Somos Primos

 March 2006 
Editor: Mimi Lozano ©2000-6
Dedicated to Hispanic Heritage and Diversity Issues
 
Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research
Celebrating 20th Anniversary 
1986-2006

East L.A. 
Marine

The Untold 
True Story

 of 

Guy Gabaldon

Documentary 
by 
Fast Carrier Pictures

 
Finally a documentary that focuses 
on the man 
behind the deeds.

What motivated Gabaldon 
to accomplish 
the impossible?

Fearless and determined

Single-handedly capturing about 1,500 Japanese prisoners 
in Saipan,
 800 at one time.

Photo credit: Library of Congress

Guy Gabaldon, seated in Center, poses for a photo with actor Jeffrey Hunter, left, who portrayed him in the 1960 movie "Hell to Eternity," with Vic Damone and David Janssen.

For more information, please Click

  Letters to the Editor : 

"To ignore our past, betrays our future."

Douglas Westfall, 
http://www.specialbooks.com

United States

Education
Cesar Chavez  & Bernardo de Galvez
Successful marriages confer academic benefit on children
Hispanic advocates sue Texas over ESL and bilingual programs
Yahoo discussion Groups
Nuestra Family Unida podcast project    
WALKOUT Screening  > March 1, 2006, HBO > March 18th
Octavio Gomez, Cameraman Helped Cover Latino Civil Rights Movement 

Culture 
Latino TV characters seen as  the hot gift 
Sibling Writing Team Surprises Again 
Prestigious festival accepts S.A. filmmaker's maiden effort
Adding Color to Red, White and Blue

Business
The inexorable rise of Latino USA
New Latina Voz on the Web 
For Hispanics, Farming is a Growth Industry
Some day laborers report being abused and cheated in their pay

The Library of Congress' Junior Fellows' Summer Intern program offers undergraduate and graduate students insights into the environment and culture of the world's largest and most comprehensive repository of human knowledge. Working with the staff, curators, and the incomparable collections of the Library of Congress, interns will be exposed to a broad spectrum of library work: preservation, reference, access standards, information management, and the U. S. copyright system.

No previous experience is necessary, but internships are competitive and special relevant skills are desirable. Selection will be based on academic achievement, letters of recommendation, and in most cases an interview with a selection official.  Please act quickly:  http://www.loc.gov/hr/jrfellows/

This internship program is a great way to get international experience and expose yourself to career fields you may never have considered. Please do not let any part of the application intimidate you! If you need help, that's my job to help you. It is completely doable! Also, the application states that you must pay for your own transportation to your job site. If that is a financial problem, still apply and we'll see how we can find you financial assistance.

Again, if you have any questions or you decide to apply PLEASE LET ME KNOW! And please pass this email on to any other students. Thank you!

Lillian Gorman, Program Analyst 
USDA Hispanic Serving Institutions National Program, 
1400 Independence S.W., Rm. 3912-S Washington, D.C. 20250 
(202) 720-6506 (phone) (202) 720-5336 (fax) lgorman@ars.usda.gov 

Internships at the Smithsonian
http://www.nmnh.si.edu/rtp/other_opps/otherintro.html

Smithsonian's National Museum of Natural History features many opportunities for students of all ages seeking to contribute their time and energy toward the care and keeping of the US National Collections and supporting the research efforts of our professional staff. 
Next focused application review date for general internships: 26 April 2006

Notes of meeting held on – Feb 8, 2006, sent by Gilbert Sandate, gsandate@loc.gov

Meeting convened by LULAC, NPRC, and ASPIRA to address in a more concerted manner the issue of under-representation of Hispanics in the federal government. The NHLA Chair, Ronald Blackburn Moreno, made a commitment to work on this issue and to begin addressing it on a more consistent basis, making it a major initiative over the next few years.

Over 40 attendees, representing Federal agencies as well as Hispanic advocacy organizations, discussed ideas for addressing the problem of Hispanic under-representation in the Federal workforce. The discussion focused on setting a strategic plan of action under the NHLA banner that all could endorse, support and implement. The goal is to have a strategic plan that all organizations and Federal employees can support and help implement. Key points include the following:

Strategy Discussion:

Media Strategy
1. Prepare media strategy and press conference around the GAO report due May/June 2006
2. Develop message; change language from semantics of discrimination to cultural divide; get everyone on same page; speak with one voice; don’t use an attack and retreat strategy; stay focused, persistent, consistent

Communication Strategy
1. Obtain commitment from White House to address Hispanic employment
2. Establish partnership with African-American, i.e., Blacks in Government
3. Prepare agency Hispanic employment profiles and hold meetings w/agency leadership

Congressional Strategy
1. Request Congressional hearings after GAO report is issued
2. Prepare Legislative proposals to fix broken Federal personnel hiring system
3. Address the challenge of leadership accountability
4. Link performance in Hispanic employment to rewards (program budget and bonuses)

Research and Assessments Strategy
1. Collect plans from the different agencies to develop overarching agenda
2. Determine challenges, i.e. no funds to do base activity-work
3. Determine opportunities
4. Evaluate systemic institutional barriers, i.e., legal case history interpretations
5. Examine discrimination suits – reverse discrimination suits
6. Examine past work to determine what didn’t work, i.e., MOUs are not being applied
7. Find out how many Latinos apply by agency

Infrastructure
1. Organize smaller committees to create specific recommendations
2. Establish the NHLA Advisory Commission of Federal Retirees to capitalize on retiree expertise
3. Develop training on federal personnel process to better educate ourselves about hiring practices – use federal retirees
4. Ensure follow-up

Assignments:

1. Collect Plans - Gil Sandate
- Data and Statistics
- Federal Diversity Data
- Problem and Causes
- Proposed Solutions
- Best Practices

2. Prepare Media Strategy and Press Conference on GAO – Manny Mirabal

3. Meet with Agencies & Conduct Letter Writing Campaign - Ron Blackburn Moreno

4. Create Legislative Strategy: Senate/House Government Reform Committee Hearings – Brent Wilkes, Emma Moreno, and Gabriela D. Lemus

5. Define Accountability Issues for Legislation
- Organize structure at the White House and Agencies
- Tie accountability to SES Bonus System
- Tie accountability to budget

6. Create Commission/Review Board of Federal Experts 
- Conduct education/outreach effort
- Hold seminars on importance of diversity in workplace
- Hold seminars on Federal HR processes
- Hold Federal career events for young Hispanics
- Hold seminars on the Federal application and hiring process
- Develop database of Federal experts – Harry Salinas

7. Report Card: Federal Service – NHLA

8. Gather Intelligence - NAHFE
- Identify barriers specific to agencies, i.e., OGC, etc.

Cesar Chavez's birthday on March 31st. is being honored by Fred Blanco in a new production, Cesar Chavez y Bernardo de Galvez: Sons and Souls of California.

Fred Blanco and Bruce Buonauro, both being educational performers, produced shows individually, predominately for educational venues, such as schools and libraries.  They both had an interest in telling  Chavez and Galvez' stories.  They decided to widen their audience and create versions that contained enough depth to engage older audiences .  The production explores the humanity of these two men revealing to the audience, two people, as opposed to just two historical figures. Click for more information.

A new study published in the Journal of Divorce & Remarriage clearly shows that parents who make their marriage successful are conferring a remarkable academic benefit on their children - especially their daughters.

By using data for 265 seniors enrolled in a Colorado Springs public high school, researcher Barry D. Ham assesses "the impact of divorce in relation to students' academic achievement." And the pattern is clear: "Adolescents from intact homes perform better academically and maintain better school attendance than do those students from either single-parent or remarried homes."

Ham calculates that in comparison with peers from other family structures, students from intact families earn GPAs that average more than 17% higher. He further calculates a distinctively low rate of absenteeism among students from intact families, who missed 78% fewer class periods than peers from non-intact households.

While some have supposed that parental remarriage will erase the harmful effects of parental divorce, Ham finds that, overall, "children in remarried households performed no better than children in either single-mother or single-father families." More careful parsing of the data, however, indicates that "when a stepparent is brought into the home, the males somehow benefit" while females do not. Highlighting it as "one of the most significant findings of this study," Ham points to statistics indicating that "females were more negatively impacted" than males by living in a stepfamily created after parental divorce.

Ham does not comment on the irony of his findings in a social world in which feminists generally regard parental divorce and the stepfamilies it produces with indifference. He does see in his findings strong indications that, compared to peers in non-traditional homes, "those students residing with their two biological parents appear to be given an increased chance to excel educationally."

(Source: Barry D. Ham, "The Effects of Divorce and Remarriage on the Academic Achievement of High School Seniors," Journal of Divorce & Remarriage 42.1/2 (2004) The Howard Center & the World Congress of Families. 1-800-461-3113    934 North Main Street Rockford, Illinois 61103 

Puerto Rican teacher Manuel Hernandez created a Yahoo group for the discussion of literature and education. HispanicVista highly recommends this effort and urges its readers to join and participate. mannyh32@yahoo.com  or visit and join at: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/latinoliterature
 
Week's essay. http://www.hispanicvista.com/HVC/Columnist/mhernandez/020106hernandez.htm 

For more within this issue of Somos Primos article on Sal Castro . . . Click

Project Director Arminda Figueroa, displaying a Maya doll, based on one of the lead characters on the "Maya & Miguel" PBS program, said Scholastic "looked at the future and saw that the country is becoming more multicultural."

"Los Tigres del Norte are a huge inspiration in my filmmaking," Véliz says. "They're my No. 1 inspiration, above filmmakers, because they tell the inspiring stories. In songs they tell them in about three minutes. I tell them in about 90 minutes."

Véliz was driving on Interstate 10 when "José Perez Leon," a ballad by Los Tigres del Norte, came on the radio. The song tells the story of a man who dies trying to cross the border into the United States. Listening to the lyrics, Véliz was moved to tears. "I just literally started weeping, right on the highway," he says. "People (were) looking at me like 'Is this guy OK?'"  

