos fell upon the unsuspecting villa at night.  The men were mostly killed, suffocated in their estufas or stoves.  It is said; the women and children were dragged into captivity and the houses were burnt.  It is clear that at any given point in time Native tribes could take positions on both sides of the Spanish question.  Some were for peace and order in Spanish Nueva España and others against it.  

It has been estimated that the Comanche were established around 1700 C.E., after breaking away from Shoshone Tribe.  Over a period of time their home territories became Nuevo Méjico, Colorado, Tejas, Kansas, and Oklahoma.  They were led by Peace Chief and War Chief.  Their usual shelter was a tipi.  The women were in charge of the home and owned the tipi.  The men were in charge of hunting for food and protecting the camp.  They were reliant on the buffalo.  The Comanche held tentative alliances with the Apache, Kiowa, and Utes and waged intermittent conflicts with both the Apache and Españoles.  It was the Apache and Españoles who became their principle enemies of the period.  The Comanche were known to attack on nights with a full moon.  They were also skilled at fighting while on horseback.  By 1700 C.E. they were beginning to raid the Pueblos and the Españoles in Nuevo Méjico.  

Native uprisings continued throughout Nueva España.  In the spring of 1700 C.E., Padre Melchor Bartiromo, S. J., lavished praise on Ex-Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Jirónza for forcing Natives of the Tepoca, Salinero, and Seri nations to sue for peace.  Jirónza relied on zeal and hard work, skills which he used to bring about welcomed tranquility on the Sonora frontier.  He also demonstrated a gentle nature and Christian piety when possible, but deployed his military forces when needed.  

That following year, Ex-Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Jirónza and his Flying Company were campaigning in the fall of 1701 C.E. at the request of a Jesuit Padre, Miguel Guerrero, who had asked him to punish some Natives described as witches who were killing people in Nácori and Vacadéguachi.  

When Jirónza and his soldados returned to San Juan Bautista, they found General Jacinto de Fuensaldaña, Capitán of the presidio in Sinaloa, had taken over the Capitanía of the Flying Company.  Fuensaldaña purchased a post on the northern frontier for one thousand doubloons, serving first in Sonora.  On March 21, 1701 C.E. he took possession of the lifetime Capitanía or Captaincy of Fronteras.  

In 1702 C.E., the Duque of Alburquerque, Francisco Fernández de la Cueva Enríquez (Genoa, Italy, November 17, 1666 C.E. - Madrid, España, June 28, 1724 C.E.), had arrived in Méjico City.  He was the 10th Duque de Alburquerque, Grandee of España, a Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece since 1707 C.E., and virrey of Nueva España, virrey of Méjico, from November 27, 1702 C.E. to January 14, 1711 C.E.  On December 8, 1702 C.E. the Duque assumed his duties as the 34th Virrey of Nueva España.  

He was the nephew of Francisco IV Fernández de la Cueva y Enríquez de Cabrera-Colonna, (Barcelona, 1618 C.E./1619 C.E. – Madrid, (Palacio Real) March 27, 1676 C.E.), 8th Duque de Alburquerque and many other lesser titles, also a Virrey of Nueva España, (1653 C.E.-1660 C.E.), and Viceroy of Sicily, (1667 C.E.–1670 C.E.), and the son of the 9th Duque de Albuquerque, and many other lesser titles, the cadet brother of the 8th Duque, and inheritor of the titles, Melchor Fernández de la Cueva y Enríquez de Ribera-Colonna, (Madrid, March 2, 1625 C.E. - Madrid October 12, 1686 C.E.).  

In 1665 C.E., his father, Melchor, the 9th Duque, had married his niece Ana Rosolea Fernández de la Cueva y Díaz de Aux, the 3rd Marquésa of Cadreita, Navarra, daughter of the 8th Duque de Albuquerque Francisco IV Fernández de la Cueva and Juana Francisca Díez de Aux y Armendáriz, the daughter of Lope Díez de Armendáriz, Virrey of Méjico (1635 C.E.-1640 C.E.).  

This Virrey’s administration was known for its luxury and magnificence.  On January 6, 1703 C.E., the palace guards in the Virreinalor Palacio appeared wearing uniforms of the French mode for the first time (three-cornered hats, etc.).  The uniforms attracted much attention.  The fashions at the court and beyond soon followed the look of French fashion.  This new fashion and luxury was in stark contrast to the poverty being experienced by the majority of the people of the virrey.  

Spanish military expansion continued with the Presidio San Juan Bautista del Río Grande which was founded around 1703 C.E. in San Juan Bautista, now the present day Guerrero, Coahuila.  The Spanish Presidio System in Nueva España by necessity continued to be fortified.  That same year, at Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España, Gobernador Diego de Vargas (1703 C.E.-1704 C.E.) returned and took command.  Before his arrival, Cubero fled fearing reprisals from the man he had arrested and humiliated.  

At this juncture, it is important to place Spanish life in Nueva España and in particular Nuevo Méjico during the period in proper context relative to Native warlike behavior and major disease epidemics.  The pobladores continued on with their lives despite unceasing Native attacks and sporadic epidemics.  They were marrying, buying, selling, raising families, and experiencing legal disputes.  For example in the following year in 1704 C.E., my progenitor, Salvadór Matiás de Ribera lost his Vargas Grant in the center of Santa due to a law-suit which challenged his right to the property in question.  Though it had been granted to him by Cubero, Salvadór’s rights to the property had been disputed and he lost.  The Grant was returned to its former owner.  

By 1773 C.E., his widow, Juana de Sosa Canela and only known child, his son, Juan Felipe would be seeking other grants in the Torreon de la Cienega section of Santa Fé.  In that same year, the great general de Vargas died of a sudden illness.  He was buried at the Santa Fé parish church and Don Juan Páez Hurtado (1704 C.E.-1705 C.E.) became interim Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  

Hurtado had arrived just in time to witness a major epidemic of a type unknown at the Pecos Villa that year.  The Provincia which had seen so much turmoil would remain under the watchful eye of the Virreinato of Nueva España at Méjico City.  

Juan Páez Hurtado would be the 33rd Spanish Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  He was in office from 1704 C.E. through 1705 C.E.  Hurtado was preceded by Diego de Vargas and would be succeeded by Francisco Cuervo y Valdés.  He was born December 22, 1668 C.E. in Villafranca de las Marismas, at Sevilla in Andalucía, España and baptized in the parish of Santa María la Blanca.  Juan Páez died on May 5, 1724 C.E. at the aged of 55 years in Nuevo Méjico.  He was buried under the "Altar of the Basilica of Santa María, la conquistadora,"in English, Saint Mary, the Conqueror), Patroness of Nuevo Méjico.  

Hurtado, the Capitán General, Gobernador and mayor of Santa Fé de Nuevo Méjico was born to a humble family.  When he was a teenager he enlisted in the Spanish Royal Army as a cape, in Sevilla.  He would attain the grades of Sargento and General.  Eventually, he sailed across the Atlantic Ocean headed for Nueva España’s Mexican territory.  While there, he participated in many battles.  In Michoacán, in the present-day Méjico, he began his military career under Mayor Diego de Vargas.  While there, he married Pascuala López Vera, with whom he had a daughter in 1688 C.E.  Hurtado later moved to Nuevo Méjico.  

After de Vargas' death, he became the senior Captain General and Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  Between 1704 C.E. and 1705 C.E. and 1716 C.E. and 1717 C.E., Hurtado was twice Mayor of the capital Santa Fé, occupying the second tier of colonial officers in Nuevo Méjico.  

Under his governance, the Faraónes Apaches stole horses and mules from the Españoles.  In 1714 C.E., Hurtado was assigned to punish the tribe and led an unsuccessful expedition while searching for them.  

By 1705 C.E., Don Francisco Cuervo y Valdéz became provisional Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, appointed by the Virrey of Nueva España Don Francisco Fernández de la Cueva Enríquez, Duque de Alburquerque.  Despite all of the problems that had come about previous to his governorship, life in Nuevo Méjico moved on.  The misiónes, the Villa of Santa , ranchos, and estancias in the Provincia were being reestablished and growing.  Españoles such as Juan Rivera and his wife were selling their land in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  On September 19, 1705 C.E., a Señor Casados purchased the land for 20 pesos from Juan Rivera and his wife, María Gregoria García de Noriega.  That same year, on November 9, 1705 C.E. Señor Casados purchased another piece of property in Santa Fé from Juan de Ribera and his wife.  

Spanish exploration continued to be an important part of España’s strategy for Nueva España.  By 1706 C.E., the Spanish explorer Juan de Ulibarrí crossed Colorado as far as the Arkansas Valley into Kiowa County.  And that same year, the Comanche first became a large issue for the pobladores of Nuevo Méjico.  Spanish concern for the safety and security of its Ciudádanos of Nuevo Méjico continued as it built a military post at Albuquerque along with the founding of a Villa in honor of the Duque of Alburquerque, Francisco Fernández de la Cueva Enríquez.  Gobernador Cuervo founded San Francisco de Alburquerque with 30 families.  He also resettled Santa María de Galisteo which was formerly Santa Cruz de Galisteo with 14 Tanos families from Tesuque, he moved some Tehua families to Pojoaque, and resettled the Villa de La Cañada with 29 families.  Later that year, Gobernador Cuervo would be ordered to rename Alburquerque as San Felipe de Alburquerque in honor of King Felipe V.  

1707 C.E. brought a new Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, José Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor, Marqués de la Penula (1707 C.E.-1712 C.E.) who became the new head of government as Capitán General, Gobernador of the Castle and the Provincia de Nuevo Méjico from the March 2, 1706 C.E. to 1712 C.E.  He was Cuervo’s replacement.  José was an Admiral in the Marina de guerra real Español and the 3rd Marqués de Peñuela, Knight of Santiago Orden.  He was born in Sevilla on March 4, 1668 C.E.  His parents were Gonzálo Chacón Narváez y Trevino Guillamas and Francisca Medina-Salazar Castañeda y Villaseñor.  He married Antónia Torres de Navarra y Monsalve on April 26, 1676 C.E.  Their children were María Ignacia Chacón y Torres de Navarra (December 13, 1704 C.E.), Condesa de Mejorada and Luís Ignacio Chacón y Navarra Torres.  Chacón immediately rebuilt the chapel at San Miguel at Santa Fé, which had been sacked during the 1680 C.E. Native insurrection.  Clearly the Church remained a major part of Spanish life in the region.  

Ex-Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Jirónza remained in San Juan Bautista in retirement.  In September 1708 C.E., he was mayordomo or steward of the community church when he gave a receipt to Bachiller António Fuertes de Sierra for a hundred reales to cover the burial expenses of Bachiller Urbano de Noriega.  

The decade of 1710 C.E.-1719 C.E., continued with España’s strategy of founding misiónes and presidios.  The San Miguel Misión was originally built in 1625 C.E.  A policy of the period was employed in which where a presidio could be built solely to protect a misión, that misión would be fortified.  This was the case with the chapel of the San Miguel Misión being fortified in 1710 C.E.  This is not to say that the period did not have a robust presidio strategy.  In fact, the Presidio de San Bartolomé (?-1710 C.E.) which was located 20 km east of Parral, Chihuahua was replaced by Flying Company (squadron) operating from the military post of Valle de San Bartolomé (1710 C.E.-?).  This was an inexpensive innovation which provided security while keeping policing cost to a minimum.  

During the decade, Spanish rule continued to exploit land grants as meaningful concessions from the Corona Española.  It permitted the settlement and granting of grazing rights on specific tracts of land, while retaining title for the Corona Española.  Alameda Land Grant was situated on the west bank of the Río Grande and presently a part of Albuquerque and Río Rancho.  The Alameda Land Grant, also the Town of Alameda Grant was an 89,000-acre parcel of land given by King Philip IV of España in 1710 C.E. to Francisco Montes Vigil.  He would later sell the land, which included only some farmland along the Río Grande, to Capitán Juan Gonzáles of the Spanish Army.  In 1929 C.E., 20,500 acres would be purchased by Albert F. Black who established the Seven Bar Ranch.  

Between 1687 C.E. and 1711 C.E. the misiónero and explorer, Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino established many misiónes in northern Nuevo Méjico, southern Arizona, and Baja California.  The most notable of these was Misión San Xavier del Bac south of Tucson, Arizona.  

When the Españoles began to settle in Las Californias, Padre Junípero Serra accompanied the expedition of José de Gálvez in 1769 C.E. and founded the Misión San Diego de Alcalá at San Diego, the first of 21 Franciscan misiónes in Las Californias.  The last misión was San Francisco Solano (1823 C.E.), located in the Sonoma Valley.  

Misiónes varied enormously in their economic and religious success.  Some could not support themselves; others developed fertile fields and vineyards and huge herds of cattle.  Virtually all successful religious conversion was among sedentary Natives who were easier to control and more adaptable to agriculture and herding.  The few attempts to convert such warlike nomads as the Apaches and Comanches failed dismally.  

The Virreinato of Nueva España appointed Don Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón (1712 C.E.-1715 C.E.) as Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  He replaced Gobernador Chacón, who was later indicted of malfeasance while in office, but had by that point had disappeared.  Despite these illegal activities land grants continued.  

Elena Gallegos Land Grant was created in 1694 C.E. for Diego Montoya, though pobladores may have occupied it even earlier, prior to the Pueblo Insurrection.  In 1712 C.E. the grant, stretching from the crest of the Sandia Mountains to the Río Grande, was reissued to Elena Gallegos.  

Surviving documents make it clear that a private land grant for the tract was issued to Diego Montoya in 1694 C.E.  This was most probably Capitán Diego de Montoya II, Alcalde mayor of the Puesto de Bernalillo, Regado.  He was born circa 1658 C.E.  His birthplace was Bernalillo, Provincia de Nuevo México, and Reino de Nueva España.  The Capitán died in 1717 C.E., at Guadalupe del Paso, Provincia de Nuevo México, and Reino de Nueva España.  Diego was the son of Diego de Montoya I and María Ana Ortíz de Vera.  The Capitán was husband to: (1) María Ana Ortíz de Vera; (2) María de Aragón, and (3) María Joséfa de Hinojos.  He was the father of Joséfa Montoya; María Francisca Montoya; María de la Rosa Montoya; Juan Estéban Montoya; Luísa Montoya and 7 others.  Diego was the brother of Lucía de Montoya; António de Montoya; María Juana Ortíz y Baca; Felipe Montoya and María Dolores de Vera Montoya.  He was also the half-brother of Bartolomé Montoya; Ynez de Zamora; Pedro Montoya, and Nicolás Joséfa Zaldivar Jorge.  

The grant was reissued in 1712 C.E. following the loss of the original/legal grant papers.  This reissuance of the land grant may have resulted from a transferral of the tract to one Elena Gallegos that year.  Either Diego Montoya or his son gifted or sold the land to Elena Gallegos.  She was the daughter of António Gallegos and Catalina Baca and was one of the Hispano pobladores of Nuevo Méjico who was present at the time of the Pueblo Insurrection (Revolt) of 1680 C.E.  Gallegos was probably a child when the Insurrection occurred in 1680 C.E., and fled south along with her family.  They returned sometime after the Spanish resettlement of Nuevo Méjico in the 1690s C.E.  

Gallegos was also the widow of Jacques Gurulé or Grolet /Santiago Gurulé or Grolet, was born 1663 C.E. La Rochelle, Charente-Martime, France.  He was the progenitor of one of my family lines and a member of the ill-fated La Salle Expedition of 1687 C.E., by which the French colonists were attempting to illegally claim Spanish territory.  The Expedition was a failure, with many of the colonists killed.  Jacques Gurulé took refuge with or was captured by a band of Natives at modern-day Tejas.  The Spanish authorities considered the La Salle Expedition an illegal trespass of Spanish territory and eventually sent Gurulé and a fellow compatriot to prison in Méjico and España.  His release from prison, allowed Gurulé to become a Spanish ciudadano.  Jacques became known as “Santiago Gurulé.”  Santiago made his way to Nuevo Méjico in the late 1690s C.E.  On December 10, 1699 C.E., at the age of about 36, he and Elena Gallegos, then age 19, were married.  They had a son, António Gurulé, in 1703 C.E.  In 1711 C.E., eight years later, Santiago Gurulé died at El Paso del Norte, Tejas.  About 1712 C.E., Elena Gallegos obtained the land grant which bears her name.  

Her descendants subdivided the approximately 70,000-acre plot such that when the land grant was re-adjudicated by Américano authorities in 1893 C.E. it was treated as what is called a communal land grant.  Much of northern Albuquerque is built on the former land grant.  A large open space preserve is named for the grant.  

The Españoles continued on with their lives despite Native attacks.  By 1712 C.E., there was war with the Navajos, discontent among the pueblos, and the Utes and Taos were at war with one another.  

My progenitor, Salvadór Matiás de Ribera who was born in 1675 C.E. at Puerto de Santa María, España and died at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico before 1713 C.E.  Salvadór was a member of the Marina de guerra real Español de España or Spanish Royal Navy and came from España on the ship Santo Tomás de Villanueva along with Toribio Benito Sánchez.  He had married Juana Canela de Sosa born about 1675 C.E.  Salvadór had been granted land in Santa Fé, but lost it in a law suit brought against him by António Montoya on February 1, 1704 C.E.  