Véliz went home and sat down at his computer. He typed in his pj's as he listened to the song over and over. Eight hours later, Véliz had "La Tragedia de Macario."

Véliz used his savings from working part time for the youth arts program SAY Sí and videotaping quinceañeras to buy a digital camera and editing equipment. Filming began in late January."I remember we didn't even have rehearsals," says actor Rogelio Ramos, 29, who plays Macario with a soulful gravity. "We would show up and it was 'You know your lines?' 'Yeah.' 'All right. Go for it.'

"It was really guerrilla filmmaking, as Pablo says. It was a guy with a camera, a guy with a light, and a guy with a boom mike and we shot it."  The film won an award for best feature at the 2005 Cine Cuauhtemoc Pan American Film Festival in Houston and screened at the 2005 CineFestival en San Antonio in November. 

ps: Podcasting is just a little over one year old. There is much room for a wide variety of podcasts on many subjects related to our people. If you have a message that would benefit the community please contact me and we can work through the technology to get you up and running. The time is ripe. Never has there been an easier and low cost way to get your message out to the community. If you have something to say let's work together in saying it. 

pps: to subscribe and automatically get new material from the Nuestra Familia Unida podcast delivered to your computer as it becomes available you need to download free aggragator software from the net: iTunes is a good choice. Then when you pick the "subscribe to podcast" option you would insert this RSS feed: http://NuestraFamiliaUnida.com/rss.xml into the subscribe window. Otherwise you can listen to or manually download the podcasts from the website.

Additional information added from Hispanic Link Weekly report, Vol. 24.8, Feb 20, 2006.

TURIN, Italy, Feb. 8 Midwest, The U.S. team is considered  the most racially and ethnically diverse in the history of the Winter Games.It will include a Cuban American from Miami, a Puerto Rican American from Chicago, a Japanese American from Seattle and African Americans from Chicago, Alabama and North Carolina, all among the country's strongest medal hopes. At least 23 of the 211-member U.S. team have Hispanic or non-white backgrounds, and the team includes natives of Florida, Georgia and Texas, as well as South Korea, Russia and Japan.

Though the U.S. Olympic Committee does not keep official records on race or ethnicity, the number of black, Asian American or Hispanic athletes on the U.S. team is more than double that at Salt Lake City in 2002, which included at least 12 minorities. It is nearly four times the number on the U.S. teams that competed in 1998 in Nagano and 1994 in Lillehammer.

"I've definitely seen the winter sport side of it evolve," said men's bobsledder Randy Jones, an African American who has competed in two previous Olympics and won a silver medal in 2002. "There's more color getting involved in all sports."

The evolution of the U.S. team has major implications for the U.S. Olympic Committee, whose congressionally defined mission includes increasing the number of minorities in athletics, and its various winter-sport national governing bodies, which for years have fought what was often a losing battle to attract more of the country's top minority athletes. Sports officials say there is no greater recruitment tool than a more diverse lineup of American Olympians.

Derek Parra of Carson, Calif., who was the first athlete of Mexican descent to win a Winter Olympic medal when he claimed a gold in 2002; Ryan Leveille, who is part Native American; and Jennifer Rodriguez, who is of Cuban descent and in 1998 became the first Hispanic American to compete in the Winter Games.

(Hispanic Link by Miguel Garcia) The five Latinos on the United States Olympic team winter competing in Turin, Italy are:
Jennifer Rodriguez, 29, of Miami, Fla., closed the 2005 speedskating season with 14 medals.  She set two new track records, became world champion, and hold five U.S. and four track records.
Derek Parra, 35, of san Bernardino County, California, qualified for his third U.S. team by finishing third in the men's 1,500-meter competition of the 2006 U.S. Long Track Championships at the Utah Olympic Oval.
Maria Garcia, Carson, Calif. will be competing in Short Track Speedskating. She is ranked fourth overall at U.S. Short Track National Championships in 2005.
Mason Aguirre, 18, of Mammoth Mountain, Calif., a snowboarder in the men's halfpip event, place fourth.
Ben Agosto, 24, of Northbrook, Ill., with Tanith Belbin are entered in ice dancing.

Anti-Spanish Legends

File photo: Bloomberg News

In 1511, Spain's King 
Ferdinand exhorted his conquistadors: 
"Get gold, humanely if 
possible, but at all hazards, 
get gold." '

"A lust for gold was the driving force behind the conflicts that developed as a diverse group of participants each fought for a share of the promised fortunes. Violence and lawlessness ran rampant in the 1850s, recording the highest homicide rate in the history of peacetime US "
writes reviewer: Harry Pandolfino.

". . these people stole from other folks in a wide variety of ways and made an art out of shooting and cutting up friends as well as enemies. " Reviewer: Leon Metz 

The New York Herald printed news of the discovery in August 1848 and the rush for gold accelerated into a stampede. Gold seekers traveled overland across the mountains to California (30,000 assembled at launch points along the plains in the spring of 1849) or took the round-about sea routes: either to Panama or around Cape Horn and then up the Pacific coast to San Francisco. A census of San Francisco (then called Yerba Buena) in April 1847 reported the town consisted of 79 buildings including shanties, frames houses and adobes. By December 1849 the population had mushroomed to an estimated 100,000. The massive influx of fortune seekers Americanized the once Mexican province and assured its inclusion as a state in the union.    http://www.eyewitnesstohistory.com/californiagoldrush.htm

"Quarreling and cheating form the employments, drinking and gambling the amusements, making the largest pile of gold the only ambition of the inhabitants."   http://www.cyberwest.com/cw17/goldrush.html

Who would have been foolish enough to travel through hell to get to a place where a person's ears were cut off for stealing and murder was commonplace. (No Place for a Woman? Patricia Cronin Marcello)  

New March 2006 issue, Smithsonian, page 42, next to a gold Funerary Mask, 100 B.C. to A.D. 800 "The Spirit of Ancient Colombian Gold" show  . . says HURRY IN . . . 

Spanish explorers would have killed (and did) for a collection of Colombian gold as large as the one on view at the National Museum of Natural History through April. 

In neither the cartoon, newspaper article, nor the Smithsonian magazine did the anti-Hispanic statement have to be included.  It did not augment the statement with facts, but was purely an editorial comment added as a humorous innuendo.  The writers apparently feeling safe in thinking that their inclusion was historically correct and therefore generally acceptable, adding their comment, even though clearly the statements are demeaning to the history of the Spanish colonists. 

These debasing comments appear frequently in the media, reinforcing negative attitudes towards the early Spanish colonizers.  It supposes that either descendants of the Spanish colonists do not exist, or because of the accuracy of their comments that we do not take a stand in defense of our ancestors.  

Notice too in those quotes, one refers to the Spanish as conquistadors and the other as explorers,
yet, the English are referred to as colonists, Pilgrims, Puritans.  The "49ers" are referred as such, even though most were lusting after gold, adventurers and thugs driven by gold fever. 

We support the use of those terms when we use them ourselves, forgetting that the colonization took place with Spanish and other Southern Europeans families who immigrated first in the earliest colonization of the Americas. Using the term Spanish conquistadors is inaccurate.  They were soldiers, just as all the other armies forces were soldiers.  They came as cooks, bakers, tailors, doctors, barbers, etc.  They came with families, wives and children.

The problem persists because incorrect history has shaped a very negative perspective towards  the role played by the Spanish in the American continent. The Smithsonian is suppose to reflect the discoveries and achievements of America, but the Hispanic/Latino is still not an acceptable part of the vision.  Our story has not been told because we are telling it in the right places and to the right people. 


"Latinos in the Smithsonian Revised"

In 1997, a 5-year report on the the Hispanic presence in the Smithsonian revealed that in 1996 Latinos were 3.1% of the Smithsonian staff.* 

We need Hispanic/Latinos on the staff of  museums,  historical sites, in national parks, concert halls, performing arts centers, PBS and educational channels. Most agencies, public or private reach out with internship programs.  For more information about research and scholarship at the Getty in California, go to www.getty.edu/research

For information on internship programs at the Smithsonian, Click.   

Military Heroes and Research

Honolulu Star-Bulletin Hawaii News
June 6, 2004.
http://starbulletin.com/2004/06/06/news/story10.html

Guy Gabaldon, 
‘Pied Piper’ returning
to Saipan

The Chicano recipient of the
Navy Cross will revisit the site
of a historic WWII battle 

By Gregg K. Kakesako
gkakesako@starbulletin.com

For information on obtaining a copy, please
contact producer Steve Rubin, 213-300-1896
www.fastcarrier.com  
steve@fastcarrier.com .

East L.A. Marine: the Untold True Story of Guy Gabaldon

A professional performer, Bruce is well known for his portrayal of Father Serra at Knott's 
Berry Farm.

PATRIOT ANCESTORS FROM CUBA 
(Part 2, F-J)
Information compiled and edited by Granville Hough, Ph.D.

This continues the listing of Cuban Patriots who served during the period of Jun 1779 until Sep 1783. For more information, and the A-E listing, see the February 2006 Somos Primos. This listing is made for the benefit of those who descend from the soldiers or other patriots listed and who wish to join the Sons of the American Revolution. The author, Granville W. Hough, is available at gwhough@oakapple.net to assist those who wish to join that organization.  One might ask how one can access the records in Cuba which would be most helpful. The first answer is that this listing can be downloaded and saved for the future. I can assure anyone that Fidel Castro will not be an impediment to research, on-site, in Cuba, forever. I am his age and know he is just as mortal as I. The second answer is that it may now be possible to hire researchers in Cuba to go into the archives and find what you need. I do not know who has tried that approach. It should work just as well in Cuba as in the United States, Mexico, or Spain. Genealogy is non-political, or always has been, in my experience.