Life continued at a normal pace for the Españoles.  On example is my progenitor, Juan Felipe de Ribera the only son of Salvadór Matiás de Ribera.  Juan had been born in 1694 C.E., at Zacatecas, Nueva España.  He married María Estela Palomino Rendón (b.1700 C.E.-d.1770 C.E.) on March 24, 1715 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was the daughter of Francisco Palomino and Juana Montoya.  Francisco was a native of Puerto Santa María, España.  Juan Felipe died on October 1, 1767 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  They had.  They had their first of 12 children around 1720 C.E.:

1.     António de Ribera (b.1728 C.E.-d.1794 C.E.)

2.     Francisca de Ribera (b.?-d.1737 C.E.)

3.     José Miguel de Ribera (b?-d?)

4.     Juan Miguel de Ribera (b.?-d.1770 C.E.)

5.     Juan Miguel Ribera (b?-d?)

6.     María de Loreto Ribera (b.?-d.1822 C.E.)

7.     Salvadór de Ribera (b.1720 C.E.-d.?)

8.     Lorenza Juana de Ribera (b.1723 C.E.-d.?)

9.     Vicente de Ribera (b.1729 C.E.-d.1743 C.E.)

10.  Luís Felipe de Ribera (b.1730 C.E.-d.?)

11.  Ana María de Ribera (b.1762 C.E.-d.?)

12.  María Gertrudis de Ribera (b. 1740 C.E.-d.?) at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  She would marry Miguel Sandoval Martínez on April 10, 1758 C.E. at Santa , Nuevo Méjico.  She is also the Gertrudis Ribera listed in the 1790 C.E. Spanish Census as Spanish, 59 years of age, a widow, two sons (21 and 14), one female servant (Indian) 18 years of age, one male servant (Mestízo) 14 years of age  

The children would grow as Nuevo Méjico grew.  They would prosper, marry, and have their own children.  

The same year of Juan Felipe’s marriage, acting Gobernador for Nuevo Méjico Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna (1715 C.E.-1716 C.E.) was appointed by the Virreinato of Nueva España.  Torrelaguna was born in Alicante in Valencia, España.  He served as a senior officer under Don Diego de Vargas, who recruited by him in 1693 C.E. at Zacatecas.  He fought well during the retaking of Nuevo Méjico after the Pueblo Insurrection (Revolt) of 1680 C.E., while serving as Ayudante to de Vargas.  Félix then became the Comandante of El Paso del Norte.  From 1703 C.E., he had served as Capitán of the Santa Presidio.  On June 3, 1715 C.E., Félix Martínez assumed command of the Santa Presidial Company from António Valverde y Cosío.  The Virrey appointed Félix Martínez to succeed Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón as gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, and he took office in Santa on December 1, 1715 as Gobernador-Capitán.  Soon thereafter he placed Gobernador de Mogollón in jail for two years.  

In June of that year, Gobernador de Mogollón before his arrest had revalidated a land grant made previously a soldado, Cristóbal de la Serna, who had been unable to take possession previously in 1710 C.E. because of his military service.  The cacique, Gobernador, and Tenente-Gobernador of the Pueblo of Taos had been summoned by Alcalde Juan de la Mora Piñeda and made no objection to the act of possession by de la Serna.  

Unfortunately, Nueva España continued experiencing Native wars and raids.  Juan Felipe de Ribera, my progenitor was at this time fighting against the Faraónes Apaches, as were many soldados.  Due to these ongoing Native attacks, España had to continue its Presidio building program.  The Presidio de Santiago de Mapimí was one of these established in 1715 C.E., at Mapimí, Durango.  

In 1716 C.E., with the coming of the new Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico, António Valverde y Cosío (acting, 1716 C.E.), the Virreinato of Nueva España felt it necessary to found other misiónes in east Tejas.  Some of them prospered.  As an example San António became the home of several misiónes, including San António de Valero (the Alamo).  Also, España’s presidio policy remained in full force as Presidio de Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de los Tejas was founded in 1716 C.E. in Tejas.  Dolores was established to protect the misiónes in East Tejas and served as a listening post for French activities in the region.  That same year, the Diego Lucero de Godoy (One of my family lines) Land Grant was granted to António Martínez and became the Martínez Grant.  

Those who served as soldados such as my progenitor, Juan Felipe de Ribera at the Presidio in Santa Fé were busily fighting against the Hopi in 1716 C.E.  They defended the frontier with great courage.  The de Ribera would be a military family.  Each successive generation would serve España and its king.  

At the same time, 1716 C.E. Gobernador Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna was forced to bring war against the Moquis who lived in the northeastern part of Arizona.  Félix Martínez led an expedition into the Moquis region in an effort to exert control over various Hopi towns and ensure their compliance with Spanish law.  The tribes would later move from the east, westward looking for new lands.  Martínez also wrote an Inscription on the famous Rock called El Morro on August 26, 1716 C.E.  

That same year, the Virreinato of Nueva España found it necessary to appoint a new Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Juan Páez Hurtado (acting, 1716 C.E.-1717 C.E.) to mount a Spanish campaign against Utes and Comanche to prevent further raids.  It was not successful.  

By 1717 C.E., Gobernador Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna was unwillingly replaced by Capitán António Valverde y Cosío (interim, 1718 C.E.-1721 C.E.) and compelled to leave for Méjico City.  Early that year, Félix Martínez gave up his office due to legal problems stemming from presidio supplies.  However, things had changed little in Nuevo Méjico.  That year, Pecos warriors fought side-by-side with the Spanish soldados against the Comanche.  There would be severe attacks against Pecos throughout the 1700s C.E.  Pueblo populations declined as warriors and farmers were killed by raids and as smallpox ravaged the Río Grande.  

Outside of Nuevo Méjico, greater Nueva España was experiencing Native uprisings and attacks.  At the misión at Janos, Chihuahua repopulation was attempted in 1717 C.E. with Janos and Jocomes Natives of west Tejas.  A "peace establishment" was formed to integrate Apaches into the settlement.  These resettlement efforts resulted in the villa of Janos being reestablished with Janos and Jocomes Natives.  Of the settlement offer made to Apache, few took advantage of it.  Unfortunately, over the next several years, the Españoles were forced to make a number of punitive raids against local Apache groups, both from the Janos Presidio and others in the area.  From the Janos Presidio located in the extreme northwest of Chihuahua, Méjico and other presidios in the area the Spanish military would intermittently continue to make peace and do battle with the Apaches.  

The Españoles realized that to explore, settle, and expand Tejas and beyond, they would need many more presidios.  By May 5, 1718 C.E., the Presidio of the Frontier Line San António de Béxar, Tejas was founded.  At its establishment, it was not considered a presidio of the line and was defended by a detachment according to the regulations of 1772 C.E.  

Exploration continued beyond Nuevo Méjico’s most northern borders when in 1719 C.E. Gobernador António Valverde y Cosío explored Colorado as far as the Platte River, and Kansas.  The Gobernador learned the French, Pawnee, and Jumano languages.  In Méjico, Nuevo Méjico, and Tejas areas there was conflict with the Apaches.  Upon his report to the virrey of Nueva España Gobernador Cosío was ordered to establish a presidio in Quartelejo or Cuartelejo currently Beaver Creek, Scott County, Kansas to prevent the French from trading with Comanches.  

By then, the Comanche were raiding the Villa of San António as well as the other Native tribes.  The other tribes had primarily raided for plunder, but the Comanche introduced a new level of violence and terror to the conflict.  Other Natives were among their victims.  Because of this, Gobernador Cosío was forced to lead a bloody campaign against the Comanches.  

The decade of 1720 C.E.-1729 C.E. saw the French having a continued interest in España’s Nueva España and the outward reaches of North America.  In 1720 C.E., Teniente-General Pedro de Ribera Villasur was ordered to further explore Colorado and also Nebraska.  This Spanish military expedition was intended to check the growing French influence on the Great Plains of central North America.  The Villasur Expedition from Santa Fé met and attempted to parley with French-allied Pawnee in what is now Nebraska.  Negotiations were unsuccessful and a battle ensued with Pawnee and Otoe forces.  The Españoles were badly defeated, with only thirteen managing to return to Nuevo Méjico.  Although this was a small engagement, it is significant in that it was the deepest penetration of the Españoles into the Great Plains.  It established the limit to Spanish expansion and influence there.  Forty-six Españoles and their Native allies were killed.  The survivors retreated back to their military base in Nuevo Méjico.  

Juan Estrada de Austria (1721 C.E.-1723 C.E.) was appointed Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico by the Virreinato of Nueva España.  His focus was largely internal toward the safety and security of his pobladores.  However, España’s concerns by necessity were focused upon all of Nueva España’s safety and security within and beyond.  As a result, the Españoles founded the Presidio Nuestra Señora de Loreto in 1721 C.E., near Lavaca Bay, now in Goliad, Tejas.  Loreto was also known as La Bahía Presidio.  Its mission was to patrol the coast against invaders and rescued shipwreck victims.  España also established the Presidio Nuestra Señora del Pilar de los Adaes in that same year in Tejas.  Los Adaes was to counter the French at Natchitoches, Louisiana.  

España continued with its misión building program.  Outside of Nuevo Méjico the Franciscan misión of Nuestra Señora del Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga, was built at Matagorda Bay, Tejas in 1722 C.E. to help protect the coast from the French.  It would later be moved inland.  Spanish exploration with the intention of expansion also continued.  But this wasn’t enough.  That same year, a convention of religious and secular leaders investigated causes of lack of settlements between Alburquerque and Chihuahua.  Both cites were impoverished and experienced and persistent attacks by local tribes.  The report recommended starting a presidio at with Socorro 50 soldados and 200 pobladores.  

Life for the Españoles continued at a steady pace despite Native attacks and the normal difficulties.  For example António de Ribera (Juan Felipe, Salvadór Matiás) was born in 1722 C.E. at Santa Cruz, Nuevo Méjico.  He died February 24, 1794 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  António married Graciana Prudencia Sena, born 1728 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico on December 24, 1745 C.E. in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She died June 22, 1810 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was the daughter of Tomás António Sena and María Luísa García de Noriega.  Children of António de Ribera and Graciana Prudencia Sena were as follows:

·       José Manuel de Ribera was born at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Nicolása María de Ribera was born September 12, 1748 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Matiás de Ribera was born March 7, 1750 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married Juliana Peña was born at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico on May 3, 1780 C.E. at Santa Fé.  He joined the Spanish Army on July 1, 1779 C.E. and died August 17, 1785 C.E.

·       María Joséfa de Ribera was born March 6, 1752 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Viterbo de Ribera was born March 11, 1754 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married María dela Luz Pachéco.

·       Manuel António José de Ribera was born June 29, 1756 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married María Joséfa Labadía.

·       António José de Ribera was born January 8, 1759 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He would join the Spanish Army on July 1, 1779 C.E. and be placed on the Invalid Roster list on July 15, 1802 C.E.

·       Santiago Francisco de Ribera was born November 30, 1760 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       María Rosalia de Ribera was born on November 5, 1762 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Julián Rafael de Ribera was born on April 13, 1765 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He later married María Francisca Romero.

·       María Luísa de Ribera was born in 1768 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  

António, Graciana, and their children would work hard for a better life on their estancias and ranchos.  They would accept the challenges the world brought their way and make the best of it.  

By 1723 C.E., Juan Domingo de Bustamante (1723 C.E.-1731 C.E.) was appointed Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico by the Virreinato of Nueva España.  Fray Angélico Chávez indicates that the de Bustamante family of Nuevo Méjico was apparently related to Don Juan Domingo de Bustamante, Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico from 1722-1731 (ONMF: 150).  It is also known that one Don Bernardo de Bustamante y Tagle and a José de Bustamante y Tagle both left descendents in Nuevo Méjico (ONMF: 150-151).  The exact relationship between these three men has yet to be clearly determined.  However, Chávez suggests that Don Bernardo de Bustamante y Tagle may have been a brother or nephew of Gobernador de Bustamante, and he identified José de Bustamante y Tagle.  

Gobernador Don Juan Domingo de Bustamante had been a vecino or tax-paying citizen of Puente San Miguel which was previously known as Bárcena de la Puente in the Cantabria region of España.  António Pérez de Bustamante and his wife Joséfa Sánchez de Tagle y Villegas from Puente San Miguel, España were quite possibly the parents of Juan Domingo de Bustamante y Tagle.  In the clef of the entry arch of a Nuevo Méjico chapel there is a small coat of arms divided into fourths, most likely representing the family shield of the de Bustamante.  

During the administrative term of Gobernador de Bustamante trade with the French in Louisiana was forbidden by Real Cédula or royal decree.  The edict was issued after word reached Madrid that some Nuevo Méjicanos had made sizable purchases in French territory.  As de Bustamante regulated trade with non-Christian Native tribes that year, an investigation by the Virrey was conducted.  It revealed illegal trade in Nuevo Méjico with the French had been ongoing, in violation of the King's order prohibiting trade with French from Louisiana.  Gobernador Bustamante immediately mandated trade with Plains tribes could only be in Taos or Pecos.  The Spanish Gobierno then forbade trade with the French.  These actions gave rise to the annual summer trade fairs at those locations where Comanches, Kiowas and others came in great numbers to trade captives for horses, grain and trade goods from Chihuahua.  

Luís López, Bernardino de Sena, and Tomás de Sena sent this petition to de Bustamante which stated "we register the surplus land in the abandoned Pueblo of Cuyamungué as royal public, and we inhabited from where the boundary line of Tesuque terminates to where the grants of Lázaro Trujillo and the children of Juan Mestas commence, and that your Excellency will be pleased to make said grant, in the name of His Majesty, to us and our successors, for raising all kinds of live stock, on both sides of the river and from the bluff of the Pueblo of Cuyamungué to the hills of Nambé road..."  One more indication that life went on as usual despite all that was happening around the Nuevo Méjicanos.  

There is no doubt that the Spanish settlements continued to suffer as in the past.  But in the autumn of 1724 C.E. matters grew worse.  The Apaches had become so aggressive that it appeared as if European civilization in northern Nuevo Méjico would be ended.  To add to the woes of the exposed settlements, the Gobierno at this time issued orders to the commanding military officer that he was to make no more aggressive campaigns against the Apaches, but was to conduct a purely defensive warfare, waiting until an attack was made and then pursuing and punishing the foe.  To the pobladores and misióneros this policy seemed very weak and dangerous, for it was well known that attacks by the Apaches were always aimed at undefended points.  The Padre Visitor, Miguel Almanza, strongly remonstrated against the new policy, but we do not know what the outcome was.  

That same year, Juan Páez Hurtado held a council or war at Albuquerque to discuss a possible campaign against the Apaches.  

As Apache and Comanche raids continued to escalate, the Presidio del Pitic was founded in 1726 C.E. at Hermosillo, a city in north western Méjico, capital of the state of Sonora.  

In 1726 C.E., Ex-Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna returned to Nuevo Méjico to defend himself against legal actions, after which he returned to Méjico City for good.  

Incursions by the French continued in Nueva España.  1727 C.E. saw the French take Cuartelejo, in Kansas.  This in part was the reason for a second policy issue looming on the horizon.  The Spanish Nuevo Mundo’s Virreinato of Nueva España realized that North America was attracting other European powers who wished to claim it as their own.  As a result, the Corona Española came to view the northern frontier of their empire as a necessary defensive barrier.  Thus the Natives of these regions would need to be integrated as part of the Imperio Español.  

Two Spanish inspections of the northeastern frontier provinces of Nueva León, Coahuila, and Tejas are outlined here.  Firstly, there was General de brigada or Brigadier Pedro de Rivera Villalón and engineer Francisco Álvarez Barriero inspection which was conducted in 1727 C.E. at the time when King Felipe V's government was attempting reform fiscal abuses and mismanagement then rampant on the northern frontier.  There was also an attempt to consolidate those areas España actually controlled, rather than those that were claimed to be controlled.

This eastern leg of de Rivera’s three-year, 8,000-mile inspection tour and concluding assessments and evaluations established that Spanish misióneros had failed to convert the Native inhabitants of east Tejas.  Additionally, with France now allied with España there was little the probability of a foreign invasion of the Northern reaches.  These two factors led de Rivera to advocate for the abandonment of much of the area.  The demands by misióneros and others with vested interests to maintain the status quo are now seen as impractical and unnecessary.  

Native attacks upon the region and other European nation’s incursions into Nueva España were not the only problems pressing the virrey.  In 1728 C.E.-1729 C.E., the Pecos Villa had a major measles epidemic and incomplete sacramental registers and anecdotal mentions in other archival records indicate that another unnamed epidemic arrived at El Paso in 1728 C.E.

The decade would end with General de brigada Pedro de Rivera Villalón's suggestions resulted in the 1729 C.E. Military Regulations for Northern Nueva España.  These dealt with the frontier in a coherent manner with a unified view.  The Españoles would proactively protect their interests.  

The period of 1730 C.E. through 1739 C.E., would continue to see exploration and misión building efforts.  In 1730 C.E., Bishop of Durango, Benito Crespo made a visita to Nuevo Méjico.  

Spanish villas in all of Nueva España would expand and the population of Españoles would continue to grow.  El Paso grew in importance in the Nuevo Méjico province.  By the 1730s C.E., it had begun to emerge as an important agricultural and trade center close to El Camino Real that stretched from Méjico City to Santa Fé.  Known for its wine and brandy, El Paso's economy literally floated on the products of local grapes.  Unfortunately, wave after wave of illness rolled over this and other communities strung south from the Guadalupe misión along the Río Grande.  

Nueva España’s Natives were also changing.  The Comanche remained to a great degree almost purely nomadic and well-supplied with horses by the 1730s C.E.  With this capability they became more elusive and mobile than their semi-nomadic counterparts the Apache and Navajo, who were dependent upon agriculture or herding for part of their livelihoods.  The Comanche both raided and traded with the Nuevo Méjicanos.  They were especially prominent at the annual Taos trade fair where they exchanged hides, meat, and captives peacefully.  They did this while continuing at the same time to raid settlements of the Españoles and Pueblo.  

The Utes also continued to raid Nuevo Méjico settlements from 1730 C.E. to 1750 C.E.  

Despite the world around them being a dangerous place to live, the pobladores continued to make life as normal as possible.  In 1731 C.E., Juan de Ribera of Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico conveyed land to Manuel Casillas.  Juan would have been aware that Gobernador de Bustamante was tried on charges of illegal trading with the French and found guilty, and made to pay the costs of his trial.  Charges were also brought by Padre José António Guerrero against the Gobernador for forcing the Natives to work without pay.  

José Miguel de Ribera (Juan Felipe, Salvadór Matiás) was born at 1730 C.E. at Santa Cruz, Nuevo Méjico and died in 1769 C.E. at Santa Cruz, Nuevo Méjico.  He married María Manuela Olguín on June 4, 1765 C.E. at Santa Fé.  She was born on January 1756 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico; and christened January 7, 1756 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was the daughter of Tomás Olguín and María dela Cruz Sandoval.  The children of José Miguel de Ribera and María Manuela Olguín were as follows:

·       Miguel de Jesús de Ribera

·       Juana Antónia de Ribera was born in June 1766 C.E. and christened on June 2, 1766 C.E. at Santa Fé  

The year 1731 C.E. was a busy one.  Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora was to succeed de Bustamante as Gobernador and serve until 1736 C.E.  Góngora was a native of Pamplona (in Navarra, España) son of Juan Cruzat y Góngora and Doña Joséfa de Góngora, both of Pamplona.  His father was Marqués of Góngora.  His grandfather, Fausto Cruzat y Góngora, was Gobernador and Capitán General of the Philippines and president of its audience.  Both Juan and Fausto Cruzat y Góngora were knights of the Order of Santiago.  Góngora became a Coronel in the army and in the spring of 1730 C.E. and was dispatched to América to take over the gobierno of the Provincia of Nuevo Méjico.  He would found a misión among the Jicarilla Apache which was hoped would gradually civilize them.  That year, Fray Juan Miguel Menchero went to Nuevo Méjico as visitador.  The Church’s interest in converting the pagans was high.  

At that time Gervasio took office as Gobernador of the provincia it was populated by Pueblo Natives and Spanish pobladores.  The areas where they lived consisted of a strip of irrigated land along the Río Grande.  The Españoles remained surrounded by aggressive and warlike Plains Indians such as Navajo, Comanche, and Apache.  
Available records from Cruzat's term as gobernador include such things as cases dealing with questions of cattle and land, which suggests that the economy of Nuevo Méjico was prospering.  Cruzat authorized the planning and construction of an acequia, a Mother Ditch or irrigation channel, through Albuquerque.  This he did by overruling objections of some landowners.  Cruzat also reluctantly permitted Fray José de Irigoyen of San Ildefonso to build a new church in Santa Cruz, using Native laborers, as a public works project for the benefit of the settlement. 
Located at the foot of Black Mesa, about 24 miles north of Santa , the pueblo is characterized by its adobe buildings, ceremonial kivas, a central plaza, and a replica of the misión period church.  Cruzat followed the formal approach of writing to the virrey in Méjico City.  His letter of July 14, 1732 C.E. was answered by a letter dated October 31, 1732 C.E.  

Also, in 1732 C.E., Cruzat banned gambling, drinking, and prostitution in the pueblos.  The Pueblo leaders had become sophisticated in manipulating Spanish laws and dealing with government officials.  It has been suggested that Cruzat often gave them his support.  

Cruzat issued a request to the alcaldes mayores of Nuevo Méjico asking them to notify their people of a military expedition which would leave Galisteo on March 30, 1732 C.E. for the salt lakes.  This small, limited campaign against the Apaches eventually took some captives who were sold into slavery, as was customary of the time.  That same year, he prohibited sale of those captives to the Pueblo Indians.  

The license to build a new church was received by Cruzat in June 1733 C.E.  He gave the Franciscans permission to found the Misión for Jicarilla Apaches on the Río Trampas in Taos County, about 12 miles north of Taos, which would also serve as a defensive post.  Fray Juan Mirabel, who took charge of the Misión, considered that since the Jicarillas were Christians they could rightfully make war on the Comanches, who had not been converted.  Later, the Misión was abandoned when Cruzat prohibited the trade in hides.  

That year, he heard various cases against local officials involving abuses against the Pueblo Indians such as extortion and forced labor, generally ruling in favor of the Natives.  Officials who were dismissed in 1733 C.E. included the alcalde of Bernalillo and the alcalde mayor of Laguna and Ácoma.  In that same year, Cruzat also decided in favor of the Pueblo Indians of Isleta in a dispute with one Diego de Padilla, whose flocks had trespassed on the Pueblo farmlands.  

In 1733 C.E., Cruzat also received a petition by a group of Plains Indians who called themselves "Los Genízaros" asking for a grant of land at the abandoned Sandia Pueblo.  They told the Gobernador that they had all been baptized and therefore, none were servants of the Españoles.  The petitioners stated that they had become destitute while serving as scouts on the border with Apache territory.  The Gobernador requested that they to identify themselves by name and "nation."  He then denied the petition without giving a reason other than telling them that they should settle in established towns and villas.  

By June 23, 1733 C.E., Cruzat was ordering the pobladores at Santa Cruz not to allow their animals to stray loose and tempt Native raids.  He was concerned about raiding and issued an order that all ciudadanos of Nuevo Méjico be prepared for military duty.  

The Santa Ana Pueblo tried to buy land from Balthasár Romero in 1734 C.E.  This they claimed was their traditional property.  Despite the fact that the pueblo was willing to pay, Cruzat nullified the sale, which he said was "against the dispositions of the royal laws of his majesty."  It would appear that this was a personal decision as no law against the sale has been found.  

In 1735 C.E., the Teniente alcalde of Chama was found guilty of trading illegally with the Comanches, dismissed, and fined.  It was also the year Cruzat's term of office expired and he was replaced by Enrique (Henrique) de Olavide y Micheleña.  

By 1736 C.E., the Virreinato of Nueva España appointed Gobernador Enrique de Olavide y Micheleña (1736 C.E.-1738 C.E.).  Don Micheleña would serve until 1739 C.E.  

Religion continued to be in the forefront of Spanish efforts in the Provincia.  In 1737 C.E., Bishop of Durango Martín de Elizacochea made his visita and carved his name on Inscription Rock.  As the Apache depredations continued through remainder of the 1730s C.E., Capitán Juan Mateo Mange, Jirónza's nephew, in 1737 C.E. would report that, "many mines have been destroyed, 15 large estancias along the frontier have been totally destroyed, having lost two hundred head of cattle, mules, and horses; several misiónes have been burned and two hundred Christians have lost their lives to the Apache enemy, who sustains himself only with the bow and arrow, killing and stealing livestock.  All this has left us in ruins."  

By 1738 C.E., the Pecos Villa would suffer yet another major epidemic of smallpox.  In an 18 week period, 26 young children died.  

The year, 1739 C.E., brought with it Don Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza’s Governorship (1739 C.E.-1743 C.E.).  He would serve as Gobernador until 1743 C.E.  That same year a party of Frenchmen came from Louisiana and settled at Cañada near Isleta.  Two of these men left an impact upon Nuevo Méjico.  Louis Marie Colons was shot for his crimes.  Jean d'Alay becomes a barber in Santa Fé, and married a Nuevo Méjicano woman.  The Villa of Tomé was also founded that year by 30 pobladores.  In that same year, Francisco Rivera would take part of the founding of the Town of Tomé.  Note THE SPANISH ARCHIVES OF NEW MEXICO 285 citing his participation:

Acting Capitán-General.

Revoked by Cruzat y Góngora, Gobernador.

956 TOWN of TOMÉ.  Grant. 1739 C.E. Reported Claim No. 2, q. v.  

The grant to the Town of Tomé was made in the year 1739 C.E.; the new settlement was called "Nuestra Senora de la Concepcion de Tomé Domínguez " and was named for the celebrated Capitán Tomé Domínguez de Mendoza, who owned a rancho near by prior to the pueblo rebellion (Insurrection) of 1680 C.E.  

The grant is as follows:  "Sir Senior Justice:  All the undersigned appear before you, and all and jointly, and each one for himself, state, that in order that his Excellency the governor may be pleased to donate to them the land called Tomé Domínguez , granted to those who first solicited the same, and who declined settling thereon, we therefore ask that the land be granted to us; we therefore pray you to be pleased [eaten by mice] at that time [eaten by mice] said settlers, we being disposed to settle upon the same within the time prescribed by law; we pray you to be pleased to give us the grant which you have caused to be returned, as you are aware that our petition is founded upon necessity and justice, our present condition being very limited, with scarcity of wood, pasture for our stock, and unable to extend our cultivation and raising of stock in this Town of Alburquerque on account of the many foot-paths encroaching upon us, and not permitted to reap the benefits of what we raise, and, in a measure, not even our crops on account of a scarcity of water, and with most of us our lands are of little extent and much confined, etc."  

The original settlers were: Juan Barela, Jose Salas, Juan Ballejos, Manuel Carillo, Juan Montaiio, Domingo Sedillo, Matiás Romero, Bernardo Ballejo, Gregorio Jaramillo, Francisco Sánches, Pedro Romero, Felipe Barela, Lugardo Ballejos, Agustin Gallegos, Alonzo Perea, Tomás Samorra, Nicolás García, Ignacio Baca, Salvador Manuel, Francisco Silva, Francisco Rivera, Juan António Zamora, Miguel Lucero, Joachim Sedillo, Simón Samorra, Xptobal Gallehos, Juan Ballejos, grandee, Jacinto Barela, and Diego Gonzáles.  

Too often we see writers of the Spanish Period and of the decade of 1740 C.E.-1749 C.E. focusing upon one geographic area to the neglect of other surrounding territory which might have an impact upon an area under discussion and the subject at hand.  This would be the case in this chapter had I not included expanded areas of Nueva España when writing of Nuevo Méjico.  The Españoles of Nuevo Méjico did not operate in a vacuum.  They were in fact impacted politically, economically, and militarily by major problems occurring in greater Nueva España.  For example the insurrection of the Yaqui, Pima, and Mayo Natives and the areas of Sinaloa and Sonora in 1740 C.E. are some of these.  

Capitán Diego de Hurdaide had established San Felipe y Santiago on the site of the modern city of Sinaloa almost a century and a half earlier in 1599 C.E.  From there, Hurdaide waged vigorous military campaigns on the Cáhita-speaking Natives of the Fuerte River - the Sinaloas, Tehuecos, Zuaques, and Ahomes.  These Native groups, numbering approximately 20,000 people, had resisted strongly.  The Yaqui and Mayo Natives in the area had lived peacefully and coexisted with the Españoles since the early part of the 17th-Century C.E.  Their insurrection was in part due to the Jesuits having ignored growing Yaqui resentment over lack of control of productive resources.  What other grievances they had will not be explored here.  However, one must accept that there must have been many.  

During the last half of the 17th-Century C.E., much of the agricultural surplus produced had been placed in storehouses.  These surpluses were used by the misióneros to extend their activities northward for the Las Californias and Pima misiónes.  The Pima are a group of Natives living in an area consisting of what is now central and southern Arizona.  A poor harvest in late 1739 C.E., followed in 1740 C.E. by severe flooding exacerbated Native food shortages.  The immediate cause of the insurrection is believed to have been the inflexible Jesuit organization which disregarded Yaqui demands for autonomy in the selection of their own village officials.  El Muni and another Yaqui leader, Bernabé, took the Yaquis' grievances to local civil authorities.  Resenting this undermining of their authority, the Jesuits had Muni and Bernabé arrested, not a good move.  

It was during this period that the other nations of the Viejo Mundo were turning their attention to the Spanish Nuevo Mundo.  From about 1710 C.E. to 1740 C.E. the Virreinato government in Méjico City considered Tejas, located on the border with French Louisiana, to be the most vulnerable part of the northern frontier.  The issue was the lack of proximity to other Spanish villas with their economic and military support with which to maintain a firm military border.  However, this wasn’t España’s only problem.  

During the 1740s C.E., that the Pima Natives had begun feeling agitated by the presence of the Españoles in their territory.  The 1740 C.E. insurrection in Sinaloa and Sonora primarily took place in the Mayo territory and in the Lower Pima Country.  Catholic churches were burned to the ground while Padres and pobladores were driven out, fleeing to the silver mining town at Alamos.  In August 1740 C.E., Capitán Agustín de Vildósola defeated the insurgents.  The insurrection, however, had cost the lives of a thousand Españoles and more than 5,000 Natives.  After the 1740 C.E. insurrection, the new Gobernador of Sonora and Sinaloa began a program of secularization by posting guarniciónes in the Yaqui Valley and encouraging Spanish pobladores to return to the area of insurrection.  

By 1741 C.E., Sabinal the southernmost settlement in Nuevo Méjico was established.  Apache raids had prevented Spanish resettlement of this area until the founding of Sabinal.  It was established outside Belén, with the west bank variant of the Camino Real running through the villa.  

António de Ribera (b.1728 C.E.-d.1794 C.E.) was the son of Juan Felipe de Ribera, the only son of Salvadór Matiás de Ribera and María Estela Palomino Rendón (b.1700 C.E.-d.1770 C.E.).  He joined the Spanish Army March 7, 1741 C.E.  He was listed as a farmer, age 19?, black hair and eyebrows, dark eyes, heavy beard, and fair skin.  António was placed on the Invalid Roster on July 1, 1779 C.E.  

In 1742 C.E., during the rule of Codallos y Rabal, Sandia refugees were brought back from Payupki by the frayles Deglado and Pino.  Sandia had earlier been burned by the Españoles after the Insurrection of 1680 C.E.  The inhabitants then fled to the Hopi country where they built the Villa of Payupki.  Fray Juan Menchero, affirmed that had had been engaged for six years in misiónero work with the Natives and had converted more than three hundred and fifty of them, all of whom he had brought from the Hopi province for the purpose of establishing the pueblo.  When the new pueblo was finally established six years later, in 1748 C.E., it was given the name of Nuestra Señora de Dolores de San António de Sandia.  

In August of 1742 C.E., we find the Gobernador Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza y Delgado of Nuevo Méjico and Juan Felipe de Ribera signing a decree to allow one Salvadór Gonzáles to take possession of land which is a small Canyon with Pine trees.  Gonzáles took possession on August 26, 1742 C.E.  He and other pobladores continued to move on with their lives despite the dangers found throughout Nueva España.  

Joaquín Codallos y Rabal (1743 C.E.-1749 C.E.) was made Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España.  Codallos y Rabal joined the Spanish Army in his youth and soon achieved the rank of Mayor or Major.  Once assuming the governorship of Santa de Nuevo Méjico, Codallos y Rabal began issuing new laws.  These included the ban on illegal trade and gambling.  

Pobladores of Albuquerque presented a petition to the gobernador, asking permission to sell wool locally and for export.  The issue was debated by officials of the city of Santa , which led to acceptance of the wool trade and beginning of a trade route between Albuquerque, Santa , and Santa Cruz within the Provincia.  Some of the excess wool was exported to outlying regions of the Provincia and other provincias within Nueva España, providing favorable commerce for Santa de Nuevo Méjico.  

A lone Frenchman, evidently a deserter from Illinois, made his way into Pecos early in June 1744 C.E.  Gobernador Codallos issued ordered to my progenitor, then Sargento Juan Felipe de Ribera, along with two soldados to the pueblo of "Nuestra Señora de la Defensa de Pecos to arrest the man.  While there, Juan Felipe was to enlist four Pecos Natives and bring this unidentified intruder in "well-secured.  Interrogated in Santa Fé, he gave his name as Santiago Velo (Jacques Belleau, Bellot, or Valle?) and confessed that he was a native of Tours who had served as a soldier in Illinois.  Codallos had no use for him.  Dispatching the Frenchman's statement directly to the virrey and Velo himself to the Gobernador of Nueva Vizcaya, he washed his hands of the matter.  

In 1745 C.E., Joaquín Codallos y Rabal made a "vista general," or general visit, traveling throughout the provincia and asking ciudadanos to send him a list of their problems.  Later, he had the population gathered at the square in Santa , where the Gobernador invited them to voice complaints against local officials or the Gobierno or government.  Codallos y Rabal next made visitas to the majority of the towns and Spanish settlements.  Some exceptions were the distant villas of the Ácoma Pueblo and Zuñi people.  The visita was of more of a benefit to the Natives rather than the Spanish pobladores who lived there.  He served until 1747 C.E., when Coronel Francisco de la Rocha was appointed but declined to serve.  Rabal would continue until 1749 C.E.  

Exploration continued.  1746 C.E. Don José de Escandón explored and settled the Río Grande with seven detachments of soldados, establishing towns.  That same year, Padre Juan M. Menchero founded a short-lived settlement of 400-500 Navajo, at Cebolleta (date is also listed as 1749 C.E.).  In that same year, Native attacks upon the Españoles continued forcing them to defend themselves and defeat a combined force of Ute and Comanche insurrectionists near Alburquerque.  

Here, I shall offer information regarding another family line, the Quintana.  Juan Bautista Quintana was born at Nuevo Méjico in 1728 C.E. and died there on May 23, 1815 C.E.  He married María Paula Sánchez in April of 1746 C.E.  He was of another family line, the Quintana.  The earliest I have recorded is Joseph Quintana who married Nicolása Valdéz y Cervantes Altamirano.  Their son was Miguel Matiás Valdéz Altamirano Quintana.  He was born in February 1675 C.E. and died April 9, 1748 C.E.  He came during the resettlement efforts to Nuevo Méjico in 1693 C.E.  Miguel later married Gertrudis dela Trinidad Moreno Trujillo.  Their son was José Quintana.  

José Quintana was born in 1728 C.E. and died on May 23, 1815 C.E.  He married Lugarda Tafoya who was born in Nuevo Méjico.  They had a son named Juan Bautista Quintana.  

Juan Bautista Quintana was born at Nuevo Méjico in 1728 C.E. and died there on May 23, 1815 C.E.  He married María Paula Sánchez in April of 1746 C.E.  Their son José Vincente Quintana was born in Nuevo Méjico in 1765 C.E.  

José Vincente Quintana married María dela luz Silva.  They had a son, José António Quintana who was also born in Nuevo Méjico.  He married María de Jesús Lujan.  They had a daughter María Nicolása Quintana born at Nuevo Méjico in 1843 C.E.  