F . . .
Juan Fabre. Adjutant, 1799, Plana Mayor del Bn de Morenos, Havana, Legajo 7264:VIII:8.
*Antonio Fajardo (1756 Galicia - ). SubLt in 1779, Lt in 1780, with Comp. Islas, San Juan de Ulua, Capt, Inf Puebla, 1800, Havana, Legajo 7277:VI:24.
*Jorge Farragut. C:71, pp 269-270, Spanish privateer during Spain's 1779-1783 War with England.
*Manual Faus. K:123, 125, drill instructor who whacked a negro soldier who strayed out of line during drill so hard he killed him. Legajo 7264:VIII:2, Capt in 1799, Plana Mayor del Bn de Morenos, Havana.
Manuel de Febles. Sargento, 1799, Militia Inf, Havana. Legajo 7264:XIII:116.
*José de Félix Cordoba. Capt, 1796, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7263:XXIII:74.
Gaspar Feo. SubLt, 1789, Mil Cav, Havana, Legajo 7260:X:43.
*Joseph Feran. A3:XI:57, soldier, c 1781.
*Andrés Fernándes. Capt of Grenadiers, 1789, Mil de las Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7260:XIII:3.
*Antonio Fernández (1721 Zilleros, Spain - ), entered service in 1738, Capt, grad Lt Col in 1781, 1786, and 1788 in Dragoons of America, married. Tanner:41, Lt Col in East Florida in 1784 sent to bring in McGirt outlaws. Legajo 7263:I:6, Col in 1797, Estado Mayor de San Cristóbal, Havana.
*Antonio Fernández Trebejo. Mob:216, 691, engineer at Mobile, 1780.
*Benito Fernández. Ch1:11, soldier of the 20th Comp., arrived in Havana, Mar 1779.
Eduardo Fernández. Cadet, Cav. Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XII:80.
Felipe Fernández Lugo. Sgt, Cav Militia of Havana, 1792. Legajo 7261:VII:69.
*Francisco Luís Fernández (1741 Antequera - ), Sgt in 1777, Sgt, 1st Comp, Dragoons of America, 1786, “casada con Mujer Decente.” Adjutant, 1800, Plana Mayor of Santiago, Cuba, Legajo 7264:I:3.
José Fernández. SubLt, 1786, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7259:XII:52, probably the person who was aide to Governor Zéspedes in East Florida.
*José Fernández (1750 - ). Entered service 1768, 1st Sgt, Havana Cav, 1787, Lt, 1799, Cav Mil of Havana, Legajo 7264:XII:26.
*José Fernández del Cueto (1741 Esquibias - ), Sgt of Grenadiers, 1778, SubLt, Havana Regt, 1786, single. Lt of Grenadiers, 1799, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7264:XVII:29.
José Domingo Fernández. Sgt, Bn Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1797. Legajo 7263:VIII:45.
José María Fernández. Sgt, Cav Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XII:79.
*Juan Fernández (1770 Havana - ), Cadet in 1782, Cadet in 3rd Comp, Dragoons of America, 1786 and in 2d Comp, 1788.
*Juan Fernández. Mob:546, soldier, Regt of Havana, killed at the Village, 1781.
Juan Fernández de Lara. Cadet, Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:61.
*Juan Fernández Remedios. Capt, 1796, Corps of Arty, Havana, Legajo 7263:XXI:4.
Lazaro Fernández. Lt, 1800, Estado Mayor of San Cristóbal, Havana, Legajo 7264:II:7.
Manuel Fernández de Lara. Cadet, Militia of Cuarto Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:62.
Tomás Fernández. Sgt, Inf Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIV:38.
*Andrés Fernero and brother of Havana. Chávez:225, in 1781 lenders of money for French Navy.
*Domingo Ferradas (1723 - ), married. Entered service 1747, Lt, 1787, and 1789, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7260:IX:72.
Francisco Ferraez. A2:IX:39, mentioned c 1779.
*José Ferraras. Soldier and Cpl, 1770-1785, Regts Saboya and Corona, in Veracruz, Havana, and Guarico operations, 1st Sgt, Inf of Mexico, 1800, single, Legajo 7277.
*Luís Lorenzo Ferrazas. A2:VIII:62, 63, Naval Lt, c1778. R80II:101, wounded Mobile, Mar 1780.
*??? Ferrer. Mob:448, head of transport boat, Pensacola convoy, 1780.
*Josef Ferrer. Mob:546, fusilier, wounded at the Village, 1781.
*José Ferrer (1741 - ). Entered service 1760, Capt, 1st Comp, 1787 and 1799, Mil Inf de Cuba y Bayamos, Legajo 7264:XI:9.
José Antonio Ferrer. Cadet, Inf Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIII:131.
Miguel Ferrer. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIV:104.
Rafael Mariana Ferrer. Cadet, Inf Militia of Cuba y Bayamo, 1799. Legajo 7264:XI;27.
*José Feu of Havana. Chávez:225, in 1781 lender of money for the French navy.
*Antonio Figueroa. Capt, 1800, Commandant, Castillo de Atarés, Estado Mayor de San Cristóbal, Havana, Legajo 7264:II:10.
Faustino Figueroa. Cadet, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:108.
*José María Figueroa (1756 Havana - ), entered service in 1777, at Pensacola in 1780, SubLt in 1781, 1786, and 1788, 1st and 2d Comp,
Dragoons of America, single. Legajo 7265:II:169, Adjutant Major, Esquadrón Dragoons of America, 1809.
Juan Figueroa. Surgeon, 1799, Mil de las Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7264:X:73.
*Patricio Figueroa (1734 Havana - ), Lt in 1779, at Pensacola in 1781, Lt, grad Capt, Havana Regt, 1786, married. A3:XI:61, Lt, c 1781. Legajo 7261:XII:7, Capt, Cuban Inf, 1792.
*Pablo Figuerola. Starr:208, Haarman:130, 131, Naval officer, 1781.Mir:185, commanded trenches at Pensacola, 1781.
*Pedro Figuerola of Havana, Cuba. Chávez:225, in 1781 lender of money for the French navy.
Diego de Fleytas. Sgt, Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:42.
*??? Florentín. Mob:719, his Mobile sloop assigned to Regt of Havana, 1781.
Martin de Flores Quijana. SubLt, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:67.
*Felipe de Fonsdeviela y Ordeano, Marquis de la Torre. Chávez:26, Captain-General at Havana in the early part of the war at the time Unzaga was Governor of Louisiana.
*Mariano Fontdorrona. A3:XII:21, 29, Capt, c 1782.
*Manuel Fous (1741 - ). Entered service 1751, Adjutant for the Morenos, 1787.
Francisco Franco. Sgt, Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1793. Legajo 7262:XXVII:34.
*Gerónimo Franco. Ch1:20, soldier, Havana Regt, sailed for LA picket, Aug 1779.
*Isidro Franco (1743 Canary Islands - ), 1st Sgt in 1778 and 1786,
Havana Regt, single. Legajo 7263:XIV:46, SubLt, Inf of Havana, 1797.
*Cristóbal Fresneda (1747 - ). Entered service 1766, 2d Sgt, Havana Cav, 1778, Sgt, 1789, Mil Cav of Havana, Legajo 7260:X:65.
*Juan Manuel de Fromista (1753 - ), entered service 1769, Sgt 1st Cl and Adjutant Garzón, 1787, Plana Mayor de Pardos de Cuba y Bayamos, Legajo 7259:IX:6.*Alonso Frutos (1736 - ), Adjutant, Pardos of Cuba y Bayamo, 1787. Adjutant, grad Capt, 1799, Mil Inf of Puerto Rico, Legajo 7264:XIV:3.
José María de Fuentes. Sgt, Cav. Militia of Havana, 1797. Legajo 7263:X:52.
*Juan Antonio Fuentes (1753 - ), entered service in 1773, Adjutant, 1787 and 1799, Plana Mayor Bn de Pardos, Havana, Legajo 7264:V:5.
*Antonio Fundora (1759 - ), entered service 1773, 2d Sgt, Havana Cav, 1787. Sgt, 1793. Legajo 7263:XX:59.
Antonio Fur. SubLt, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:43.