María Nicolása Quintana married my Great grandfather, José de la Anastacio Ribera born 1840 C.E., in Nuevo Méjico and died there on April 10, 1905 C.E.  María was an heir to the Ignacio de Roibal Town of Jacona Grant consisting of 6954.84 acres.  The Grant was litigated on March 25, 1909 C.E.  Her family’s portion was 28 acres.  In total, only 434.5 acres were returned to the descendents of the original Grantee.  In essence, like many other of the Spanish Land Grants, the vast majority was stolen “legally” by the Américanos, poetic justice and all of that.  Natives took the land from other Natives.  The Spanish took the land from the Natives.  The Américanos took the land from the Spanish.  The Natives now take the money from the Américanos at their gambling casinos.  

The Native insurrectionists continued their attacks upon the Españoles while obtaining help from outside Nuevo Méjico.  Thirty-three Frenchmen would arrive at Río de Jicarilla in 1747 C.E. and sell firearms to the Comanches.  That same year, Ute attacks caused the abandonment of Alburquerque.  It would be resettled again in 1748C.E. by the Españoles and that year, the Españoles carried out a campaign against the Caputa Utes.  

During 1747 C.E., Fray Menchero traveled to Nuevo Méjico as visitador.  While on his tour he turned west from Jornada del Muerto, as far as the Gila, then north to Ácoma.  Don Bernardo Miera y Pachéco served with Menchero.  

My progenitor, Salvadór de Ribera II (Juan Felipe, Salvadór Matiás), grandson of Salvadór Matiás de Ribera served as the 1st Alférez or First Ensign at the Presidio of Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico in 1747 C.E..  He was born around 1720 C.E.  Salvadór married:

(1)   Tomása Rael de Aguilar was born 1732 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was alive before January 1, 1781 C.E.  Tomása was the daughter of Alonzo II Rael de Aguilar and Melchora Sandoval Martínez.  The marriage took place on July 17, 1747 C.E., at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

(2)   (María) Juana Abeyta was born in 1742 C.E.  Their married took place on September 24, 1786 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  Children of Salvadór Matiás Rivera II and Tomása Rael de Aguilar were as follows:

·       María Petra Rivera was born on August 4, 1748 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Gerbasio Alfonso Rivera was born on June 21, 1750 C.E. in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He would join the Spanish Army on March 19, 1777 C.E. and be discharged on October 28, 1790 C.E.

·       Balthazár António Rivera was born on January 12, 1755 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He would join the Spanish Army on January 11, 1779 C.E. and be discharged on October 28, 1790 C.E., be placed on the Invalid Roster on March 1, 1805 C.E. , and die on July 14, 1817 C.E.

·       José António Rivera was born on June 5, 1757 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Luís Manuel Rivera was born on June 24, 1759 C.E. at Santa Cruz, Nuevo Méjico and died on September 15, 1807 C.E. at Santa Cruz, Nuevo Méjico.  He married María Joséfa de Jesús Ortíz.

·       Miguel Gerónimo Rivera, my progenitor was baptized on September 30, 1761 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married:

(1)   María dela Cruz Gurulé on April 20 1784 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was born (Unknown) and died on October 22, 1799.  

Their son was Juan Ribera born about 1785 C.E.  

Their daughter was Juana María dela Cruz Ribera.  She was baptized on May 7, 1786 C.E.  Juana died on November 19, 1792 C.E.


(2)   Francisca Ortíz on May 6, 1790 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was born (Unknown) and died on October 14, 1808 C.E.  

Their daughter Juana María Antónia Ribera was born on (Unknown) and died on July 20, 1799 C.E.  

·       María Magdalena Rivera was born on August 17, 1764 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She died on August 9, 1808 C.E. at Río Arriba Santa Cruz, Nuevo Méjico.  She married José Miguel Trujillo.  

·       José António Rivera was born on May 25, 1767 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  

Tomasa Rael de Aguilar was the half-sister of Pedro Marcial Rael; Josefa Rael de Aguilar; Julian Lorenzo Rael de Aguilar; María Manuela Rael de Aguilar and Feliciana Rael de Aguilar.  

Salvadór enlisted on November 4, 1749 C.E. at the Santa Fé Presidio.  This was the only unit in which he served during his long military career.  His military record states that he took part in thirty military campaigns during his career, being wounded four times by the Comanches.  Later, the record also states, “His advanced age demands his retirement.”  At the time, in the year 1787 C.E., he was 67 years old.  His time of service was more than 39 years.  Like many other soldados and members of the de Ribera family, his enlistment at the Presidio had been preceded by several years of service in the local militia.  

There is a Nuevo Méjicano folk play of “Los Comanches” which is still performed on horseback in the village of Alcalde, Nuevo Méjico.  In the original transcripts of this play, probably depicts a 1760 C.E.-1779 C.E. battle between the Spanish military forces led by Don Carlos Fernández against the Comanche Chief Cuerno Verde.  Salvadór de Ribera II is one of the characters depicted.  It is the oldest folk play, still performed which was written in Nuevo Méjico, by Nuevo Méjicanos, about an event which took place in Nuevo Méjico.  

Despite all that was going on around them, the Españoles of Nuevo Méjico carried on with their lives in as an ordinary fashion as possible.  Nuevo Méjicanos continued to marry and have families, and build homes on their ranchos and estancias.  One example is that of the Gregorio Crespín House located at 132 E. De Vargas St. in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  The house was listed in the National Register of Historic Places on May 29, 1975 C.E.  It has been documented and traced back to Gregorio Crespín who was born about 1707 C.E.  He married María Rosalia Blea in 1794 C.E.  Gregorio (His descendent Maria dela Candelaria Crespín married my great-great-great grandfather, Juan Ribera) who lived in Santa Fé all of his life.  The home was owned by Crespín in 1747 C.E. who sold it to Bartolomé Marqués for 50 pesos (tree-ring dates from the beams in house are from 1720 C.E.-1750 C.E.).  The land was originally part of tract that was granted by General Don Diego de Vargas to Juan de León Brito, Tlaxcalan Native who took part in the resettlement (Reconquest) of 1693 C.E.; and the Roque Tudesqui house (Tudesqui-Ital.) 129-135 East De Vargas (the actual building date is uncertain) in existence in 1841 C.E.  

The Crespín are another family line.  Viscente Crespín was born about 1726 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  Juana Gertrudis Blea married Viscente Crespín on May 23, 1747 C.E. at Santa Fé.  She was born about in 1732 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  The Children of Viscente Crespín and Juana Gertrudis Blea were:

·       Victoria Dolores Crespín who was born on April 9, 1752 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Joséf Francisco Crespín who was born on October 5, 1764 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  

In the Fall of 1748 C.E., my progenitor, Teniente of the Presidio of Santa Fé Juan Felipe de Ribera escorted three Padres to the Cebolleta Canyon to baptize one hundred Native children and scouted areas for four new misiónes.  Less newsworthy than the Comanche assault of that year, but more lethal, was an unnamed epidemic that swept Nuevo Méjico late that summer.  Sixty-eight persons died at Santa Fé between July and September.  Padre Urquijo was ordered to the villa to help.  And there were others.  Over the years, epidemic disease claimed many more lives at Pecos than did the violent assaults of Plains raiders.  The Pecos Villa suffered that epidemic.  At least fifteen Pecos Villa children expired as well as three single men "without receiving the sacraments because," in the words of Fray Andrés García, "it is the custom of these misión Natives to notify the Fray when there is no chance."  

The Spanish military had not been overwhelmingly successful against the Comanches.  At a military junta convened in 1748 C.E., the consensus was that this now formidable Plains people, despite their being barbarous and
deceitful, should be allowed to trade at Taos.  The Nuevo Méjicanos were not prepared to do without the animal skins, meat, horses, and captives only these so-called barbarians could supply.  Besides, it brought them within the sphere of Christian influence and saved their captives from probable death.  Yet, these same Comanche invitees assaulted Pecos again that very same year.  

Spanish exploration continued.  In 1749 C.E., Miera y Pachéco mapped the area around El Paso, down to La Junta del Ríos.  This is located along the southwestern frontier of Trans-Pecos Tejas and northeastern Chihuahua.  In that region the two largest rivers found within the vast Chihuahuan Desert intersect one another, bringing that most precious desert resource, water.  The Río Grande and Río Conchos meet at the sister cities of Presidio, Tejas and Ojinaga, Chihuahua within the Presidio Bolson, a drainage basin framed by rugged mountain ranges.  

That same year, Nuesta Señora de Santa Ana de Camargo (modern Camargo, Tamaulipas, west of McAllen, Tejas) was established at the junction of the Río San Juan and the Río Grande.  

In 1749 C.E. Don Tomás Vélez Cachupín took over as Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico and served until 1754 C.E.  Before becoming Gobernador, Tomás Vélez Cachupín was a colonial judge.  He was appointed gobernador of Nuevo Méjico in early 1749 C.E. and he assumed office in May of that year.  After settling in Nuevo Méjico as gobernador, he assessed the frequent attacks that the Comanches made upon Spanish settlements in the provincia.  These attacks were dangerous because they included kidnappings and killings of pobladores and their descendants in the provincia.  These also slowed and in some cases curtailed economic growth.  The population of Natives in the region was higher than that of the Españoles.  However, it was the Natives that suffered economically.  To remedy that disparity, Vélez Cachupin decided to improve the quality of life of Natives.  He hoped through these efforts that they would learn respect his authority.  Additionally, he wanted peaceful trade with the nomadic, warring tribes of the region which would help the economy of Nuevo Méjico.  Mistrust of the Natives was a normal state of affairs as the Españoles of the Provincia considered the Comanches of the southwestern United States their main enemy.  

By the decade of 1750 C.E.-1759 C.E., the Spanish government wanted there to be more marriages between Spanish people and the Natives.  They planned for towns to grow up around the misiónes, which would then become parish churches.  The land on which the misiónes were established was not given to the Catholic Church.  It actually belonged to España held in trust for the Natives.  

In the 18th-Century C.E., and especially after 1750 C.E., Nueva España fostered settlement of Nuevo Méjico by a system of “Mercedes” (wages or reward), or land grants, given to prestigious individuals and to groups of more humble status.  This approach increased respect for Puebloan lands and also increased tensions with Navajos and Apaches.  In these villas, the bonds of religious godparentage, work on the acequias (irrigation ditches), and participation in the Penitentes or a lay Catholic brotherhood provided social cohesion within a pattern of dispersed settlement.  The approach was to serve as an organized expansion model over the great distances of Nueva España.  

In 1750 C.E., at Cebolleta all went well for a brief time.  In the spring of 1750 C.E. conditions changed.  Teniente-Gobernador Bernardo António de Bustamante along with the vice-custodio, Padre Manuel de San Juan Nepomuceno de Trigo, went to investigate.  An investigation disclosed the real state of affairs.  The Padre at Cebolleta, Menchero had been liberal with his gifts.  He had also made other promises; hence his success in bringing Navajos to Cebolleta.  The Navajos claimed that they had not received half the gifts promised.  Additionally, their present Padres, against whom they had no complaint, were too poor to provide gifts.  The government and the Church had once again proved that they were incapable of simple administrative control.  

Possibly as a result of these Native resettlement efforts, in July of 1750 C.E., a group of approximately 130 Comanche arrived at Nuevo Méjico and temporarily settled there in tents.  Forty of them settled in Taos to trade hides and slaves with the European traders.  The Gobernador, Tomás Vélez Cachupín agreed to the trade with one proviso, he threatened to declare the war if, after trading with the Europeans, the Comanches attacked Pecos and/or Galisteo.  The chiefs of the Comanches agreed to this, but another group of Comanche, armed with bows, spears, and guns attacked Pecos in November.  After being informed of the attack, Vélez Cachupin led an army against the Comanches searching for them for six days.  

Gobernador, Tomás Vélez Cachupín soon came upon an armed group of 145 Comanches.  These unexpectedly attacked him, which began the Battle of San Diego Pond.  At dusk, despite its extremely cold climate the insurgent Comanches fled to the center of the lake.  The gobernador ordered his army to attack and kill any insurgents found.  Fortunately, upon hearing the screams of women and children the gobernador called off the attack.  With the aid of an interpreter, he offered to spare the lives of any Comanches who surrendered immediately.  In the beginning, the Comanches were determined to fight.  The situation remained tense until, when at midnight, a sixteen year old male left the pond holding a cross made of reeds and asked Cachupin for mercy.  The other insurgents saw that he was being well-treated by Cachupin and most decided to follow his example.  After this incident only the chief and seven warriors continued resistance.  The last of the fighting was ongoing until three o'clock, until the Comanches were defeated.  At dawn, Cachupin counted 49 prisoners and 150 horses and mules.  

Cachupin next warned the Comanches against any further attacks on Spanish settlements, stating that if they did, he would find and destroy their villas.  With the last of the warring Comanches killed or captured, he released most of them.  Four natives Cachupin gave snuff and ten arrows for hunting.  As a result, his courage in battle and his compassion for Natives earned him a reputation among the Comanches.  He was from then on called the "astounding Capitán."  Cachupin’s magnanimous gestures also increased the peace between the Españoles, Utes, and Apaches who would later become principal allies.  

Alonzo or Gerbasio Alfonso Rivera (de Ribera), son of Salvadór Matiás Rivera (de Ribera), was born in 1750 C.E.  He was listed in the Spanish Census of 1790 C.E. as a farmer in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  Alonzo was the brother of my progenitor, Miguel Gerónimo de Ribera.  By 1795 C.E., Corral de Piedra, Nuevo Méjico was Alonzo’s residence.  His first marriage was to María Abeyta.  Their children were Pedro António Ribera and María Rita Ribera.  After the death of Miguel Gerónimo’s first wife, María de la Candelaria Crespín, Alonzo adopted Miguel Gerónimo’s two children.  

Exploration was always the beginning of the process for España’s method of settling new territory.  Once an area was identified as appropriate, the Españoles would establish misiónes with presidios to guard them.  Nueva España was seen as the staging area for pobladores which would eventually settle all of North America.  España had made its way from Méjico City northward to Nuevo Méjico and beyond.  It had explored Tejas and extended its Camino Real eastward toward Louisiana.  She now looked westward from Nuevo Méjico over land to the Pacific Ocean.  

It wasn’t until the mid-1700s C.E. that King Carlos III of España began to think about Alta or Upper California.  He was prompted to do so when he heard of Russian fur traders moving down the west coast of North America from Alaska.  Carlos had also been informed that English explorers were interested in the area.  The King wanting to secure España’s claim to the land sent orders to his virrey in Méjico City, telling him to organize an expedition to go to Alta California.  Father Junípero Serra, a Franciscan misiónero was selected as the religious leader of that expedition.  

The instructions to Padre Serra from the Spanish government were to establish Spanish control of the land by teaching Catholicism to the Natives.  According to the plan, the Natives would then become Spanish Ciudádanos and would be the pobladores in the new land.  This was thought to be a quicker way of creating Spanish villas in such a remote area, rather than sending large numbers of pobladores there from España or southern Nueva España.  Besides, pobladores did not want to relocate to such a remote place.  

Again, the misiónes were not intended to be permanent.  The Spanish Gobierno thought that within ten years, the Las Californias Natives would have become loyal Spanish Ciudádanos.  They would be ready to take over the land and contribute to the treasury of España.  Skilled immigrants were expected to follow the Franciscans to Las Californias, and become pobladores there.  All of this did not mean that España was neglecting Nuevo Méjico.  A Navajo misión was established at Cebolleta in the Mid-18th-Century C.E.  These misiónes were to be followed by pueblos and villas as they had done successfully in other parts of the Nuevo Mundo, including in Nueva España for the previous 200 years.  They also had misiónes in other parts of what is now known the Southwest.  This was an inexpensive method for settling new territory.  

In the 1750s C.E., the fiercest of all Apache tribes, the Chiricahua, began hunting and raiding along the mountainous frontier regions of both Sonora and Chihuahua.  By 1750 C.E. my progenitor, Juan Felipe de Ribera was the Alférez of the Santa Fé Presidio.  In that capacity, he was doing his best to defend the villas, ranchos, and estancias of the Provincia against the Apache.  

By the 1750s C.E., the Corona Española as part of its Spanish rule gave ranchos as concessions.  By doing so, it permitted settlement and granted grazing rights on specific tracts of land, while the Corona Española retained the title.  These rancho settlements by individuals were allowed only on tracts of land outside presidio, misión, and pueblo boundaries.  The land concessions were usually measured in leagues.  A league of land would encompass a square that is one Spanish league on each side, or approximately 4,428 acres.  

The Spanish Gobierno encouraged settlement of the Territorio de Nuevo Méjico by the establishment of large land grants, many of which were turned into ranchos, devoted to the raising of Corriente or common cattle or native cattle and sheep.  The ganaderos or owners of these ranchos patterned themselves after the landed gentry in España.  Their workers included Natives, some of whom had learned to speak Spanish and ride horses.  There were hundreds of recognized land grants.  España made relatively few, with the greatest number being issued by the government of Méjico, after 1821 C.E.  The ranchos established land-use patterns that are recognizable in the Nuevo Méjico of today.  

The story of the ranchos and the Corriente and the “Open Range” of the Southwest really began two decades before the pilgrims landed in 1620 C.E. on Plymouth Rock.  This is when adventurous Criollos or Spanish-born Américanos and Mestízos or racially mixed Spanish and Native settlers pushed past the Río Grande River to take advantage of land grants in the kingdom of Nuevo Méjico.  At the time, this would have included most of the western United States.  After the Spanish Period, one out of every three cowboys in the late-1800s C.E. would be a Mexican vaquero.  I would suspect that most Americans believe that the cowboy, Anglo-American cattlemen existed first.  

It is the nature of a conqueror, in this case the Américano, to ensure that history is rewritten to reflect their view of what happened or should have happened.  Therefore, popular American culture, books, and cinema reflect the American Cowboy to the exclusion of the caballeros, first, and later the vaquero.  This does not make the Américano view bad or good.  It simply makes it the dominant view, the historically selective view.  When one takes the land from a people, one must ensure that the conquered and their legacy are erased as best possible.  They can be romanticized, but never characterized as real.  This wouldn’t do.  Once you’ve taken the land (ranchos, estancias) and the horses of the conquered, the caballeros and the vaquero are left on the margins.  They can no longer be participants.  This would make them too real.  At best they can only be observers or ghosts of a time long since past.  

In an effort to clarify, the Españoles, and later for 25 years, the Méjicanos who worked the Corriente cattle were called caballeros.  This was considered one of the highest stations one could achieve in life.  Caballero is literally translated as "gentleman."  The root of the word comes from caballo, Spanish for "horse."  For every caballero there were perhaps dozens of independent vaqueros working the herds.  Later, even the poor Méjicano vaqueros were very proud of their status.  There were few things they couldn't do from a saddle.  These were the true "drivers" of the cattle.  Today’s basic skills, traditions, and ways of working cattle are rooted in the vaquero.  

It was the Caballero, sometimes called El Hacendado, who owned the cattle and ranchos.  However, it was the vaqueros or mounted herdsmen who worked for the Caballeros that advanced the art of handling hundreds of thousands of difficult and feral cattle and wild horses.  They worked the animals on the almost endless, unfenced open ranges of Nueva España or what is now Méjico, the American Southwest, and far West.  It was these Vaqueros that developed all the methods and equipment for the purpose of herding.  The Vaquero rounded-up, roped, and branded the cattle more than 300 years before the first American cowboy arrived and sat a horse.  

By 1800 C.E., the highly sophisticated Vaquero culture had reached its peak in what is now the state of California.  To this day, few mounted herdsman on earth have achieved such elegance, presence, and artistry for day-to-day work of handling cattle and wild horses.  The beautiful equipment and exquisite horsemanship of the Californiano is still highly regarded.  His clothing, horse gear, and working skills were unique to their culture.  

Despite possible Anglo-American objections, today’s American cowboy developed from the vaquero.  That so-called uniquely American figure, the cowboy, did not begin with the Norte Américano.  He had his origins in the Viejo Mundo, in España.  However, his principal antecedent was most certainly the Vaquero, who had for centuries developed in Spanish North America before Anglos with their black slaves moved into the eastern United States.  

The Españoles had their children in the Nuevo Mundo, and these Criollos kept the land and its resources.  As the Nuevo Mundo transitioned and the Españoles intermarried with the Natives, the Mestízos came into being.  They prospered and need for help on the ranchos also grew.  The more numerous Mestízos became vaqueros, cowmen.  These rough, hard-working Mestízos were hired by the Criollo caballeros to drive cattle between Nuevo Méjico and Méjico City.  Later, they would drive the herds between Tejas and Méjico City.  That title, vaquero, though denoting a separate social class, was similar to that of caballero.  It was a mark of pride.  Vaquero is a transliteration of the words “cow” and “man.”  Vaca means “cow."  The Spanish called themselves “cowmen.”  In English, it was described as cowboys.  

Important to both the caballeros and the vaqueros was the horse saddle.  What Americans term the “western saddle,” they generally referred to as the “Spanish saddle” during the first half of the 19th-Century C.E.  Thus, they had an awareness of its place of origin.  Americans of that time commonly used the term "Spanish" to distinguish whatever related to Nueva España, now parts of Méjico and her provinces to the north Tejas, Nuevo Méjico and Las Californias.  Within the locus of the Nuevo Mundo, it was specifically in Nueva España which included modern day Nuevo Méjico and Old Méjico, that the western saddle originated and underwent a great deal of its development.  By the outset of the 19th-Century C.E., the saddle used by the caballeros of Nuevo Méjico was founded upon a saddletree incorporating almost all elements of design and construction by which the western saddle tree is obvious today.  

By the time España’s explorers set sail for the West Indies in 1492 C.E., two basic saddle styles had been adopted and brought to the Americas with the horse, a la estradiota, and la jineta.  

La Estradiota or Spanish War Saddle also referred to as the Moro Cavalrymen Saddle.

From the 11th-Century C.E. onward, the West European institution of "chivalry," which originally had the same meaning as "cavalry," evolved along with the age of knighthood.  The saddle of chivalry, (a la estradiota) consisted of two large rigid bows, the rear end couching the pelvis of the caballero, connected by wooden planks.  The seat was padded on both sides between the caballero and the caballo.  The fork swell or pommel rose high in front of the rider so as to protect the stomach from the force of the opposing attacker’s lance.  The cantle was high enough to secure the caballero from being forced over the rear of the horse and close enough to the pommel to further snugly secure the caballero.

La Jineta


It was from both the a la estradiota and la jineta style saddles that later horse saddles were designed and constructed that the first vaqueros of Nueva España developed an American saddle.  Each version of saddle would suit the rider’s own needs and preferences.  Modern-day saddle experts have conducted research and have a reasonably good idea how the western stock saddle evolved and what it may have looked like.  Unfortunately, there are no surviving fully documented saddles from the American Southwest’s Spanish Period (1521 C.E.-1821 C.E.).  There exist a few inconclusive illustrations and literary references to the estradiota, jineta, and later vaquero-type saddles.  However, there is no consistent agreement between authorities on exactly what the first vaquero saddle looked like.  

By 1821 C.E., Anglo-American settlers would make their way to Tejas, becoming the first English-speaking Méjicano citizens of the newly formed Republic of Méjico.  Led by Stephen F. Austin, they arrived in San Felipe de Austin, Tejas.  Once settled, they would take advantage of the vast expanse of Tejas and its ample Corriente cattle, which were free for the taking.  It was stated that there were millions of Corriente or Longhorn cattle in the brush country of Tejas that were loose, strayed, and had multiplied.  These new settlers had only to round up the cattle.  This was something the vaqueros had been doing for 223 years, since 1598 C.E., when Don Juan de Oñate, one of the four richest men in Nueva España, the present-day western United States and Méjico, sent an expedition across the Río Grande River into Nuevo Méjico.  

It is believed that de Oñate spent over a million dollars funding his expedition.  He reportedly brought some 7,000 animals to the present-day United States.  The wool-bearing sheep exported from España, sheep such as the Churra, Manchega, Castellana, and Lacha were sent to the Nuevo Mundo.  The term "Churro" is translated to mean "common" and now refers loosely to all the breeds previously mentioned.  The long-horned livestock was also present.  

By the conclusion of the Civil War the Anglo-American cattle-driving industry would be at its highest point of development.  However, it changed with the introduction of barbed wire in 1873 C.E.  The industry caused a rapid rise in large private landholdings.  Under the circumstances of the existing Open Range policy, the American Cowboys or "free-grazers" had full access to all land for grazing their cattle.  A battle between private landowners and the others was about to explode.  Interestingly, one-third of these were the vaqueros and one-fifth African-Americans.  It is easy to see why White America would champion the cause of barbed wire.  

The Spanish Presidio System continued its expansion, just as the Apache offensives would.  That year 1751 C.E., Apache attacks were occurring in Sonora and Chihuahua and carried through till 1774 C.E.  As a counter, the Presidio of San Francisco Xavier de Gigedo was founded in 1751 C.E. in Tejas.  The Sonoran Españoles mounted a punitive campaign against the Chiricahua, capturing two of their leaders.  That same year, Gobernador Cachupín battled against the Comanches and received a commendation from the Virrey.  

By November of that year, under their leader, Capitán-General Luís Oacpicagigua, the Pima rose in insurrection.  More than a hundred pobladores, miners, and rancheros were killed.  Churches were burned and two Padres were also killed.  This Pima Insurrection of 1751 C.E.-1752 C.E. was of great significance to the Españoles.  The Pima Natives had lived for many centuries in scattered locations throughout what are today the western two-thirds of southern Arizona and northern Sonora.  While the Pimas Altos or Upper Pima Natives lived in the north, their linguistic brethren, the Pima Bajo or Lower Pima lived farther south in lower Sonora.  On January 4, 1752 C.E., over 2,000 northern Pimans attacked one hundred Españoles.  Fortunately, they were repulsed with a loss of forty-three dead.  The Pima Insurrection lasted only four months, ending with the surrender of Luís Oacpicagigua.  He offered himself as a sacrifice and in atonement for his whole people.  By this, he endeavored to spare them the consequences of their uprising.  Soon afterwards, Ute leaders, Chiquito, don Tomás, and Barrigon met with the Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico.  The Spanish petitioned the Utes for a trade agreement for deerskins, in the hopes of forestalling further conflicts with the Mouache, Caputa, and Chaguaguas.  

As 1752 C.E. arrived, the Presidio of the Frontier Line Guajoquilla was erected on orders from the Virrey Revilla Gigedo.  It later became known as San Eleazario.  The Presidio San Ignacio de Tubac was also founded in that year at Tubac, Arizona.  Next, to come was the Presidio de Nuestra Señora de las Caldas de Guajoquilla.  It was founded in 1752 C.E. at Jiménez, Chihuahua.  It was later to be known as San Eleazario.  

By 1752 C.E., two Frenchmen arrived in Santa Fé with an authorized trading license from España.  The town burghers imprisoned them and confiscated their goods.  

In 1753 C.E., the Apaches attacked the settlements and ranchos near Valle de San Buenaventura in Chihuahua.  

Miguel Gerónimo de Ribera (Juan Felipe 2, Salvadór Matiás 1) was born in 1734 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married Ana María Fernandez who was born at Santa Fé in 1753 C.E.  The children of Miguel Gerónimo de Ribera and Ana María Fernandez were as follows:

·       Rosalia 4 de Ribera was born in September 1755 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico and christened on September 14, 1755 C.E. at Santa Fé.

·       Vicente 4 de Ribera was born in January 1763 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico and christened on January 22, 1763 C.E at Santa Fé.

·       José Francisco 4 de Ribera was born in December 1777 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico and christened on January 1, 1778 C.E. at Santa Fé.  

The new Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España Francisco António Marín del Valle (1754 C.E.-1760 C.E.) was assigned in that same year.  Soon, the Apaches once again attacked the settlements and ranchos near Casas Grandes.  As a result, two years later, another expedition of 190 Sonorans, 140 Opata allies, and 86 Spanish troops from Chihuahua would go out in search of the Apache marauders during 1756 C.E.  

By 1754 C.E., the Utes had driven out the Navajos from the upper San Juan drainage and the Mouache Utes enter an alliance with the Jicarilla Apaches.  

In 1754 C.E., the Gobernador, Tomás Vélez Cachupín issued a price list for commonly traded goods and set regulations governing the buying and selling at trade fairs, in order to reduce misunderstandings between the Comanches and pobladores.  

Because of Native attacks, the Presidio of the Frontier Line, Presidio Santa Gertrudis del Altar, was founded in 1755 C.E. in Altar, Sonora Méjico with 30 soldados from the presidio of Sinaloa.  The Presidio was designed to restrain the Seris, Pimas, and Pápagos.  

In 1755 C.E., the Villa of Laredo was founded by Capitán Don Tomás Sánchez de Barrera y Gallardo, a veteran Spanish officer.  He was forty years of age at the time he crossed to the north bank of the river, locating a ford which he christened "El Paso de Jacinto."  It was later to be called Native Ford, just west of what is now downtown Laredo, Tejas.  Don Tomás petitioned Coronel Escandón for permission to found a town near the ranch.  At fist the famous explorer urged that the proposed town be located farther north along the Nueces River.  The Capitán attempted to carry out this suggestion and was repulsed by Native attacks.  Capitán Sánchez then reported that he considered that area of the frontier undesirable.  His original request being granted, the Capitán on May 15, 1755 C.E. moved three families and their belongings to his new grant.  He named the settlement "Villa de San Agustín de Laredo," after the city of Laredo on the Bay of Vizcaya or Biscay in the Spanish Province of Santander, which had been the home of Coronel Escandón.  The original settlement comprised fifteen "sitios de ganado mayor," or grazing plots, for the common use of the inhabitants.  No individual grants of land were made at that time.  

In 1755 C.E., Salvadór de Ribera of Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico conveyed land by Pedro Tafoya.  An entry into THE SPANISH ARCHIVES OF NEW MEXICO 209 shows a transaction by Salvadór Matiás de Rivera (II).  1755 C.E., No. 772 Pedro Tafoya conveying a House and lot to Salvadór Matiás de Rivera (II).  1755 C.E., Santa Fé.  Signed and authorized by Francisco Guerrero, Alcalde.  

Presidio San Agustín de Ahumada was founded by Jacinto de Barrios Leal y Jáuregui in 1756 C.E. in Tejas.  San Agustín curbed French trading activities along the coast.  Jacinto was a native of Cádiz, Andalucía España.  Approximately, 1718 C.E., Jacinto started to serve the Corona Española as a soldado and was appointed Teniente Coronel or Lieutenant Colonel of cavalry while he participated in the campaigns against Italia.  He would be appointed Gobernador and Capitán-General or Captain General of Tejas in 1751 C.E., arriving at Los Adaes in June of that year.  During his governance, in addition to other actions, he founded the Misión Santa Cruz de San Sabá and the Presidios of San Agustín de Ahumada and San Sabá.  In addition, he moved the San Xavier misiónes and San Francisco Xavier Presidio to the San Marcos River.  In 1751 C.E., early his term as gobernador, three Frenchmen were found to have settled along the Trinity River trading with the Natives.  The Spanish authorities arrested and expelled them from the Provincia.  

During the summer of 1756 C.E., Barrios was appointed gobernador of Coahuila, while his partner Angel Martos y Navarrete obtained the governorship of Tejas.  The men exchanged their currently governed territories to allow Barrios to stay in Tejas longer (until 1759 C.E.) so he could finish the construction the Presidio of San Agustín de Ahumada and establish a civil settlement in the near places to presidio.  Barrios made a great fortune in the fur trade with several Native peoples such as the Bidais and Orcoquizas, through a strict control of indigenous industry.  He supposedly purchased French goods in Natchitoches, Louisiana.  He later sold these leather goods to the Native population.  This practice of smuggling from French Louisiana made Barrios a one of the most criticized figures in the history of Tejas.  He ended his term in Tejas in 1759 C.E.  

Militarization continued in the region with the founding of the Presidio San Luís de las Amarillas in 1757 C.E. in Tejas.  San Luís de las Amarillas is also known as San Sabá Presidio.  It served as a buffer for San António against raids by the northern tribes (Norteños), including Comanches and Apaches.  

Luís Felipe de Ribera, the son of Juan Felipe de Ribera and María Estela Palomino married Polonia Antónia Peña and enlisted in the Spanish Army on April 26, 1757 C.E., at age 28.  Luís Felipe was listed as a farmer, 5’4” tall, black hair, reddish eyebrows, flat nose with scar, and fair skin.  He would later be discharged on July 15, 1779 C.E.  

1757 C.E. Don Bernardo Miera y Pachéco would accompany Gobernador Marín on his official tour of inspection.  At the Gobernador's expense, he would map the entire province.  From late June until December 1, 1757 C.E., they were in the field.  By the end of April 1758 C.E., Miera's elaborate map was ready.  

Miera was born in the Valle de Carriedo of Cantabria or Burgos, España.  The son of a Capitán of the Cantabrian Cavalry, he was trained as a military engineer.  Like many others, he emigrated to Nueva España (in North and Central America).  In 1741 C.E., he married María Estefania Domínguez de Mendoza at Chihuahua.  They would have two sons, Anacléto or Cléto and Manuel.  In 1743 C.E., the family settled in El Paso.  A man of many talents, he was variously a merchant, a debt collector, a Ganadero, and a military officer.  In the latter capacity, he served in five military campaigns.  In 1747 C.E., Capitán Miera led a military detachment accompanying Padre Juan Menchero on the latter's attempt to convert the Navajo and resettle them around Mount Taylor (formerly Cebolleta).  Bernardo de Miera y Pachéco (August 4, 1713 C.E.-1714 C.E. or April 11, 1785 C.E.) was possibly the most prolific and important cartographer of Nueva España as well as an artist, particularly as a Santero (wood-carver of religious images).  He has been called a polymath, being "proficient in astronomy, cartography, mathematics, geography, geology, geometry, military tactics, commerce, husbandry, oenology, metallurgy, languages, iconology, iconography, liturgy, painting, sculpture, and drawing.   Most non-Spanish historians and commentators would simply refer to him as a “Conquistador or Colonist.”  

There were Seri offensives from 1757 C.E. to 1766 C.E.  At the time of contact, the Seri Natives lived along the arid central coast of Sonora and shared boundaries with the Yaqui on the south and the Pima and Pápago on the east and north.  The first known battle between the Seris and the Españoles took place in 1662 C.E.  A century later, on November 3, 1757 C.E., a war party of Seri and rebel northern Pimans struck the settlement of San Lorenzo (Sonora), killing thirty-two persons.  This invasion called for military reprisal, and the Españoles dispatched troops to force the insurrectionists back to the coastal area.  

The Chihuahuan desert is a very arid region.  The Presidio de San Fernando de Carrizal, Chihuahua (1758 C.E.-?) was situated there which had always marked its isolation.  This made it difficult to maintain the population.  Prior to the Spanish entrada this desert area it was inhabited by Native groups such as the Sums, Jumanos, Janos, Meek, and Apache.  These Native tribes resisted with force any attempt by the Españoles to control the region, as well as España’s religious instruction by the Church misióneros.  