G . . . .
*Mariano Gajate (1755 Pradilla - ), Cpl in 1775 in Regt of Aragon, Sgt, Inf of Havana, 1788, single. Legajo 7263:XI:98, Sgt, Militia, Havana Inf, 1797.
*Joseph Gallego. A3:XI:2, Capt, c 1781.
Domingo Gallegos. SubLt, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:68.
Miguel Gallegos. Cadet, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:115.
*José Gallegos. Cadet in 1781, at New Providence, Havana, and Guarico in 1782, Lt, Grenadiers, San Carlos de Perote, Regt Corona of New Spain, 1800, single, Legajo 7277:III:33.
*Narcisso Gallegos. Cadet in 1779, was in New Providence and Guarico operations in 1782, Capt, San Carlos de Perote, Regt Corona of New Spain, 1800, single, Legajo 7277:III:29.
Francisco María Gallos. Cadet, Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:59.
*Bernardo Vicente Pólinarde de Gálvez y Gallardo (1746 Macharaviaya, Málaga - 30 Nov 1786 Mexico City). Beerman:292-293, Caughey:247, Cummins:207, Governor of Louisiana, 1777-1784. Woods:77, Col., and Governor, md on 2 Nov 1777 Feliciana de St. Maxent. They bap ch in 1778
and later. RM2:57, 225, Major General and former governor of Louisiana, in 1783 designated head of French and Spanish forces to capture Jamaica from the British.
*José de Gálvez y Gallardo, Marqués de Sonora (1720 Macharaviaya, Málaga –1787 Aranjuez). Caughey:140-141, Spanish Minister of the Indies, 1776-1786, after being Visitor-General for King Carlos III in New Spain. He was apparently first married to María Magdalena Grimaldo y Lucía
Romet and secondly María Concepción Valenzuela.
*José Ganuza. Capt, 1792, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7261:XII:15.
Bartholomé Garaballo. Ch1:19, unmd CI recruit, deserted in Havana, Aug 1779.
*Manuel de Garay. Mob:444, brought supplies to Mobile on Felicité in 1780.
*Agustín García (1746 - ), entered service 1764, Adjutant Garzón, 1787 and 1793, Plana Mayor de Blancos dn Bn Pardos Mil de Cuba y Bayamos, Legajo 7262:XVI:4.
Alonso García. Lt, 1800, Estada Mayor (Major Staff) of San Cristóbal of Havana, Legajo 7264:III:15.
Andrés García. Lt, 1799, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7264:XIII:26.
*Antonio García (1735 Cuchia - ), entered service 1754, SubLt in 1777, Lt, 2d Comp Dragoons of America, 1788, Lt, 3rd Comp, Dragoons of America, 1786. Legajo 7261:X:2, Adjutant Major, Esquadrón, Dragoons of America, 1792.
*Antonio García (1745 Granada - ), entered service in 1762, Sgt in 1778, Sgt, 4th Comp, Dragoons of America, 1786, 3rd Comp in 1788. Legajo 7260:VII:18, Sgt, 1789, Dragoons of America.
*Antonio García. K;185, SubLt, 1st Bn, Vol Inf Regt of Cuba, 1781.
Antonio García. A3:XV:64, soldier, c 1787. This may be the person in Legajo 7263:XI:104, in 1797 a Sgt in Militia Inf of Havana.
*Diego García. A3:XI:24, 36, 2d Cpl, c 1781.
Esteban García. Distinguished Soldier, Cav. Militia of Havana, 1763. Legajo 7262:XX:76.
Francisco García. Sgt, Inf Militia of Cuba & Bayamo, 1795. Legajo 7262:VII:35.
Gaspar García. Adjutant, 1799, Plana Mayor del Bn de Morenos of Havana, Legajo 7264:VIII:6.
Ignacio García. MP:24, servant to Saavedra in 1780.
*José García (1748 - ). Entered service in 1773, 2d Sgt, Havana Cav in 1787, Sgt, 1789, Mil Cav of Havana, Legajo 7259:VI:70.
*José García. Capt, 1799, Mil of las Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7264:X:3.
*Joseph García. A3:XI:31, soldier, c 1781.
*José García-Pizarro. K:114, SubVisitor of Qiito, South America, 1781.
*José Antonio García. Capt Adjutant, Mil de las Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7261:IV:11.
José María García. SubLt, Cav Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XII:38.
*Juan García. A3:XI:35, mentioned c 1781. This may be the soldier who was Sgt, Plana Mayor Bn. Militia Pardos of Cuba y Bayamo. Legajo 7263:VII:8.
*Pedro García. Capt, 1799, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7264:XVII:24.
*Pedro García de Lerena (1755 - ). Entered service 1771, SubLt, 1788, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7259:II:61.
Ramon García. Sgt, Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:37.
*Roque García. Mob:113, App G, Lt, 2d Bn of Spain, recommended for promotion after Mobile, 1780.
*Tomás García (1753 Havana - ), entered service, 1770, SubLt in 1776 and grad Lt, Havana Regt, 1786, married. Lt, 1788 and 1792, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7261:XI:24.
Tomás García. Sgt, Militia of Cuatros Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:46.
*Jaime Garcini. Legajo 7264:XVI:14, Capt, Havana Inf, 1799.
*Vicente Garciny. Ch1:Attachment, Col, Pensacola Staff, 1781.
Antonio Garnery. Sgt, 1790, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7260:II:91 or 61.
*Antonio Garro y Sayas (1766 - ). Entered service in 1782, Capt in 1787 and 1795, Mil Cav of Havana, Legajo 7262:VIII:9.
*Jayme Garziny (1757 - ), entered service in 1772, Lt, Inf Vets of Havana, 1788.
Conde de Gasola. H:24, Inspector-General of Artillery, 1778.
Antonio Gasau. Sgt, Inf Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1792. Legajo 7261:VII:33.
Juan Gascon. Sgt, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:75.
*Ignacio Gatica. Mob:277, Capt, goleta Del Rey San José, Mobile, 1780.
Antonio Gavilan. Surgeon, 1793, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7262:XXI:120.
*Luis Gavilan (1756 - ), entered service 1778, Cadet, Inf Blancos of Havana, 1787. He was probably the Capt, Inf Militia of Havana in 1809. Legajo 7265:I:89.
*Rafael Gavilan (1763 - ), entered service Mar 1783, Cadet, Inf Blancos of Havana, 1787.
*Joseph Gavino Tamayo (1747 - ), entered service 1764, SubLt, 2d Comp Blancos Cuba y Bayamo, 1787.
*Antonio Gelabert. Mob:245, soldier, Catalonian Company, taken prisoner, 1780, at Mobile.
José Antonio Gelabert. Cadet, Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1795. Legajo 7262:V:63.
*Juan Gemmir Lleonart. Lt Col, 1792, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7261:XI:90.
*??? Genes. Mob:448, head of transport boat, Pensacola convoy, 1780.
*Pedro Georget. Mob:196, owned balandra Belona, used in Mobile, 1780.
Diego Gerardo. Lt, Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIV:16.
*Juan Germón. Mob:207, 210, Capt, Baton Rouge, to Mobile, 1780.
*Conde de Gibacoa. Col, 1799, Mil Dragones de Matanzas, Legajo 7264:VII:1.
*Agustín Gil. V:Jesu:74, 1779. Ch1:19, unm CI recruit who joined Matanza Dragoons of Havana, Aug 1779.
Fernando Gil. A3:XI:36, mentioned c 1781.
Mariana Gil Reinoso. SubLt, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:70.
Vicente Gil. A2:VI:69, soldier, c 1776. Legajo 7264:XIII:24, Lt, Mil Inf of Havana, 1799.
*Manuel Gilavert. In 1787, he had served 12 years 11 months 23 days. Lt Inf Puebla, 1800, Havana, Legajo 7277:VI:38.
*Antonio Gili (1759 Sineu - ), “En America conel Exto Operations,” Sgt, Havana Inf, 1788. Legajo 7262:XI:17, Sgt, Comp Inf of Cataluña in Havana, 1794.
*Andrés Giron. Capt, 1799, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7264:XVII:16.
*Gerónimo Girón y Montezuma, Marqués de las Amarillas (1741 Ronda – 1819 Sevilla). Beerman:294, M:13, 49, 59, 71, Col and Division Commander at Mobile, 1780. Caughey:210, Haarman:129, 132, Spanish infantry assault commander at Pensacola. Thonhoff:75, descendant of Moctezuma. His wife was Isabel de las Casas.
Joaquin Godoy. Sgt, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:80.
*Juan Godoy (1760 - ), entered service in 1777, Lt, 1788, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7259:II:38.
*Miguel de Goicoechea. M:73, 106:App C, Commander, frigate El Cayman,
1780, during Mobile campaign. Mob:667, ZPR:233, Capt of frigate Santa Cecilia, Pensacola 1781.
Miguel Félix de Goicoechea. CubaP:49, 99, and others, probably the same person as above.
*Antonio Gomez (1741 - ), entered service 1771, Sgt, 1st Comp, 1787 and 1789, Mil Inf de Cuba y Bayamo, Legajo 7260:XIX:37.
*Antonio Gómez. Sgt, Inf of Cuba, 1791, Legajo 7261:XXVI:44.
*Bartolomé Gómez (1731 - ). Entered service in 1750, Adjutant Major, grad Capt, Blancos, Cuba y Bayamo, 1787.
Francisco Gómez. Sgt, Inf Militia of Havana, 1795. Legajo 7262:IX:111.
Josef Gómez. A2:IX:67, soldier, c 1779. This may be José Gómez, Sgt, Inf Militia of Havana, 1791, Legajo 7261:XIX:36.
*Jose Antonio Gomez. Lt, 1795, Bn de Mil de las Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7262:V:17.
*Juan Gómez. Capt, 1799, Dragoons of Matanzas, Legajo 7264:VII:10.
Juan Jesús Gómez. SubLt, Cav Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XII:51.
*Julian Gómez (1743 Murcia - ). Entered service in 1760, 1st Sgt of Carabineros, Havana Cav, 1787, Lt, 1799, Mil Cav of Havana, Legajo 7264:XII:22.
Lucas Gómez. Sgt, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:43 (bis).
*Nicolas Gómez (1742 - ), entered service 1759, SubLt, Blancos of Havana, 1787. Capt, Inf Militia of havana, 1809, Legajo 7265:I:84.
Agustín González. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1797. Legajo 7263:XIV:114.
*Alonso González (1751 - ). Entered service, 1770, 1st Sgt, 1787, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7259:V:61.
Andrés González. Chaplain, 1793, Mil Inf de las Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7292:XVII:71.
Antonio González. Cadet, Inf Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIV:49.
*Antonio González (1726 - ). Entered service in 1740, Lt, grad Capt, 2d Comp, Cuba y Bayamo, 1787. A2:VII:37, 42, Capt, c 1778. This may be Lt Col, grad, Mil Inf of Cuba y Bayamo in 1795, Legajo 7262:VII:18.
Antonio González Terino. Cadet, 1790, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7260:IV:97.
*Bartolomé González (1760 - ). Entered service in 1776, 2d Sgt, Havana Cav in 1787. Portaestandarte, 1799, Mil Cav of Havana, Legajo 7264:XII:54.
*Benito González (1750 - ), entered service in 1768, Adjutant Garzon for Morenos, 1787. In 1799 Sgt, Cav of Havana, Legajo 7264:XII:58.
Bernardo González. SubLt, Inf Militia of Cuba y Bayamo, 1799. Legajo 7264:XI:21.
*Cristóbal González. Capt, 1795, Mil Inf of Cuba and Bayamo, Legajo 7262:VII:8.
Diego González Noroña. SubLt, Inf Comp. of Cataluña in Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:VI:12.
Domingo González. Sgt, Inf Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1795. Legajo 7262:X:34.
*Francisco González (1762 - ). Entered service Feb, 1783, Cadet, 1787, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7259:V:84.
Francisco González. SubLt, 1791, Comp Independent Cav, Cuba, Legajo 7261:XXVIII:8.
Joseph Gonzáles. A2:IX:37, mentioned c 1779, prob one of those below.
*José Gonzáles. Ch1:17, soldier from Veracruz to LA on La Matilde, Feb 1780 (prob. one of those below.)
*José González (1754 - ). Entered service 1772, Sgt, 1788, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7259:II:71.
*Jose González (1747 - ), entered service 1774, 2nd Sgt, Havana Cav, 1787.
José González. Sgt Major, 1792, Mil Cav of Havana, Legajo 7261:VII:3.
*José González. Lt, 1795, Mil Inf, Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7262:V:13.
José González. Sgt, Inf Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIII:112.
José González. Portaestandarte, 1795, Mil Cav of Havana, Legajo 7262:VIII:47.
*José González. Capt, Adjutant, 1799, Mil Inf of Cuba and Bayamos, Legajo 7264:XI:3.
José Antonio González de Rojas. Cadet, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:57.
José Manuel González. SubLt, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:56.
José María González. Sgt, Militia Dragoons of Matanzas, 1795. Legajo 7262:III:31.
José Mariana González. Cadet, Inf Militia of Cuba y Bayamo, 1799. Legajo 7264:XI:33.
*Juan González. A3:XII:22, soldier, c 1782.
Juan Antonio González. Sgt, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1793. Legajo 7262:XVII:45.
*Juan Benito González. Capt, 1799, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7264:XVI:8.
*Luís González (1735 - ), Entered service 1749, Capt, 1787, 3rd Comp, Mil Inf de Cuba y Bayamo, Legajo 7259:X:10.
*Luís González de Rojas. Capt of Grenadiers, 1799, Mil Inf de Cuatro Villas, Legajo 7264:X:4.
*Luís González de la Torre. Lt, 1792, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7261:XI:99.
*Manuel González (1750 - ). Entered service 1773, 1st Sgt, Inf Blancos of Havanna, 1787. A3:XII:57, Sgt, c 1782, may have served in Louisiana.
Probably the Sgt, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:77.
*Manuel González. Capt, Inf Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1795, Legajo 7262:X:5.
Marcos González de Rojas. SubLt, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:23.
*Miguel González (1760 - ). Entered service 1776, SubLt Blancos of Havana, 1787. Capt, 1799, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7264:XIII:68.
Pedro González. Sgt, Militia Dragoons of Matanzas, 1792. Legajo 7261:II:34.
*Pedro González. Capt, 1799, Mil Inf of Cuarto Villas, Legajo 7264:X:10.
Rafael González. SubLt, Inf Militia of Cuba y Bayamo, 1799. Legajo 7264:XI:20.
Santiago González. FD3:382, he and wife Micaela Rodríguez had a family in Santo Domingo during war years.
*Sebastián González (???), wartime service in Inf de Navarra, 1st Sgt since 1784, Havana Regt, 1786 and 1788. Lt, 1796, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7263:XXII:28.
Vicente González. Distinguished Soldier, Cav Militia of Havana, 1793. Legajo 7262:XX:103.
José Goy. Lt, 1799, Plana Mayor del Bn Pardos, Havana, Legajo 7264:V:6.
José Goy. Adjutant, garzón, 1793, Plana Mayor Bn Morenos of Havana, Legajo 7262:XV:10.
Calixto de Gracia. Sgt, Inf Militia of Cuartro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:34.
*José Graciós. Mob:449, head of transport boat, Pensacola convoy, 1780.
Miguel Granados. Sgt, Inf Militia, Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:41.
Miguel Grande. A3:XI:37, mentioned c 1781.
Rafael Grande. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:105.
*Feliz Grau. Mob:18, commanding galley El Santo Cristo del Calvario, at Mobile, 1780.
Andrés Grillo. Sgt, Cav Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XII:75.
*Enríque Grimarest (1741 Cataluña - ), widower, son of Brigadier. M:111:App F, Capt, Navarre Regt, Sgt Major of Trenches at Mobile, wounded, Mar 1780, later Governor of Mobile. Legajo 7296:IV:1, Col and Lt of the King, Estado Mayor de la plaza de Campeche, 1787.
*Juan Gruel. A2:X:29, mentioned c 1780.
*Pedro Guarch. A3:XV:26, 41, Capt, c 1787.
Agustín Gregorio de la Guardia. Sgt, Comp. Cav. Urban, of Cuba y Bayamo, 1797. Legajo 7263:XVIII:9.
Francisco de la Guardia. Cadet, Militia Dragoons of Matanzas, 1799. Legajo 7264:VII:36.
*Juan Güell. Mob:207, commanding galley Santa Rosalia at Mobile, 1781.
Francisco Guerard. A3:XII:25, Capt, c 1783.
*Santos Guérin (1759 - ), entered service, 1778, 1st Sgt, Inf Vets of Havana, 1788.
*Joseph Guerra. A3;XI:67, soldier, c 1781.
*Luís Guerra. Capt, 1799, Bn Mil Inf of Puerto Príncipe, Legajo 7264:XIV:8.
Manuel Guerra. SubLt of Grenadiers, Inf Militia of Puerto Príncipe, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIV:19.
José Tomás Guerrero. Distinguished Soldier, Cav Militia of Havana, 1763.
Legajo 7262:XX:111.

*Miguel Guillemas. A3:XII:50, soldier, c 1782.
*Ventura Guinea. Mob:245, SubLt, sloop Baton Rouge, at Mobile, 1780.
Domingo Guiral. Cadet, Cav Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XII:83.
*Manuel de Guirior. Mob:xxix, wartime Spanish official in America.
José Ignacio Gutiérrez. Sgt, Inf Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIII:115.
*Juan Gutiérrez. A3:XI:1, Capt, c 1781.
Onofre Gutiérrez de Rojas. Lt, 1799, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7264:XVII:45.
José Guzman. Distinguished soldier, Cav Militia of Havana, 1793. Legajo 7262:XX:109.
*Juan de Dios Guzman (1743 - ), entered service in 1780 but prior service in Havana Inf Mil, 1st Sgt, Havana Cav, 1787.

H. . . . .
*Gaspardo de Hair. Appeals Case 95, mariner in Nov 1782 on Spanish San Antonio.
*José Ricardo Harrill (1749 - ). Entered service 1764, 2d Capt and Comandante, grad Lt Col, Havana Cav, 1787.
Francisco de Heredia. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:120.
Vicente de Heredia. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:121.
Agustín Hernández. Legajo 7262:X:26, SubLt, Inf Mil of Puerto Príncipe, 1795.
*Andrés Hernández (1749 - ), entered service 1763, SubLt, Inf Blancos, Havana, 1787. Capt, 7261, Capt, Inf of Havana, 1792. Legajo 7261:VI:57.
Francisco Hernández (1751 - ). Legajo 7261:XVIII:44, SubLt, Cav Mil of Havana, 1787 and 1791.
*José Hernández (1748 - ). Legajo 7264:IX:4, entered service 1772, Adjutant Garzon, Pardos, 1787, Lt, Bn Pardos Mil of Cuba y Bayamo, 1799.
José Hernández. Sgt, Inf Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIII:109.
José Hernández. Sgt, Cav Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XII:76.
*José Damián Hernández (1731 Salamanca, Spain - ), married by 1788. Legajo 7290, Capt grad, 1782, Inf Vols of Santo Domingo. FD4:38, he and wife Josefa María Gutiérrez Galán de Vargas of Malaga, Spain, had ch in Santo Domingo during war years. Legajo 7265:I:30, Lt Col, Inf Mil of
Havana, 1809.
Juan Antonio Hernández. Sgt, Inf Militias of Havana, 1797. Legajo 7263:XI:103.
*Manuel Hernández (1741 - ), entered service 1763, 2d Sgt, Mil Inf de Havana, 1787, Legajo 7261:VI:90.
Manuel Hernández. Surgeon, 1795, Plana Mayor del Bn de Morenos de Havana, Legajo 7262:IV:11.
Manuel Antonio Hernández. Legajo 7262:XVII:41, Sgt, Inf Mil of Las Cuartro Villas, 1793.
Manuel Hernández de Vera. SubLt, Inf of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVI:69.
Miguel Hernández. A4:XVII:60, Cpl, c 1790. Legajo 7264:XII:71, Sgt,
Militia Cav of Havana, 1799.
Miguel Hernández de Mesa. Sgt, Inf Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIII:110.
Nicolás Hernández. Legajo 7262:IX:107, Sgt, Havana Mil, 1795.
Dionisio Herrada. Sgt, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:48.
*Francisco de la Herran (1736 Gamano - ), SubLt of Grenadiers in 1782,
Lt, Havana Regt, 1786, widowed. Capt, 1799, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7264:XVI:13.
*Ignacio Herrera (1765 prob Cuba - ). K:187, Capt, Vol Regt of Cav, Cuba, age 44 in 1809. Legajo 7264:XII:14, Capt, 1799.
*Juan de Herrera. Mob:17, commanding galley San Peregrino, for Pensacola, 1781.
*Miguel Antonio de Herrera. K:187, Capt, Vol Cav Regt, Cuba, 1781.
Legajo 7261:XVIII:3, Primer Comandante, Cav Mil of Havana, 1791.
Miguel Herrero. Sgt, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legaho 7264:X:33.
*José Antonio Herrezuelo (1742 Cuba - ), in taking of Pensacola, 1781,
Lt, Havana Regt, 1786, single. Legajo 7264:XVI:4, Capt, Havana Inf, 1799.
Pedro León Hidalgo. Sgt, Inf Militia of Cuba y Bayamon, 1799. Legajo 7264:XI:24.
Félix de Hita y Salazar. Cadet, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:110.
*Juan Hogan. Irish:223, Capt, Irish Brigade, Pensacola, 1781. Chávez:225, Paymaster, Regt of Hibernia/Ybernia, of Havana, in 1781 lender of money to the French navy.
*Miguel Hormigo (1749 - ), entered service 1767, 1st Sgt, Inf Blancos, Havana, 1787, Legajo 7262:XXI:81.
*Pedro Horruitimer (1739 San Agustin, Florida - ), entered service 1779, Lt, 1787 and 1795, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7262:IX:17.
*Joaquin Horruitinel (1766 Havana - ), entered service 1780, Cadet, Inf Vets of Havana, 1788, Havana Inf Regt, single. Lt, 1799, Inf of Cuba, Legajo 7264:XVII:39.
*José Horruitinel (1739 Florida - ), Lt of Grenadiers in 1782, Capt, Havana Regt, 1786, single. Capt, 1792, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7261:XI:94.
Tomás de Horta. Cadet, Inf Militia of Havana, 1793. Legajo 7262:XXI:116.
**Carlos Howard (1739 Ireland - ). Tanner:26-27, Secretary to Governor Zéspedes, 1784. He had served with Spanish forces since 1761. H:129,
Col, 1806, LA Regt, in Expedition to America, 1780, and served on Santo Domingo, single. Legajo 7292:X:2.
*Hoyos. Mob:275, blacksmith/armorer, Mobile, 1780.
*Pedro Hoytaben (1744 Veran, Galicia - ), 1st Sgt in 1777, at Pensacola
9 Apr 1781, 1st Sgt, Havana Regt, 1786, single. Lt, 1796, Inf of Havana, Legajo 7263:XXII:39.
*Luís Huet. Caughey: helped plan attack at Pensacola. M:7, Engineer involved in attack on Mobile, 1779. Tides:72, figure 13, maps of Cuba,
1776. Ch1:Attachment, Brigadier and Quartermaster, Pensacola, 1781. Lewis:7, 19, 112, as a Col., he prepared the plans for attacking the Bahamas in 1781.
*Bautista Hugón. Mob:444, commander of detachment of Morenos from Havana, 1781. H:245, Capt, NO Mul Mil, 1792.
*Francisco Hurtado. Ch1:Attachment, Lt, Engineers, Pensacola Staff, 1781.