Positioned in the middle of the desert, agriculture there could not be achieved on a large scale.  As a result, the first activity in the area was the exploitation of salt which was formed in the closed basins of the lakes in the region.  As the water evaporated it left salt deposits.  Later, the Corona Española would decide to establish military prisons, one of which was the Presidio militar of San Fernando of the yellow of el Carrizal.  It was founded on November 8, 1758 C.E. by Mateo António de Mendoza Díaz de Arce Gobernador of Nueva Vizcaya.  Its placement was on the road from La Plata which linked to the city of Méjico with Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  Carrizal was virtually the only intermediate point between the then villa of San Felipe de Chihuahua (today the city of Chihuahua) and the town of Ciudád Juárez and at the banks of the River in del Carmen, one of the few in El Paso del Norte region.  The Presidio was established there to protect the emerging ranchos and villas in the surrounding area.  Specifically, it was for the safety of the area against the frequent Native uprisings.  It managed to stabilize the poblaicón or population and create an environment of relative peace and prosperity.  It received its name in honor of the then Virrey of the Nueva España, Agustín de Ahumada y Villalón, II Marqués consort of the yellow.  

By 1759 C.E., a Presidio was built at Junta de los Ríos in Tejas.  The Junta de los Ríos is a fertile region surrounding the juncture of the Río Conchos and the Río Grande.  Located at 29 degrees latitude and 104 degrees longitude, La Junta forms a roughly triangular shape extending from the rivers' juncture to approximately twenty-five miles in each direction along the banks of the two waterways.  It straddles the United States-Méjico border at the cities of Presidio, Tejas, and Ojinaga, Chihuahua.  

In the 1760s C.E., Spanish authorities initiated another program of temporal and spiritual settlement under the leadership of José de Gálvez, appointed visitador general by King Carlos III.  The decade of 1760 C.E.-1769 C.E., also brought with it a renewed concern about Russian exploration, fur-trapping, and raiding of settlements along the coast of Alta California.  For the Españoles this represented only one more avenue for other European nations to invade and later conquer the region, one which the Españoles had to protect.  

The Spanish clergy remained concerned about their flock in Nuevo Méjico.  In 1760 C.E., Bishop Tamarón of Durango visited and lamented the state of affairs at the Pueblo misiónes particularly that the Padres could not speak the native languages and the Puebloans could not speak enough Spanish to understand the doctrinal teachings.  

Nuesta Señora de la Luz (Our Lady of the Light), or “La Castrense” and Military Chapel, was built at Santa Fé in 1760 C.E. by Nuevo Méjico’s Spanish Gobernador Francisco António Marín del Valle (1754 C.E.-1760 C.E.).  This is where many of the de Ribera men, as soldados were married over generations.  It stood on the south side of the Santa Fé Plaza across from the Palacio de los gobernadores.  Upon its completion, the church’s altar screen measured 18-by-14-feet and is recognized as a masterpiece from the Spanish Colonial era.  The altar screen was made of limestone and depicted Jesús, María, and various saints.  It was carved by the Santero, map maker, explorer, and cartographer Don Bernardo Miera y Pachéco.  

The Presidio de la Junta de los Ríos Norte y Conchos was founded in 1760 C.E. just southwest of present-day Presidio.  Despite the Spanish interest in building a presidio at La Junta in 1747 C.E., it was not built until Capitán Alonso Rubín de Celis arrived on December 24, 1759 C.E.  The presidio was built between San Francisco de los Julimes and Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe pueblos.  It was completed by July 22, 1760 C.E., and its soldados fought off a Native attack the same day.  The presidio would later be abandoned in the fall of 1766 C.E. and moved to Julimes on the Río Conchos.  In 1772 C.E. the king would order its reestablishment as the presidio at La Junta, and by 1773 C.E. the fort was back at its original site, though the name was shortened to Presidio del Norte.  

As the pressure of constant warfare mounted in the region and attacks were being waged by nomadic Natives insurrectionists, the Spanish military adopted a policy of maintaining armed guarniciónes of paid soldados (presidios) in the problem areas.  By 1760 C.E., España could boast a total of twenty-three presidios in the various frontier regions of Nueva España.  The Apaches would respond to these guarniciónes by developing adaptations in their mode of warfare, subsistence, and society.  Their ability as highly skilled horsemen and mobility helped them elude presidio troops.  That same year, Capitán Juan Bautista de Anza took over command of the Tubac Presidio in Southern Arizona and embarked into Seri country near the Golfo de California.  

In 1760 C.E., Gobernador Cachupín retired, mired in opposition by the Franciscans.  He was temporarily succeeded by acting Gobernador Mateo António de Mendoza (1760 C.E.).  That same year, Don Francisco António Marín del Valle succeeded him.  He would later be followed by Gobernador Manuel de Portillo y Urrisola (1760 C.E.-1762 C.E.).  

During the 1760s C.E., Spanish-Ute relations progressed to the extent that it allowed Spanish trading ventures into Ute territory as far north as the Gunnison River.  The Gunnison River is a tributary of the Colorado River, 164 miles long, in the Southwest state of Colorado.  It’s the fifth largest tributary of the Colorado River.  

In late-1760 C.E., when Apache raiders hit the region south of San Buenaventura an expedition of 100 Spanish soldados and 130 Native auxiliaries attacked the raiders.  

In that same year, Domingo de Ribera, the son of Juan Felipe de Ribera and María Estela Palomino Rendón who was born in Nuevo Méjico, died on October 20, 1760 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  His son Luís Felipe de Ribera (Juan Felipe 2, Salvadór Matiás 1) married Polonia Antónia Peña (born 1746 C.E. in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico, daughter of José Miguel Peña and María Francisca Rael de Aguilar) at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico on August 28, 1761 C.E.  He was born 1738 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  This is the same Luís Felipe de Ribera listed in the 1790 Spanish Census as Spanish, age 62, farmer, married to Apolonia Peña (Spanish and age 48), 3 sons (ages 22, 12, 10), 3 daughters (ages 11, 8, 5), one male servant (Indian age 15), and one female servant (Indian age 20).  The Children of Luís Felipe de Ribera and Polonia Antónia Peña were as follows:

·       José António de Ribera was born in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married:

(1)   María Loreto Ortíz

(2)   María Feliciana Loreto Ortíz

(3)   María Ysabel Gutierrez

·       Ana María Ventura de Ribera was born on July 14, 1762 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married José António Crecencio Sena who was born on April 22, 1752 C.E.  He was the son of José Vicente Sena and María Teresa Vitón y Gallardo.

·       María Luísa de Ribera was born in August 1764 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico and was christened August 30, 1764 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married Juan António García de Alviar.

·       María Viviana de Ribera was born on December 9, 1766 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married Francisco Pachéco.

·       José de Jesús de Ribera was born on May 20, 1768 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       Antónia Gertrudis de Ribera was born on January 11, 1772 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       José Miguel de Ribera was born on January 30, 1776 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married:

(1)   Juana García

(2)   María Tomása Lobato

·       María Agustína dela Luz de Ribera was born on August 29, 1778 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       José Joaquín de Ribera was born on November 30, 1779 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       María dela Luz de Ribera was born in 1781 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married Simón António González.

·       María Manuela de Ribera was born on May 25, 1782 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married Diego Estanislado Sena.

·       María Ygnacia I de Ribera was born on July 14, 1784 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.

·       María Ygnacia de Ribera was born on October 20, 1785 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She married:

(1)   Cristóval Sánchez

(2)   Patricio Romero

By 1761 C.E., many presidios were lacking troops and resources due to their being used for an offensive against the Seris.  A force of 184 Spanish soldados, 217 allied Natives and 20 Ciudádanos went on the offensive against the Seris in what is now Sonora, Méjico.  They succeeded in slaying forty-nine Seris, capturing sixty-three, while recovering 322 horses.  

The Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España was Tomás Vélez Cachupín (1762 C.E.-1767 C.E.).  He would eventually be replaced in 1762 C.E., by Del Valle.  Del Valle would be succeeded late in the year by Don Manuel Portillo Urrisola who governed until 1762 C.E.  

In 1762 C.E., Gobernador Tomás Vélez Cachupín ordered an expedition for exploration of the Gunnison area of Colorado in search of mines for precious minerals.  It was to be headed by Juan António María de Rivera.  Accompanying him were Joaquín Laín, Gregorio Sandoval, Pedro Mora, and others.  The de Ribera Expedition would find the Gunnison River in 1765 C.E.  The party mounted the expedition and traveled from Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico northwest to the San Juan River (possibly named in honor of Rivera).  It next moved across the southern spur of the La Plata Mountains.  Rivera would skirt the San Juan Mountains and get as far as the Gunnison River near present-day Delta, where his troop carved a cross, a name, and the date into a tree.  De Rivera reported finding silver in what are still called the La Plata Mountains.  He explored areas including parts of Southern Rocky Mountains, Utah, and Colorado.  De Rivera became the first recorded explorer of southwestern Colorado.  

Another entry into THE SPANISH ARCHIVES OF NEW MEXICO 209 shows António Rivera of Santa Fe, in 1762 C.E., and No. 775 Gregorio Crespín conveying House and land to António Rivera at Santa Fé, in 1762 C.E.  Signed and authorized by Manuel Gallego, Alcalde.  

Later, in 1765 C.E., Manuel de Rivera explored along what is now the Old Spanish Trail as far north as Delta, Colorado.  

By the latter half of the 18th-Century C.E., frontier conditions in northern Nueva España had deteriorated badly as a result of Native attacks and plundering, poor management of presidios, etc.  These had adversely affected Spanish settlement.  The Corona Española found it necessary to order an examination of the entire frontier with the view of relocating presidios and making whatever other adjustments might be necessary to prevent further abandonment of Nueva España and Nuevo Méjico’s Spanish frontier settlements.  

The Marqués de Rubí was given the assignment of investigating this problem.  He began his assessment in 1766 C.E.  Royal engineers Nicolás de La Fora and Joseph (José) de Urrutia (later named Capitán of Presidio San António de Béxar on July 23, 1733) assisted de Rubí by drawing plans of presidios and drafting maps of the areas traversed.  The Marqués de Rubí would inspect the northern frontier between 1766 C.E. and 1768 C.E., in the same manner as de Rivera.  

It was de Rubí who recommended to King Carlos III to approve a massive military reorganization for the region.  As a result of the de Rubí’s studies, a new line of defense was established, uniform fortification plans were prescribed, and numerous changes were made in regulations governing military personnel.  De Rubí's recommendations also led to the establishment of an independent military commandery of the Interior Provinces and the formation of a presidial cordon sanitaire for containment via a system of alliances instituted by the Españoles with friendly Natives which stretched across the northern reaches of Nueva España.  It was meant to completely surround the marauding Native tribes, sealing them off from Spanish held and controlled territory.  This was meant to isolate the raiders, particularly the Apaches.  

De Rubí’s recommendations strived for balance.  He concentrated on the placement of Spanish military forces where they would best serve the needs.  They were not to be squandered on claimed territory.  Rather, they were meant to be deployed in occupied and controlled areas.  The approach was logical and thoughtful.  His recommendations also resulted in a new military line of defense.  It was to establish uniformity.  The new line of fortifications was to be composed of some fifteen presidios situated at about 120 mile intervals.  These extend from the Golfo de California on the west to the Golfo de Méjico on the east along what is now approximately the northern boundary of modern-day Méjico.  

There is a broader view of Spanish military policy in the Interior Provinces which must be presented here.  Marqués de Rubí’s findings clearly demonstrate that ongoing and continuous warfare with the Apaches was the most serious threat posed to España's hold on the areas of the northern frontier.  The Españoles had been and were now the prey, the Natives the hunters.  

José Vicente de Ribera was the son of Manuel António José Rivera.  He was born 1756 C.E. and died sometime before 1826 C.E. in Nuevo Méjico.  He married Joséfa Labadía (1766 C.E.-after 1826 C.E.) in Nuevo Méjico.  He would later join the Spanish Military in 1808 C.E.  Their children were María Micaela who was born in 1782 C.E., Vicente who was born in 1785 C.E., María Trinidad who was born in 1789 C.E., María Guadalupe who was born in 1797 C.E., Tomás António who was born in 1801 C.E., Diego who was born in 1802 C.E., Juana de la Cruz who was born in 1803 C.E., José Guadalupe born in 1805 C.E., María del Carmen born in 1808 C.E., and José António, date of birth unknown.  

Manuel António was the child of António (1726 C.E.) of Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico and Graciana Prudencia Sena who died on June 22, 1810 C.E. in Nuevo Méjico.  Their children were Nicolása María de la Luz who was born in 1748 C.E., Matiás de San Juan Nepomuceno who was born in 1750 C.E., Joséfa de la Luz María who was born in 1752 C.E., José Viterbo who was born in 1754 C.E., Manuel António who was born in 1756 C.E., António José who was born in 1759 C.E., Santiago Francisco who was born in 1760 C.E., María Rosalia who was born in 1762 C.E., Julian Rafael who was born in 1765 C.E., and María Luísa, date of birth unknown  

António was the child of Juan Felipe (Born in 1694 C.E., at Zacatecas, Nueva España and died 1767 C.E. at Nuevo Méjico and María Estela Palomino Rendón born at Santa Fé in 1700 C.E.  

In 1767 C.E., King Carlos III abruptly banished the Jesuit Order from all his realms.  It has been suggested that King Carlos was attempting to centralize and secularize his political power.  It has also been reported that he and others viewed the Jesuits as too internationally oriented, too strongly allied to the papacy, and too autonomous from his throne and in whose territory they operated.  Hundreds of misiónes, colleges, schools, and establishments had to be transitioned to other misiónero orders or converted to other uses.  The Franciscans who assumed responsibility for the misiónero effort in Sonora and Chihuahua inherited all the difficulties and problems that had plagued the Jesuits.  These included restless neophytes, Apache hostility, disease, encroaching pobladores, and lack of government support.  

By 1767 C.E., Capitán Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta, knight of Santiago succeeded Cachupín as Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España.  He requested a presidio in Taos, and established a presidio at Robledo, consisting of 30 soldados from Santa Fé.  

The Sonora Campaign of 1767 C.E.-1771 C.E., also known as the Sonora Expedition of 1767 C.E. was led by Coronel Domingo Elizondo.  The expedition was the result of demands by pobladores in Sonora who had for decades suffered raids by warring ranchería groups of that provincia.  Pacification of Native insurrectionists of the coastal region was the main objective of the expedition that was comprised of an extraordinary 1,100 men.  The expedition represented the greatest military effort yet seen in this Spanish frontier provincia.  

Juan José António de Ribera (age 20) a native of La Villa de Santa Bárbara, San José del Parral was the son of Nicolás de Ribera and Marcela de Ribas.  He married María Antónia López (age 22) on January 8, 1767 C.E.  She was from the San Miguel de Baredo district, Alburquerque, Nuevo Méjico.  Her parents were unknown, but were supposedly from San Miguel de Baredo.  Witnesses were: Don José Hurtado de Mendoza, Notary; Feliciano Hurtado (age 34) of San Miguel de Laredo who knew the bride in El Parral; Félix Caporal (age 35), who came here from Parral with the groom and Felician Hurtado.  NM Roots Ltd., pg. 1547 Río Abajo López Diligencia Matrimonials, Premarital Investigations, From Angelico Chavez's, Roots, Ltd.248  

My progenitor, Juan Felipe de Ribera died on October 1, 1767 C.E.  When he was twenty-two years old he had married María Estela Palomino Rendón in 1716 C.E.  He stated that he had been born in Zacatecas in1694 C.E., and came later to Santa Fé.  Juan was a soldado all his life, and a charter officer in Our Lady of Light.  He left a widow and several sons and daughters.  By 1770 C.E., when their mother was seventy years old, there were seven out of the fifteen children living.  Five of children were found in records, four are listed here:

·       Vicente, 14 years old was killed by Apaches "en el monte," in May 1743 C.E.

·       Francisca died while a girl, on December 22, 1737 C.E. and was buried in the Conquistadora chapel

·       Lorenza married Pablo António Baca on May 24, 1743 C.E.  This is probably the same Lorenza Rivera listed in the 1790 C.E. Spanish Census as Spanish, age 67, widow, with one granddaughter age 11, one female servant (Indian age 27)

·       María de Loreto became the wife of Juan António Ortíz

·       Juliana married José Rodríguez  

During the years, 1768 through 1776 C.E., Padre Francisco Tomás Garcés explored Arizona, Las Californias, and the areas surrounding the Gila and Colorado rivers.  While exploring the western Grand Canyon, he met the Hopi and Havasupai peoples.  From 1768 C.E. to 1776 C.E., Padre Garcés, Juan Bautista de Anza, and native guides explored the region.  

During 1768 C.E., Coronel Domingo Elizondo divided his Sonora Expedition forces in an attempt to drive the Seri Natives into one geographic area.  The intent was to use this as an advantage and force a decisive battle.  However, the mission failed to achieve its objective.  The Natives were very well-trained in the art of hit-and-run and ambush style warfare.  Therefore, the Seri were able to avoid direct confrontations with the larger Spanish army.  

Beginning in 1769 C.E., Padre Junípero Serra, Catalonian soldados, and Franciscan Padres founded several presidios and twenty-one Spanish misiónes in Las Californias.  These were established along the Pacific coast, from San Diego (1769 C.E.-1833 C.E.) northward along Las Californias’ El Camino Real.  

The Presidio Real de San Diego was founded in 1769 C.E. at San Diego, California along with its Rancho del rey which was later to become Rancho de la Nación.  The bay at San Diego was large and had a narrow entrance.  This ideal location was close to the Virreinato of Nueva España at Méjico City by sea and afforded protection from the winds for Spanish ships.

As the end of the 18th-Century C.E. approached, the Apaches represented a major threat to the continued Spanish occupation of Sonora and Chihuahua.  Native insurrectionists exacted high tolls in commerce, livestock, and lives.  The damage caused by Apache raids was calculated in hundreds of thousands of pesos and many ranchos, estancias, and mining centers throughout Chihuahua had to be abandoned.  The continuing Native attacks would eventually undermine the effectiveness of the chain of presidios which had been established to control them.  