I . . .
*Fernando Ibáñez. Ch1:11, family of Malaga, wife & 3 ch, arr in Havana, Apr 1779.
*Miguel Ibañez of Havana. Chávez:225, in 1781 lender of money to the French navy.
*Agustín de Ibarra (1754 - ). Entered service 1770, Adjutant Major, Arty of Havana, 1788. Capt, 1796, Corps of Arty, Havana, Legajo 7263:XXI:3.
*José Caridad Ibarra (1753 - ). Entered service Feb 1783, Surgeon, 1787 and 1789, Plana Mayor de Pardos de Cuba y Bayamo. Legajo 7260:XVII:11.
*Benito Icarel. A2:IX:16, Lt, c 1779.
*Pedro Imán. Mob:17, owner brig San Juan Bautista, for Mobile in 1780.
*Martín Inega/Iñigo/Iñago. A3:XII:27, 28, Cpl, c 1781.
*Francisco Infanta. Ch1:8, sent from Havana to LA Bn, Nov 1779. A2:X:21, mentioned 1780.
*Francisco Javier Infante (1744 - ). Entered service 1760, Lt, 1779, Adjutant 1787, Plana Mayor Bn Pardos Mil de Cuba y Bayamo. Legajo 7264:IX:2.
*Lorenzo Inhavrige. Ch1:18, soldier, Veracruz to LA, June 1780, on Santa Rosalia or San Jose.
Ignacio Insunsa. Cadet, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:109.
Manuel Interiano. Distinguished Soldier, Cav Militia of Havana, 1793. Legajo 7262:XX:92.
Clemente Iribarren. Sgt, Inf Militia of Havana, 1797. Legajo 7263:XI:93.
*Diego de Irra (1757 - ), entered service 1773, Lt, Arty of Havana, 1788.
*Francisco Irujo ( - 1787). FD4:93, soldier, and wife Francisca González may have been alive in Santo Domingo during war years. All identified ch had died.
*Mateo Irungaray (1739 Garzuine, Valle de Bastun - ), entered service as Lt in 1781. Lt, 1794, Dragones de Guatemala, Legajo 7269:IV:12.
Pedro Iruretagoyena (1751 Vizcaya - ), single in 1787. Lt, 1784, Mil Regladas de Inf de Blancos de Maracaibo, Legajo 7293:VI:8, prior service not recorded.
Julian Izaguirre. A2:VI:81, Capt, c 1776.
*Francis D. Izoguirre. Jersey:469.
*Juan Izquierdo. Sgt, 1788, Inf of Voluntarios Blancos Valles de Aragua, Legajo 7293:XII:28.
*Juan de Dios Izquierdo (1742 Grenada - ), single in 1787. 2d Sgt, 1774-1784, Zueta garrison. Sgt, 1787, Inf Veterana de Caracas, Legajo 7293:II:38.
*Julián Izquierdo. Adjutant, 1799, Mil Discip de Blancos de Carupano, Province de Cumaná, Legajo 7295:VII:31.
*Manuel Izquierdo (1740 - ), entered service 1762, Lt 1788, Capt, 1796, Corps of Artillery, Havana, Legajo 7263:XXII:9. Mob:565-566, SubLt of Artillery, at Mobile.

J . . . .
*Bernardo Jeas. M:350, Capt of schooner galley Jesus Maria in May 1782 invasion of Nassau.
Antonio Jiménez. Cadet, Militia Dragoons of Matanzas, 1799. Legajo 7264:VII:35.
Diego Jiménez. Sgt 2d class of Grenadiers, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:39.
Eusebio Jiménez. Garzón, 1800, Bn Inf of Pardos Libres of Panama Province, Legajo 7282:X:3.
Félipe Jiménez. Cadet, Militia Dragoons of Matanzas, 1799. Legajo 7264:VII:34.
*Francisco Jiménez (1752 Argot - ). Sub-Lt, 1782, Lt, 1795, Mil Discip Inf of Puerto Rico, married, Legajo 7289:VII:36.
*Jose Jiménez. Lt, grad Capt, 1799, Mil Inf of Havana, Legajo 7264:XIII:71.
*Juan Jiménez (1753 Sadava, Aragon - ), in Expedition to Providence in 1782, 1st Sgt, Havana Regt, 1786.
Juan Jiménez. Lt, 1799, Plana Mayor Bn Pardos Mil of Cuba & Bayamo, Legajo 7264:IX:3.
*Juan de Dios Jiménez. Capt, 1799, Mil Dragones of Matanzas, Legajo 7264:VII:24.
Juan José Jiménez. SubLt, Inf Militia of Cuatro Villas, 1799. Legajo 7264:X:26.
Pedro Jiménez. A3:XI:40, c 1781.
Enrique Jimeno. Sgt, Dragoons of America, 1799. Legajo 7264:XV:30.
Mariano Jimeno. Sgt, Dragoons of America, 1797. Legajo 7263:XIII:27.
*??? Josef. R80I:346, in 1780 Capt of the San Justo, a Spanish naval vessel with 600 men.
*Tomás Juara (1749 - ). Entered service in 1781, Surgeon, Morenos, 1787.
*Bernardo de Junco. Capt, 1799, Mil de Dragones de Matanzas, Legajo 7264:VII:25.
Vicente del Junco. Cadet, 1799, Dragoon Militia of Matanzas, Legajo 1764:VII:22.
*Antonio Jung. Appeals Case 95, steward in Nov 1782 on Spanish San Antonio.
*Antonio Jurado. A3:XII:20, soldier, c 1782.
Francisco María Justiniani. Cadet, Inf of Cuba, 1799. Legajo 7264:XVII:103.
*Ambrosio de Jústiz. K:119, Capt, Cav, Havana, 1779.
Andrés José Justis. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1791. Legajo 7261:XXV:127.
Francisco de Justis. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1796. Legajo 7263:XXII:101.
José de Justis y Landa. Cadet, Inf Militia of Havana, 1799. Legajo 7264:XIII:54.
José María Justis. Cadet, Inf of Havana, 1791. Legajo 7261:XXV:126.
José María Justiz. Cadet, Comp. Cav, Urban, Cuba y Bayamon, 1797. Legajo 7263:XVIII:4.
*José Santiago de Jústis/Jústiz (1754 Havana - ), entered service 1771, SubLt in 1781 and 1786 in Havana Regt, single, SubLt of Grenadiers in 1788. Legajo 7264:XVI:22, Lt, grad Capt, Havana Inf, 1799.
*Manuel del Jústis. Legajo 7260:VIII:31, Lt Cuban Inf Regt, 1789.
*Vicente Jústiz (1733 Havana - ), Lt Col of Grenadiers in 1776, married. Legajo 7259:XII:6, Capt of Grenadiers, grad Lt Col, Havana Inf, 1786.

References are found in the Feb, 2006, issue of Somos Primos, except for the following:
Abbey:page. Abbey, Kathryn, “Efforts of Spain to Maintain Sources of Information in the British Colonies before 1779,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol XV, pp 57-68.

Beerman:page. Beerman, Eric, España y La Independencia de Estados Unidos, Madrid, Editorial MAPFRE, 1922.

Chavez:page. Chavez, Thomas E. Spain and the Independence of the United States: An Intrinsic Gift, Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, 2002.

Chevalier:page. Chevalier, Louis Eduard, Histoire de la Marine Francaise, pendant la Guerre de L’Indépendance Américaine, Paris Librairie Hachette et Cie, Paris, 1877.

CubaP:legajo number. Saturnino, Reyes Siles, Documentos Relativos a la Independencia de Norteamérica Existentis in Archivos Españoles, II, Archivo General de Indias, Sección  Papeles de Cuba: Correspondencia y Documentación oficial de los Gobernadores de Luisiana (Años 1777- 1803), Ministero de Asuntos Exteriores, Dirreción General de Relaciones Culturales, Madrid, 1980.

Cummins:page, Cummins, Light Townsend, Spanish Observers and the American Revolution, 1775-1783, Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge, LA, 1991.

FD:volume:page. Larrazabal Blanco, Carlos. Familias Dominicanas, 9 volumes, Santo Domingo, República Dominicana, 1967.

HamV:page. Hamilton, Peter J., Colonial Mobile: An Historical Study, Largely from Original Sources, of the Alabama-Tombigbee Basin and the Old Southwest from the Discovery of the Spiritu Santo in 1519 until the Demolition of Fort Charlotte in 1821, Part V, “Spanish West Florida, 1780-1813,” Boston and New York, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1910, reprinted by Heritage Books, Inc., Bowie, MD, 1991.

Irish:page. Murphy, W. S. “The Irish Brigade of Spain at the Capture of Pensacola, 1781,” Florida Historical Quarterly.

Lewis:page. Lewis, James A., “New Spain and the American Revolution: A Viceroyalty at War,” PhD dissertation, Duke University, 1975.

MP:page. Morales Padron, Francisco. Journal of Don Francisco Saavedra de Sangronis durint the commission which he had in his charge from 25 June 1780 until the 20th of the same month of 1783, University of Florida Press, Gainesville, FL, 1989.

Neeser:page. Neeser, Robert Wilden, Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham: A Captain of the Continental Navy, 1777-1779, Kennikat Press, Port Washington, NY, and London, 1970, originally published in 1915.

R:year:volume:page. The Remembrancer: or Impartial Repository of Public Events for the year, London, printed for Mr. J. Almon or Mr. J. Debrett, opposite Burlingto House, Piccadilly, (for each year, 1775 through 1784).  CubanPat2, 4 Feb 2006.

SURNAME

Generation No. 1
1. DOCTOR ANTONIO-FERNANDO2 LAFON-CHAPA (RAMON1 LAFON) He married MARIA-EUGENIA MANAUROU in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico. 
Children of ANTONIO-FERNANDO LAFON-CHAPA and MARIA-EUGENIA MANAUROU are:
2. i. ANTONIO B.3 LAFON-MANAUTOU.
ii. MARIA-DE-LOS-ANGLTLES LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 28 Dec 1851, Nuestra Sra del Refugio, Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico.
iii. MARIA-MATILDE-EUFRANCIA LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 16 Apr 1855, La Purisima Concepcion, Catorce, San Luis Potosi, Mexico.
iv. MARIA-EUFROSINA LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 10 Jan 1857, La Purisima Concepcion, Catorce, San Luis Potosi, Mexico; m. MARIANO GONZALEZ-TREVINO, 16 Jan 1875, Sagrario Metropolitano, Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico.
v. MARIA-FELIPA-TERESA LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 11 Nov 1858, La Purisima Concepcion, Catorce, San Luis Potosi, Mexico.
vi. MARIA-JOSEFINA-DE-GUADALUPE LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 29 Sep 1861, Sagrario Metropolitano, Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico.
vii. MARIA-EUGENIA-DE-GUADALUPE LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 29 Jan 1863, Sagrario Metropolitano, Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico.
viii. MARIA-DE-GUADALUPE-ESTER LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 05 Nov 1865, Sagrario Metropolitano, Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico.
ix. RAMON-ALFREDO LAFON-MANAUTOU, b. 19 Aug 1868, Sagrario Metropolitano, Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico.

Generation No. 2
2. ANTONIO B.3 LAFON-MANAUTOU (ANTONIO-FERNANDO2 LAFON-CHAPA, RAMON1 LAFON) He married ISABEL BENAVIDES-SANCHEZ 29 Jan 1891 in Laredo, Webb County, Texas, daughter of JOSE-EULALIO BENAVIDES-CAMEROS and TEODORA SANCHEZ-GARCIA. She was born 1870 in Laredo, Webb County, Texas.
Children of ANTONIO LAFON-MANAUTOU and ISABEL BENAVIDES-SANCHEZ are:
i. HERMINIA4 LAFON-BENAVIDES, m. CLINTON P. REED.
ii. EUGENIA LAFON-BENAVIDES, m. LUIS S. MARMION.
3. iii. LUIS A. LAFON-BENAVIDES, b. 28 Jan 1894; d. Apr 1973.

Generation No. 3
3. LUIS A.4 LAFON-BENAVIDES (ANTONIO B.3 LAFON-MANAUTOU, ANTONIO-FERNANDO2 LAFON-CHAPA, RAMON1 LAFON) was born 28 Jan 18941, and died Apr 19731. He married MARIA-ANTONIA MERIWEATHER 18 Feb 1914 in San Agustin, Laredo, Webb County, Texas, daughter of JOSE MERIWEATHER and GENARA CONTRERAS-DE-LA-GARZA. 

Notes for LUIS A. LAFON-BENAVIDES:
[Brøderbund Family Archive #110, Vol. 1, Ed. 4, Social Security Death Index: U.S., Social Security Death Index, Surnames from A through L, Date of Import: Mar 29, 2003, Internal Ref. #1.111.4.132289.73]
Individual: Lafon, Louis
Birth date: Jan 28, 1894
Death date: Apr 1973
Social Security #: 454-07-4123
Last residence: TX 78040
State of issue: TX

Children of LUIS LAFON-BENAVIDES and MARIA-ANTONIA MERIWEATHER are:
i. DIANA-MARIA5 LAFON.
ii. THELMA-ISABEL LAFON, d. Feb 1940.
iii. LUIS A. LAFON.
iv. JOSEPHINE LAFON.

Endnotes
1. Brøderbund Family Archive #110, Vol. 1, Ed. 4, Social Security Death Index: U.S., Social Security Death Index, Surnames from A through L, Date of Import: Mar 29, 2003, Internal Ref. #1.111.4.132289.73

El apellido Lafon lo he encontrado también en registros y actas de Nueva Orléans, desconozco la historia del mismo, pero veo que algunos de sus primeros miembros fueron bautizados en la iglesia de Nuestra Señora del Refugio, en Matamoros, Tamaulipas, México.  Posiblemente tengan la misma historia que mi familia.   

Saludos, Luis G. Dessommes Zambrano  From: ingedis1@ggp.com.mx

CUENTOS

SELLING 
THE SAN ANTONIO LIGHT 
DURING WWII, 1944

By: Frank M. Sifuentes

Se trata de dinero..a stab at pure fiction
by Frank M. Sifuentes

The sounds of Esperanza's rolling pin as she made tortillas de arina kept wakening Efrain.CLOPITY CLOP CLACKILY CLOP..time to get up a ir al trabajo.

But the same monotonous rhythm also lulled him back to sleep and steal a few more winks of night's sleep from the day. He was waiting to hear the sounds of the frying pan when Esperanza refried the beans.

Before when they lived en el rancho his eyes automatically opened in the first light of day. And he felt refreshed. He quickly would dash  to the field nearby after grabbing the long sack, to get the cotton in when it still had the weight of the dew.

Now after over fours years living in the outskirts of East Austin, Efrain was seeing it had become more difficult. The pressure of improving production at the AusTex Chili Factory. Its inclement heat  during the long Texas summers; and having to come home to three noisey early school aged children was not exactly a reward for being the sole provider of the family.

Espi had gotten ideas from English magazines that encouraged  parnership in economic matters. Efrain had not accepted the new ways.

He knew how to budget and with the exception of dropping in a couple of times a week to have one beer, and the full evening on Saturday, had allowed him to be full of pride, as un hombre cumlido -que no re raja- and attends to all his family's necessidades.

Espi however knew how to count too. And had come to the realization that Efrain was spending less and less on their needs at home. After all she couldn't send the children to school without new clothes, and their shoes wore out fast the more energy they used at school and in play. What if they were to get sick. Where would the money for a doctor come.

And further more the year before Joaquin had to go to a loan shark to pay for the County property tax. He had bitten the bullet and severely curbed his love of beer and la cantina De los Tres Aces.

Once he paid fully he began to reward himself with a couple of nights out on his own. A chance to remember and to forget, and see the world through the gaiety of the many wonderful men and women  singers in the Mexican tradition: With top notch musicos en mariachis.

When Espi poured the beans in the frying pan - with water and all!- mixing the contents into hot grease, it caused a large flame to shoot up in the air over two feet! 

Efrain caught the image in his sleeping state and it became the final reminder he had to maintain full consciousness and the brutal awareness of the depth on his hangover.

Still he refused to get up reflecting on his borrachera and how hard it was going to be getting through the day at the Chili factory with the summer heat. He made a determined effort to fall asleep again but was aroused by the thought that he was two payments behind on the automatic washing machine he had bought at Montgomery Wards  almost a year ago. 

'Its not going to hurt them to wait a little more. Besides they know  they are going to get all their money!'

The day before as Efrain was walking home he passed right by the Cantina de los Tres Aces. And was struck with an absolute thought,  that he could at least stop and drink one beer. ever so slowly.

Buenas, Vito! Que tal..siveme una Pearl.las mas fria que tienes.

'Sera mi placer, Efrain. Con mucho gusto.' Vito said with grand style and placed the chilled beer in front of him.

Pos, como le vas en la Chiliria Efrain..me dicen que tambien van a poner spaggetti en los botes.'

Si simon, hace dos meses que empesamos con esto. Mucho mas dificil que poniendo Chile con carne en los botes.'

Me imagino, Efrain. me imagino Vito replied with a vivid interest.

And then Vito quickly left to go and put a nickle in the Nicolodium.

It was as the sly Vito knew Efrain's all time favorite: Una Noche Serena y Escura..a tear jerker of lost love that appealed so much to  Efrain though he had not lost Esperanza and was now father of two  girls and boy. And was making payments on his own home.

No, the nostalgia and of the pain of lost love as the worse a man  could endure was a form of mourning: for la vida serena de los  campos. And for the Mexico of his early youth so filled with dreams of how he was going enjoy his manly destiny.

His breast feeling a full effect of self-pity: Over what might have been, in the sacred land of his ancestors of ancient and brilliant  civilizations. He felt the rich blood of the Aztecas through his 
veins.

Suddenly though his revelry was broken by the sounds of his primo  Antonio voice as he walked in a shouting: Vito..Otra! Pointing at Efrain.

Vito and Efrain quickly realized it was the lst of the month: Antonio's payday. For he worked for the County digging grave in  their cemetery. And Antonio had prepared the burial site of Austin'  citizens.  It was a tough job but secure. And Antonio was daily counting the money he was accumulating in his pension plan, know not many of Austin's workers had that kind of secure future. He made it seem he had Austin's entire governmental agencies behind him.

Antonio immediately started his ritual: One for the thirst, the second one to get the smell of death out of his nostrils. 

And the third, inevitably someone would ask. 

Poz..!! Pa'la borrachera!! Then he go and put five nickels to play  his all time favorites: The vivid stories of Pancho Villa and  Emiliano Zapata y las Revolucion! The the last a romantic gesture to his first love, that refused to marry him even though she was caring his baby. A boy! And he had left them behind, never to see them again.

That alone was good for one whole night of borrachera.

Vita was delighted he was going to have a great Wednesday night, with Antonio's monthly payroll in his pants. And he was counting on Efrain to buy a round in return. And quickly went to place more beer to get chilled in the refrigerator.

However, he had a another stroke of luck. In walks Pete Martinez who own all the music machines in East Austin.

"Ola, Vito! Como sigue mi vitrola. Ta' functionando?

Oh, si Don Pedro como siempre, los homres se mueren si no oyen su musica ranchera!

Ta' suave, entonces. Ponles otra a Efrain and Antonio. He told him.

Con justo..muy agradecido por los hombres de mi communidad, que son los que hacen todo trabajar en el mundo.' 

Pete brought in new songs..and place a coin for each to play to test la mas nuevas de los festivales a la musica ardinete mexicana.

Efrain had separated his mind from Antonio who was already enjoying gaiety conversing with Pete Martinez and Vito as a peer.

While the music kept playing and the others were raising their voices to hear each other, Efrain reflected as he often did on how he and  his family ejected from their country to seek refuge and steady work  in central Texas. Austin had been hiring during the entire 39 years of the century continued having big construction and building  projects. The gas line laid created a big need for ditch-diggers.  and that was the way Antonio had gotten his start.

The bricks had to be laid along Congress Ave all the way to the Capital and many State, Federal and County lands needed maintenance workers. And the home building kept steady with the addition of  State jobs and incoming University students and research and  development.

Efrain had not been as lucky. Though there were still workers who even envied him. After all he could save a lot of money by the food  he got for free, from the bent cans. A real break for Efrain who could feel less guilty for squandering money and do hard labor, 50 hours  a week.

It was not the hard times which had paid off well, nor loss of  opportunity that surrounded Efrain' being. 

He was still harboring deep resentment and anger over the way they were forced to flee, with a scarce number of belongings after long days of nothing but work from sunrise to sunset. nor even anger  over how the troop of Villista that barged in their homestead and  took everything they could eat or use one way of another.

He had gotten in fact deliriously excited when rebel had captured his  imagination over the glories ahead for the soldiers of the  Revolution of Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata: Men who were going  to transformed Mexico into a rich nation that shares everything with  the people ..every worker.

Efrain never thought he actually would ever been offered a way out of the slavery of farm work. He had not even considered his  father was going to have a say, and could already see himself riding a big black horse with a nice saddle.

When he ran up to his father, Don Benjamin, to tell him of the great  opportunity that had opened up to him to join in liberating the country from the rich. 

Don Benjamin looked him straight into his eyes and said: Cabron..! Mejor te mata yo..que dejarte ir con esos pingos. And judging from  the severe beatings he had been given for simple disobedience he  knew he meant what he said.

The recruiting sergeant just looked at the disappointment in Efrain's  face and didn't even admonish Don Benjamin, he simply eyed a juicy  looking goat being raised  for Teresita's baptism. The sergeant quickly  went shot the goat dead and had his men prepare to load it on a  horse, for that evening's supper.

Don Benjamin had even withheld looks of hate our of fear for his life. And instead kept giving Efrain the dirty looks instead.  A safer option, indeed.

Soon after a half dozen of Federales came to their farm, and saw that they had turned their goods over to the Villistas. And cracked  Don Benjamin of the head, telling him 'destraciado..tu debes darnos  gracias porque somos soldados en defensa de la patria. and porque no te vamos a fusilar!

And they left in a hurry to get to the next ranch house still untouched by the Villistas.
As soon as they were a good distance away he had the wagon hitched  to their two horses: They were going to take as many implements and household items, clothing and remaining edibles and take a 200 mile trip to the Texas-Mexico Border.

Efrain remembered it all as nothing but responsibility and devotion as his father demanded. And it was another five years before he was able to leave by falling in love with Esperanza to be on his own.

Don Benjamin had only hardened in the new land with strangers from another land. He had the will to survive and was able to assure them he was a money maker. He found satisfaction in having absolute control of his wife and three son and two girls.

And though he did not prosper or able to afford luxury, he did well as a share-cropper. Efrain had been a good and loyal son. And when he married he had his full blessing.

Efrain's reflective spell and romantic notions of having missed the most important happening his country ever had, ended with the wild laughter of Chensha and Olivia Renteria, hermanas vistitidas con vestidito demonstrados pierna hasta las nalgas.

Mas pintadas y chifladas reteready pa' tirarse bialar un alegres, un corrido con cuento de el Tauro que vivio como un cyclone.

Antontio hasta le'taba saliendo babas. y hay vay con la Chench chistosas con sus cachetes llenos de su mascara.

Vito casi ni lo podia creer que tuvo una noche en la media semana.

Al fin Efrain se deconto porque de por si habia gastado los centavos que iba necesitar el dia sigunete. De por si ya se habia puesto bien  kikiriki, llengo a su cama bien pedo con haber tomado 8 birongas.

Tan pronto que pego el colchon se apago como un foco.

Ezperanza se quedo livido con ver a Efrain borracho y apestoso con el horrible olor de cerveza. Hasta se lavanto y se fue a  acostarse con las ninas.

Pobre hermano.. To make matters more terrible for him, Kiko was an early role model for ADD kids of the future: FREEDOM to remember and forget whatever you want! Out right disassociation!!

I had better make this more low key. Benny may still want to give Me the whipping he never gave me. Though once I remember he wrestled me to the ground and tickled me until I starting crying for him to stop. What a great brother to ‘teach’ me how to laugh! Carmen’s adjustment at school was not easy, because she would not stand for any harshness from the teachers no matter how much they claimed it was for her own good. Was she ahead of her own time or not?? At least half of the teachers were still in the l9th Century. Carmen was a model 20th Century at 10 years old. And being a full time surrogate mom did not help in any real way either. She ended up in the 5th grade with me. And because we looked a lot alike, both chubby, we soon became known as boy girl twins. (Hard to imagine, I was just as pretty as Carmen!)

From the time we started living in East 7^th \Carmen had been hearing  and seeing in movies and reading in magazines that going camping was the ultimate experience for young children: being in the out doors, in the wilderness.

So did I and I also might have enjoyed the trip Ben made as a Boy Scout too. The truth is that I went camping just about any day of the week I wanted. The Colorado River and los montes all around Austin were  a veritable jungle of Cedar trees, Oak and best of all, a smattering of Pecan trees.  I should just be grateful and not make myself out worse than a spoiled brat. We had seen pictures in books and scenes in the movies of what going camping was like. Austin was a paradise for a 7 year old to grow.

When I was ten years old I got a chance to go camping. I had been dreaming of going to summer camp for the previous three years. And would picture myself running through the woods laughing with my friends, finding all kinds of treasures, dreaming under the stars!

And at last my dream was going to come through. I was going to camp!! The fact that it was only one day camp didn’t matter. I could still make new friends, run through the woods, and who knows what else.

We had been given a list of things to bring: a change of clothes, a blanket, an empty oatmeal box, etc. I wondered what the oatmeal box had to do with camping. "I’ll bet it’s for carrying all the treasures I will find when I go for a walk in the woods." I thought to myself. I hardly slept the night before the event. I kept going over the list in my mind. I would not allow myself to think of the condition of my blanket, or that my clothes were not what I thought one would wear to camp. The important thing was to get there with everything on the list.

I was to meet the group at the park by the Colorado River on First St. I knew I had to take the 7:a.m. bus to get there on time. I had to go into town and transfer to the Congress Ave bus South. I was up at six o’clock. Mama had the bathwater warming on the stove. I took a quick bath and dressed in what Mama though were suitable clothes for camping I was ready to leave!

As I started for the door, I remembered the bus fare. Oh no! In all the excitement I had forgotten the most important part of all and it was taking Mama too long to find the money. "I’m going to miss the bus!, I cried. "I’ll miss camp;!" I barely heard Mama saying that they would wait for me, they knew I was coming. In my heart I knew this was not true , but with her encouragement I started for the bus stop.

We lived at the bottom of a hill. the bus goes up the hill, around the neighborhood and down another hill before it gets to our stop, it was full of people going to work. It is ‘standing room only" and ‘to the rear of the bus’ time. I struggled with my bundle, working my way to the back of the bus. It is a hot day, and the humidity was unbearable. I can feel the hopelessness of my situation trying to take over. My head started to pound. I hear a couple of women talking about me.

"Where is this fool girl going with that blanket in this heat?" I hug my gear close. Can’t they see I am on my way to camp?

I make good connections at 6^th and Congress. It is a good ride; the bus is not too full. I can almost feel a breeze. For the first time, I feel like I am on my way. Soon we are at my stop. I ring the bells to get off, and stand by the door. The driver asks if I’m sure this is where I