The Apache raiders in Chihuahua displaced or assimilated other groups of hunter-gatherers known as the Sumas, Mansos, Chinarras, Sumanos, Jocomes, and Janos.  As a result, the Españoles, Pimas, and Opatas found it expedient to form an uneasy, but necessary, alliance against the Apaches.  The Opata Natives were valuable to the alliance as they controlled the major river valleys of Central Sonora.  

In 1769 C.E., Bernardo de Gálvez was commissioned to go to the northern frontier of Nueva España, where he soon became comandante militar or commandant of military forces in Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora.  It must be remembered that Nueva Vizcaya consisted of a great deal of territory (610,000 square kilometers), most of which today corresponds with four Méjicano states.  Because of its great mineral wealth, the Españoles took a special interest in the southern part of Sonora.  The Natives of Sonora waged a long battle of resistance against the Españoles.  Bernardo would lead several major expeditions against Apaches, whose attacks and plundering seriously crippled the economy of the region.  The American Southwest’s Pecos River, has two early Gálvez crossing names applied to it.  The first is the Paso de Matías and the second is the Paso de Gálvez.  

The decade of 1770 C.E.-1779 C.E. would continue to see España’s method of traditional placement of misiónes, presidios, villas or pueblos, land grant ranchos and estancias, and mines as its settlement model.  However, the model would be much more simplified due to the region’s great distance from supplies and support in Méjico City.  The primary innovation would be the introduction of intendancies, an institution borrowed from France.  The Intendants were royal civil servants in España’s governmental regime.  These were a product of centralization policies of the Corona Española.  Intendants were appointed "commissions," and not purchasable hereditary "offices."  This prevented the abuse of sales of royal offices.  It also resulted in more tractable and subservient emissaries of the king.  Intendants were sent to supervise and enforce the king's will in the provincias and had jurisdiction over three areas: finance, justice, and military.  

They were first introduced on a large scale in Nuevo España, by the Minister of the Indies José de Gálvez, in the 1770s C.E., who originally envisioned that they would replace the Virreinato System altogether.  With broad powers over tax collection and the public treasury and with a mandate to help foster economic growth over their districts, intendants encroached on the traditional powers of a virrey, gobernador and local officials, such as the Corregidores or Chief Magistrate of a Spanish town.  These positions would be phased out as intendancies were established.  The Corona Española saw the intendants as a check on these other officers.  Over time accommodations were made.  For example, after a period of experimentation in which an independent intendant was assigned to Méjico City, the office was thereafter given to the same person who simultaneously held the post of virrey.  Nevertheless, the creation of scores of autonomous intendancies throughout the Virreinato, created a great deal of decentralization, and in the Capitanía General or Captancy General of Guatemala, in particular, the intendancy would lay the groundwork for the future independent nations of the 19th-Century C.E.  

By the 1770s C.E., the Comanche threatened the survival of Nuevo Méjico, stripping the provincia of horses, forcing the abandonment of many settlements, and killing many.  During the period, the Spanish Gobierno developed an aggressive policy designed to defeat the various unfriendly Native tribes in northern Nueva España and obtain peace treaties with them.  

In 1770 C.E., Bernardo de Gálvez assumed the post of Chihuahua Comandante Militar or military commandant at age twenty-four.  He soon campaigned against the Apache from Chihuahua and began driving them out, causing serious retaliatory attacks.  This was nothing new for Janos and Chihuahua, towns founded circa 1580 C.E. by Franciscan misióneros.  Guided by a Spaniard who had escaped Apache captivity, de Gálvez's force of 135 soldados and 50 Opata Native auxiliaries crossed the Río Grande in an icy downpour at the abandoned Presidio del Norte (present-day Ojinaga, Chihuahua) on October 21, 1770 C.E.  There the Río Grande makes its way across the usually dry country toward the Pecos.  

After following the Natives' trail all day, de Gálvez's scouts came upon the enemy horse herd at pasture in late afternoon.  While the soldados rested after dark in a fireless camp, the Opata auxiliaries located the Apache encampment.  The troops surrounded it before dawn.  In the surprise attack that followed, twenty-eight Apaches were slain, while the Españoles counted only one man wounded.  Re-crossing the Pecos River with thirty-six prisoners and the Apache horse herd, the soldados marched toward Chihuahua.  This second crossing over the Pecos River, probably near what is now Girvin in Pecos County, was named Paso de Gálvez.  Five years later, Vicente Rodríguez a field commander in the abortive Apache campaign of 1775 C.E., then attached to the San Juan Bautista Presidio, identified the two crossings by name, Paso de Matías and "Paso del Señor Gálvez."  He indicated their locations in the account of his march to the Pecos.  

Arriving at the Pecos on November 1, 1770 C.E., the soldados found that the Native encampment from which their guide had escaped had been moved.  Their provisions were waterlogged and spoiled.  The Españoles were spurred from their misery of chasing and fighting the Apache, by Bernardo de Gálvez's eloquent appeal.  Following after him the soldados plunged their horses into the cold stream and continued their pursuit.  De Gálvez named the place of crossing Paso de Matías, for his father, Matías de Gálvez (Virrey of Nueva España, 1783 C.E.-1784 C.E.); it was later known as Horsehead Crossing.  

During campaigns along the Pecos and Gila rivers in 1770 C.E. -1771 C.E., de Gálvez was wounded twice.  He gained invaluable military experience from these campaigns which he would employ a few years later during the America Revolution.  During these campaigns, the name Paso de Gálvez was given to another crossing on the Pecos River where de Gálvez led his troops to victory in a fight with the Apaches  

With the many things going on in the region, life still had to continue on.  As stated in the will of Domingo de Benavides written in 1770 C.E., Juan Felipe de Ribera owed him a plow.  This I assume was used by Juan on his rancho.  

José Miguel de Ribera’s “Will” from about 1770 C.E.:  

Know all who shall see this memorandum that I, Joseph Miguel Rivera, resident of this villa of Santa Fé, and the legitimate son of Alferez Don Juan Phelipe de Rivera, deceased and Doña María Estela Rendón Palomino, find myself ill in bed and make this last will in the following manner.  

I declare that I have been married according the Church to Doña Manuela Olguín for a period of four years, more or less, during which time we had two children one girl named Juana Antónia, and one boy named Agustín de Jesús, who I acknowledge as my legitimate children.

It is my will that my brother and compadre, Salvadór Matiás de Ribera, is my executor.  

I declare as my goods 200 ewes, which are united with those belonging to my mother and they are in possession of José Chábes, resident of Atrisco; with a share of twenty out of a hundred and half of the wool.  It is my will that they remain with him the one hundred with the profit that belongs to it, to my wife Manuela Olguín; and the other hundred to my daughter Juana Antónia, in the same conformity with the profits.  

I declare as my goods, three beasts belonging to the mule family, two jacks and one mule, with four pack saddles with full equipment.  

I declare as my goods three horses, my riding saddle, bridle, spurs, little cushions, shield, gun with its case, ammunition pouches, which, together with the two cows and one little bull, are in possession of his grandfather, António Sandobal, it is my last will to leave to my son, Agustín de Jesús, that he may enjoy it with God’s blessing and with mine.  

I declare a house which I have built at the rear of the one belonging to my mother, and it composed of three rooms, with free ingress and egress.  It is my will that this be left to my wife.  

I declare as goods - fifteen goats, which, with three and a burro and a jack, belong to my wife.  

I declare that Francisco Montoya, resident of la Sienega, owes me twenty sheep, I order them collected and delivered to my wife.  

I declare that my old clothes and the other things within the house, which may be recognized as mine, it is my wish that my wife enjoy.  

I declare that Diego António Baca, resident of this villa, owes me a piece of plush, without trimming, I order it collected.  

I declare that Joaquín Martín, a resident of El Río Abajo owes me a jack-ass, I order it collected and if it is verified that it should be paid, he shall be given six pesos of the land from my goods.  

I declare that António Sandobal, a resident of this villa, owes me a pattern of scarlet cloth, seven varas long.  He must deliver this next year at the time when the neighbors may come and always when the collection of these debts is made, I order my executor to deliver them to my wife.  

I declare that all of the goods, which remained at the end and death of my father, are in the possession of my mother, all without anything having been lost by me.  It is my will that all that is contained in this will be complied with fine and due effect.  

I attest that I know the grantor and he did not know how to sign but at his request, José Miguel Tafoya, signed and witnesses Joachin Lain, rubric; and Miguel Tenorío de Alba, rubric. [not dated]  

Presidio Monterey was established in 1770 C.E. at Monterey Bay, Alta California.  Its exaggerated size and safety was based on misleading reports of 17th-Century C.E. explorer Sebastián Vizcaíno (1548 C.E.-1624 C.E.).  Vizcaíno was born in 1548 C.E., in Extremadura, Crown of Castilla España and was a Spanish soldado who saw military service in the Spanish invasion of Portugal during 1580 C.E.-1583 C.E.  Arriving at Nueva España in 1583 C.E., he sailed as a merchant on a Manila galleon to the Philippines in 1586 C.E.-1589 C.E.  In 1587 C.E., he was on board the Santa Ana as one of the merchants when Thomas Cavendish captured it, robbing him and others of their personal cargoes of gold.  He was also an entrepreneur, explorer, and diplomat whose varied roles took him to Nueva España, the Philippines, the Baja California peninsula, the California coast, and Japan.  It became the site of the capital and presidio of Alta California  

By 1770 C.E., the Utes and Navajos were at war with the Hopis.  

An Irish expatriate, Teniente-Coronel Don Hugo O'Conor, was the officer selected to oversee and implement the new policies.  He was appointed the first Comandante-Inspector or Commandant Inspector of the Interior Provinces in 1771 C.E.  He would later control the military forces of the frontier provinces and take over the command on February 17, 1772.  Don Hugo diligently implemented the necessary military reforms and presidial realignments over a six year period.  During those same years, he led a series of punishing campaigns against the Apaches.  These would usher in a decade of relentless Spanish offensives meant to end Apache raiding.  The escalation of Indian hostilities forced the Españoles to implement military centralization and command and control.  

O'Conor's response was a genuine determination to see the vindication of the Spanish military against a worthy opponent, the Apaches.  His comments were a simple attempt to recite the facts of the situation.  The Interior Provinces were in under stress and in desperate straits when he assumed command.  As a result, O'Conor focused his immediate efforts upon Nueva Vizcaya, modern-day Chihuahua.  He saw this region as the linchpin of the frontier’s military bulwark, its defensive wall.  

The Presidio Arroyo del Cibolo was founded in 1771 C.E. as a detachment site.  A detachment, taken from the French détachement, is a military unit.  It can either be detached from a larger unit for a specific function or be a permanent unit smaller than a battalion.  The term is often used to refer to a unit that is assigned to a different base from the parent unit.  The term “Detachment” is also the term used as the collective noun for personnel manning an artillery piece (e.g. gun detachment).  The Presidio would be deactivated in 1782 C.E. on orders from Teodoro de Croix.  

The Presidio Fuerte de Santa Cruz del Cibolo was founded in 1734 C.E. and reestablished in 1771 C.E. near Cestohowa, Tejas in Karnes County, Tejas , (between San António and Goliad).

In 1771 C.E., after thirty-eight months of fighting, the Central Gobierno in Méjico City put a stop to the Sonora Campaign against the Seri Natives, which was regarded as both costly and unsuccessful.  

This decade saw much movement in its wall of protective presidios.  Presidio of the Frontier Line San Carlos de Cerro Gordo was founded after 1772 C.E. in Big Bend Country as part of the new frontier defense.  The Presidio San Luís de las Amarillas San Sabá was founded that same year.  A third Presidio of the Frontier Line, San Sabá Aguaverde was founded in the new presidial line after 1772 C.E. near present-day Menard.  The Central Gobierno moved the Presidio of the Frontier Line Santa Rosa del Sacrament, now Ciudád Múzquiz, Coahuila north after 1772 C.E.  Presidio of the Frontier Line La Bahía del Espiritu Santo was founded in 1772 C.E. as the last and easternmost presidio of the line.  The original site was where Fort Saint Louis stood on Matagorda Bay.  It was moved in 1726 C.E. to the Guadalupe River and later removed to the north bank of the San António River at the site of the present town of Goliad, Tejas.  

In addition to the many changes in the wall of protective presidios, when Hugo Oconor or Hugh O'Connor assumed command of the military in Chihuahua in 1772 C.E., he instituted large scale campaigns against the Apache in the area of Janos to gain control of the region.  

Antónia Gertrudis de Ribera was born before January 11, 1772 C.E. and baptized January 11, 1772 C.E. at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was the daughter of Luís Felipe de Ribera and Apolonia Antónia Peña.  Antónia Gertrudis is most likely the same Gertrudis Ribera married to Miguel Lovato and listed in the Santa Fé Baptisms, Volume III AASF# 1823-1826, Pg. 78, as Paternal Grandparents for Jose Tomas Lobato baptized on March 8, 1823 ae 2 da; s/Juan Lobato and Candelaria Crespín, vesinos del varrio del Río de Pecos: ap/ Miguel Lovato and Gertrudis Ribera; am/ Cristóbal Crespín & Francisca Armenta; gp/ José Pablo Ortega and María Petrona Ortega.  

Presidio at El Paso del Norte was founded as a result of the Insurrection (Revolt) of 1680 C.E. in upper Nuevo Méjico.  Españoles moved downriver (southward) from Santa Fé and founded presidio at the site of present Juárez, Chihuahua.  Presidio was constructed in 1683 C.E.  In 1773 C.E., because the town of El Paso was well populated and could defend itself, the presidio was moved southward to Carrizal.  

Between 1773 and 1775, Hugo O’Conor succeeded in relocating 12 presidios and adding two others.  Detachments of troops were ordered to be stationed at San António de Béjar and Arroyo del Cibolo in Tejas.  These however were not considered to be Presidios of the Frontier Line.  

By 1773 C.E., the church at Pecos had been reduced to a visita of Santa Fé, with a Padre visiting only occasionally.  The route by way of the Pecos and Cañada were the line of communications between the settlement at Santa Fé with the east, southeast, northeast, and the great "buffalo plains."  The upper reaches of the Pecos River, beginning in the neighborhood of the old pueblo of Pecos, was the opening for the old trail from Franklin, Missouri, to Santa Fé.  

The Presidio San António Bucareli de la Babia was founded in 1774 C.E. at present-day La Babia, Coahuila.  

During this decade, James Cook of the British Navy headed an exploration expedition of the northwest coast of Spanish territory.  There were also subsequent fur trading activities by British ships which were considered invasions of Spanish lands.  In an effort to exclude Britain and Russia from the eastern Pacific and to protect and strengthen its claim, King Carlos III of España sent forth from Nueva España a number of expeditions to the Pacific Northwest between 1774 C.E. and 1793 C.E.  España’s long-held navigation rights were strengthened and a settlement and fort were built in Nootka Sound, Alaska.  

In 1774 C.E., de Anza led a party from Sonora to Las Californias.  The Russian advance down the Pacific Coast had caused España to settle Alta California.  The first expeditions had been by water.  But the need of an overland route was keenly felt both as a means of protection and as an economic saving in transportation.  Another would be undertaken in 1775 C.E.-1776 C.E.  

1775 C.E. Juan Bautista de Anza and Francisco Tomás Garcés explored a route overland to Las Californias from the presidio of Tubac, Arizona, where de Anza was Comendador.  De Anza also founded the cities of Los Ángeles, San Francisco, and San José.  

The expedition of Pedro Mora, Gregorio Sandoval, and Andrés Muñíz went as far as the Gunnison in the year 1775 C.E.  All three had accompanied Juan António María de Rivera in 1765 C.E. and may have been on other expeditions into that region in the intervening decade, but of such activities we have as yet no specific record.  The trio stopped at the mouth of the Uncompahgre where they examined the young cottonwood on which de Rivera had cut a cross, together with the initials of his name and the year he was there.  

By 1775 C.E., O'Conor could claim success for reforming the presidial guarniciónes and establishing the all important presidial line.  While that presidial cordon sanitaire was in progress, he was able to prepare for and launch two military campaigns against the Apaches along the entire northern frontier.  However, these two campaigns failed to blunt Apache counterattacks, though they were considered moderately successful.  

He remained convinced of the necessity of continued military offensives into the Apache homelands.  It was these he felt would achieve ultimate victory by the Spanish forces.  He advised Teodoro de Croix to conduct constant offensives, sorties by the presidial guarniciónes.  Further he offered minute details regarding terrain, logistics, the routes that Spanish columns should follow, the number of operational days for each detachment, and the methods each should use in pursuit of the Apaches.  

O'Conor offered his appraisal of the fighting qualities of the Native peoples allied with the Españoles.  He advocated their use as operating military auxiliaries and recommended using them in greater numbers and to more effect.  He listed the various Apache groups along with descriptions of their arms and tactics.  His conclusion was for further campaigns as the most effective means of defeating the Apaches.  

In 1775 C.E., the Presidio San Augustin del Tucson was founded in Tucson, Arizona and the Presidio Santa Cruz de Terrenate was founded near the present-day Tombstone, Arizona.  Late in that same year, Presidio of the Frontier Line Santa Cruz de Terrenate was relocated near what is now Fairbank Arizona.  Terrenate was originally founded in 1742 C.E., in the southwest of the Huachuca Mountains at Sonora.  

Between 1776 C.E.-1777 C.E., the military’s reason for forming Francisco Athanasio Domínguez and Silvestre Vélez de Escalante Expedition was to attempt to find a route from Santa Fé to Monterey, Alta California.  The two Frayles along with twelve other men formed the Expedition  The party consisted of Juan Pedro Cisneros, alcalde mayor of the pueblo of Zuñi, Bernardo Miera y Pachéco, a retired capitán and ciudádano of Santa Fé, Joaquín Lain, a ciudádano of Santa Fé, Lorenzo de Olivares of the pueblo El Paso del Norte; the interpreter and guide Andrés Muñíz of Bernalillo, who had been a member of the previous de Rivera expedition of 1765 C.E.; his brother António Lucrecio Muñíz of Embudo, Juan de Aguilar of Bernalillo, Simón Luzero, a servant of Cisneros, and a 12 year old Ute boy.  

The Domínguez-Escalante Expedition progressed through Ute territory with the help of the 12 year old Ute boy.  The Ute lands were then mapped by Miera y Pachéco.  The force traveled into Colorado, discovering and naming the Dolores River.  The Expedition went north to Rangeley Colorado and then west into Utah, across the Wasatch Mountains through Spanish Fork Canyon and to Utah Lake.  That winter they traveled south as far as Cedar City before returning to Santa Fé, crossing the Colorado River en route.  They were to be the first Europeans in what is now Utah.  

The religious purpose of the Domínguez-Escalante Expedition was the desire of becoming acquainted with the Natives to the north and northwest while exploring their country with the view to establishing misiónes.  

In 1776 C.E., the Presidio of the Frontier Line San Buenaventura was founded by troops from Guajoquilla.  That same year, the Presidio de San Bernardino was founded near the present-day Douglas.  

The Presidio Real de San Francisco was founded in Las Californias in 1776 C.E. at the Bay of San Francisco.  It was placed at the narrow entrance (the Golden Gate) called by the Españoles the "Boca de San Francisco" (Mouth of San Francisco).  This northernmost position allowed protection of Spanish claims on the northern coastline.  Its Rancho del rey was to become Rancho Buri Buri or Sánchez Rancho.  A 14,639-acre Méjicano land grant in present-day San Mateo County, California, it was given to José António Sánchez by Mexican Gobernador José Castro in 1835 C.E.  

In the year 1776 C.E., at the time of the Américano Declaration of Independence, according to the census taken by Padre Domínguez, the Taos Valley area of Nuevo Méjico contained 67 families with 306 Españoles.  The Ranchos de Taos area was the most populated at that time.  

By 1776 C.E., King Carlos III ordered the separation of the Provincias Internas or Interior Provinces from Virreinato authority.  It was José de Gálvez, the new Minister of the Indies (1775 C.E.-1787 C.E.), who established the Comandancia y Capitanía General de las Provincias Internas.  The innovation of the Comandancia y Capitanía General de las Provincias Internas or Commandancy General of the Internal Provinces and the Commandancy General of the Internal Provinces of the North had begun.  However, the Virreinato of Nueva España was not split into smaller administrative units as was the Virreinato of Peru, but its military forces were placed under an independent military commander.  The Provincia of Las Californias came under the administration of the new “Commandancy General of the Provincias Internas or Internal Provinces of the North” to invigorate growth.  

In that same year, the King appointed Teodoro de Croix (nephew of the former virrey) the first Commandante-General of the Provincias Internas.  De Croix was independent of the Virrey of Nueva España, to provide more autonomy for the frontier provinces.  These included Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Santander, Sonora y Sinaloa, Las Californias, Coahuila y Tejas, and Nuevo Méjico.  

O'Conor was promoted to General de brigada and appointed Gobernador of Yucatán.  Before assuming his new assignment, he wrote a lengthy report outlining his educated opinions on the Northern frontier situation.  Virrey António María de Bucareli resisted an independent government for the Interior Provinces.  As a feud had begun between the Virrey and Commandante-General Teodoro de Croix, O'Conor attempted to vindicate himself due to mounting criticism for his previous recommendations.  Unfortunately, O'Conor had been appointed by Bucareli and he therefore sought to support his patron.  De Croix in attempting to magnify his new responsibilities belittled O'Conor’s previous accomplishments.  

In that same year, it is estimated the Pecos, Nuevo Méjico population was 269 individuals.  There were also reports that the "miserable wretches" at Pecos were unable to use their irrigated fields to the north and east of the pueblo because of frequent attacks by the Comanche.  As a result, the pobladores resorted to traveling far and wide, selling their possessions in an attempt to support their families.  

The new Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico under the Virreinato of Nueva España, Francisco Trevre became acting Gobernador in 1777 C.E.  That same year, the Presidio of the Frontier Line Julimes was established at the former site of the presidio of La Junta, at the confluence of the Conchos and Del Norte (Río Grande) rivers.  

With time, the Españoles would by necessity attempt to evaluate, invigorate, and reinforce their Nueva España military network of presidios along the exposed northern frontier.  Spanish General de brigada Pedro de Rivera, the Marqués de Rubí, and General de brigada Hugo O'Conor's 1777 C.E. provided their assessments of the frontier situation on the eve of the establishment of the independent military government for the Provincias Internas.  

From 1777 C.E.-1796 C.E. peace negotiations with the Apaches and Comanches had become of paramount importance to the Españoles.  In 1777 C.E.-1778 C.E., Teodoro de Croix, the Commandante-General of the Interior (frontier) provinces of Nueva España, called together three large conferences to discuss the Apache problem.  The Apaches had continued their debilitating attacks and raids on the frontier.  These had been ongoing since the Españoles entered the country.  With each year matters only grew worse.  The Apaches had five thousand insurrectionists, armed with bows, lanzas, and firearms.  They attacked only by surprise and only when they had the advantage.  

De Croix determined that it would take an army of at least 3,000 soldados to confront and eliminate the Apache threat.  He finally came to the conclusion that an alliance with the Comanches was necessary.  These dreaded enemies of the Apaches he thought, would bring about a resolution of the Apache problem.  Unfortunately, bogged down with bureaucratic delays and obfuscation, de Croix was never able to get the money or men necessary to implement this plan.  Implementation of this aggressive policy of José de Gálvez in Nuevo Méjico fell to Juan Bautista de Anza, who was appointed Gobernador in 1777 C.E or 1778 C.E.  It was Gobernador de Anza who decided to establish peace with the many hostile tribes that threatened Nuevo Méjico's frontier.  He understood that he first had to break the power of the Comanche.  To accomplish this, he needed to deal decisively with Cuerno Verde (Green Horn), the most influential Comanche chief of the time.  

The Presidio of the Frontier Line Tubac’s guarnición was moved to Tucson in 1777 C.E.  The Presidio of Tubac was originally founded 1753 C.E., following the Pima uprising of 1751 C.E.

In 1778 C.E., Spanish laws were established which prohibited Españoles and Christianized Natives from trading with the Utes.  However, the ban was ineffective as traders continued visiting and trading with the Utes.  

By 1779 C.E., the isolation of the frontier drove Nuevo Méjico Gobernador Juan Bautista de Anza, Padre Francisco Garcés, and Padres Francisco Domínguez and Silvestre Escalante to establish routes over land to Las Californias.  Don Miera who had accompanied the Domínguez-Escalante Expedition which had traveled as far north as Provo before returning to Nuevo Méjico through the Hopi province, also understood the importance of the land route.  

By 1779 C.E., the colonies of the United States of America had already broken away from Britain.  While Nuevo Méjico was not oblivious to the matter, the Provincia had its own problems.  Nuevo Méjicanos struggled with poverty, raids from surrounding Native tribes, and epidemic disease.  The Españoles also had to cope with cultural isolation, and the barely passable distances to the administrative centers, both of the church and the Gobierno.  By the time Don Miera completed his map, a bishop had come to Nuevo Méjico for the last time until the territorial period.  

In June of 1779 C.E., España entered the American Revolutionary War as an ally of France, renewing the Borbón Family Compact.  

That same year, Juan Estéban de Ribera was born.  At age 25, he joined the Spanish military on February 24, 1804 C.E., at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico and listed his occupation as farmer.  His height was 5'1".  Juan Estéban’s father was Joseph Viterbo de Ribera (b. 1754 C.E.-d. 1827 C.E.) and his mother was María de la Luz Pachéco (b. 1761 C.E.-d. 1836 C.E.) they married in 1778 C.E.  His grandparents were António de Ribera (Born 1722 C.E.) and Graciana Prudencia Sena (b-?-d.?).  His great-grandparents were Juan Felipe de Ribera (b. 1694 C.E.-d. 1767 C.E.) and María Estela Palomino Rendón (b 1700 C.E.-d.?) who married in 1715 C.E.   His great-great-grandparents were Salvadór Matiás de Ribera (b 1675 C.E.-About 1713 C.E.) and Juana de Sosa Canela (b-?-d.?).He would later die during a Smallpox epidemic on November 28, 1816 C.E.  

In 1779 C.E., Juan Bautista de Anza, the commander of the Tubac Presidio gathered together an army of 560 men, which included 259 Native auxiliaries and Españoles.  They marched north to the Colorado Plateau, in search of Comanches.  The Mouache Utes and Jicarilla Apaches joined Gobernador of Nuevo Méjico de Anza in a military campaign.  De Anza managed to surprise the Comanche Chief, Cuerno Verde south of present-day Pueblo, Colorado.  In the ensuing battle, Cuerno Verde was killed and his tribe decisively beaten.  The Comanche subsequently sued for peace with the Españoles.  Next, they joined the Nuevo Méjicanos in an expedition against their common enemy, the Apache.  Despite the decisive defeat, Comanche raiding of Spanish settlements in Tejas, northern Nueva España (Méjico), and Nuevo Méjico did not stop immediately.  Ironically, the effort to follow up and force the Comanche into peace negotiations was hindered by the subsequent diversion of Spanish resources to support the American Colonies' insurrection against England.  

The decade of 1780 C.E.-1789 C.E., brought with it continued Spanish exploration and expansion.  

By the 1780s C.E., a secondary feature of the Borbón reforms was the attempt to end the significant amount of local control that had crept into the bureaucracy under the Habsburgs, especially through the sale of offices.  The Borbóns sought a return to a monarchical ideal in which disinterested outsiders staffed the higher echelons of regional government.  In practice, this meant that there was a concerted effort to appoint mostly peninsulares or Iberian born Españoles.  Usually these were military men with long records of service, as opposed to the Habsburg preference for prelates.  These men were also willing to transfer to positions around the global Imperio Español.  The intendancies described earlier were one new office that could be staffed with peninsulares.  Throughout the 18th-Century C.E., significant gains were made in the numbers of gobernadores-Capitán Generales, audiencia judges and bishops, in addition to other posts, who were Iberian-born.  

In the 1780s C.E., España was again losing interest in Las Californias, which had neither gold nor silver to make España wealthy.  It cost the Gobierno a great deal of money to maintain the harbor at San Blas and keep it open.  Food waiting to be shipped to misiónes sometimes lay rotting on the docks while waiting to be loaded on a ship.  

Between 1780 C.E.-1781 C.E., Pecos Villa in Nuevo Méjico had a major Smallpox epidemic.  

Pedro António de Ribera son of Alonzo de Ribera and María Abeyta (Beitia) was born about 1780 C.E.  He married (1) María Dolores Maldonado on May 10, 1802 C.E., at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  The same Alonzo Ribera was listed in the Santa Fé Spanish Census of 1790 C.E. as being Spanish, age 43, a farmer, and married to one María Beitia described as being Spanish, age 28, with 3 sons.  It showed one as 11 years of age and Natural, and two being the ages of 15 and 14 (adopted), one female servant (Indian, age 15).  Records show their children to be:

·       Guillen Benigno de Ribera

·       Tomás de Ribera

·       José Miguel de Ribera

·       Juan António de Ribera

·       María Antónia de Ribera

·       Anna María de Ribera

·       Alonso de Ribera

·       María Rosalia de Ribera

·       Jesús María (Juan) de Ribera

·       Gervacio Yldefonso de Ribera

·       María Rita de Ribera

·       Jesús María de Ribera

King Carlos III of España requested a onetime, voluntary donation or Donativos via Real Orden or Royal Order, on August 17, 1780 C.E.  The donativo was requested from Españoles and Natives in his North American colonies.  The Minister of the Indies, José de Gálvez sent a royal dispatch to Teodoro de Croix, Commandante-General of the Provincias Internas or Internal Provinces of Nueva España, asking all subjects to donate money to help the American Revolution.  Millions of pesos were given.  Within a short time, King Carlos III matched this sum.  A list of those who gave that donativo has not been compiled.  However, by 1783 C.E. the total amount collected from soldados and Ciudádanos in the Provincia of Nuevo Méjico is known to be 3,667 pesos (approximately $110,300).  The amount collected from the soldados of the Santa Fé Presidio was 247 pesos.  The amount of each individual’s donation is unknown.  The muster roll and who was a soldado of the Presidio at the time is known.  These include many of the de Riberas.  The donativos were first shipped to Méjico.  Then later, they were shipped to Habana, Cuba to be transferred to the American colonies via French carriers.  

1780 C.E. brought with it many changes in location of Spanish presidios of Nueva España.  Apache attacks forced another relocation of the Presidio Santa Cruz de Terrenate in 1780 C.E., to a site near the arroyo of Las Nutrias in what is now Sonora, Méjico.  In late-1775 C.E., the Presidio was relocated to a place near what is now Fairbanks, Arizona.  The original Presidio was founded in 1742 C.E., southwest of the Huachuca Mountains of Sonora.  In that same year, 1780 C.E., the Presidio del Santísimo Sacramento del Valle de Santa Rosa was founded at Melcho Múzquiz, Coahuila.  Another Presidio, the Presidio of the Frontier Line Frontéras was moved south later that year by Teodoro de Croix.  It had been originally founded in 1692 C.E., and was located for a while to the north in the San Bernardino Valley, possibly in Arizona.  The Presidio of the Frontier Line Monclova was founded in 1674 C.E.  The villa or town of Monclova was the capital of Coahuila in 1780 C.E.  At that time the presidio was located to the east nearer the Río Grande.  

On May 1, 1781 C.E., during the Muster roll of Teniente-Coronel, Don Juan Bautista de Anza’s company at the Royal Presidio of Santa Fé, Sub-Teniente of Light Troop, Don Salvadór de Ribera, my Great (G) GGGG Grandfather, was one of those present and accounted for.  He was born in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico about 1720 C.E.  Also present were Alonso Ribera with horse herd, son of Salvadór de Ribera who was born at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico about 1749 C.E., Baltasar de Ribera with horse herd son of Salvadór de Ribera, born at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico on January 12, 1755 C.E.  Three soldados: Matiás de Ribera, son of Luís Manuel de Ribera, Salvadór de Ribera's brother, was born at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico on March 7, 1750 C.E., Joséph de Ribera Ill related to Salvadór de Ribera, probably a nephew, and António de Ribera, brother to Salvadór de Ribera who married Graciana Prudencia Sena at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico on December 24, 1745 C.E., retired were also present.  

By 1782 C.E. the King of España ordered that a tax be paid by each misión.  Even though at the time, this was considered a hardship for the misiónes.  

In 1782 C.E., the Presidio of the Frontier Line Arroyo del Cibolo was deactivated by order of Teodoro de Croix.  It was originally founded in 1771 C.E. as a detachment site.  That same year, 1782 C.E., the Presidio Santa Bárbara was established at Santa Barbara Channel in Alta California.  It was located at a poor bay but bridged the long distance between presidios of San Diego and Monterey.  It also established a Spanish presence along the narrow corridor between ocean and mountains vulnerable to Native attack.  The Presidio was planned as jump-off point for Spanish expansion into the interior.  Its rancho del rey was also founded nearby.  It would later become Rancho San Julian.  

Spanish Enlistment Papers of Nuevo Méjico 1732 C.E.-1820 C.E., Spanish military 1782 C.E. and November 18, 1782 C.E.



Title or Notes


In Military during 1785?

Spouse or Parents or Notes

De Ribera


2nd Alférez

Before January 1, 1781


Tomása Rael de Aguilar

De Ribera



March 29, 1777


María Antónia Abeyta

De Ribera



March 7, 1741


Graciana (Prudencia) Sena

De Ribera



January 11, 1779


María Antónia Ortíz

De Ribera

José (Viterbo)


July 1, 1779


María de la Luz Pachéco

De Ribera

Matiás (de San Juan Nepomuceno)


July 1, 1779


Juliana Peña


Juan Esteban de Ribera was born in 1782 C.E.  He married María Antónia Martínez who was born in 1789 C.E. and was christened on November 9, 1789 C.E. in Abiquiú, Nuevo Méjico Nueva España.  She was the daughter of António José Martín and María Bárbara Beytia.  

Candelaria Crespín was born on February, 2, 1784 C.E. and baptized on February, 4, 1784 C.E., at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  She was the daughter of Cristóbal Crespín and Antónia Lovato and would later marry my progenitor Juan Ribera.  One of their children was my great-great-grandfather José Luís Ribera, born 1810 C.E. at Pecos, Nuevo Méjico.  

María de la Cruz Gurulé the daughter of José Gurulé and María Rita Montoya married my progenitor, Miguel de Ribera the son of Salvadór de Ribera and Tomása Rael on April 20, 1784 C.E.  They were wed at La Castrensa in Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  From 1760 C.E. to 1859 C.E., La Castrense Church, the Spanish military Chapel, stood on the south side of the Santa Fé Plaza across from the Palacio de los gobernadores.  The church’s official name was Nuesta Señora de la Luz or Our Lady of the Light.  However, most of the locals preferred to call it “La Castrense.”  

Finally, in 1785 C.E., the Comanches started negotiations with de Anza.  The following year, a peace treaty was signed in which several of the Comanche tribes pledged to assist the Españoles against the Apaches.  Through this agreement the Comanches could now ride openly into Spanish settlements and Nuevo Méjicano traders could move safely on the Comanche plains.  

José Vicente Rivera (1785 C.E. to about 1850 C.E.) was born at Santa Fé, Nuevo Méjico.  He married Daría Paula Padilla (1808 C.E. to bef. 1841 C.E.) who was born at San Miguel del Bado, Nuevo Méjico.  José Vicente would later establish the small town of Ribera, Nuevo Méjico about 1803 C.E. just upriver from the San Miguel del Bado Misión and just a few miles southwest of Las Vegas, Nuevo Méjico.  José Vicente and Paula had 8 children: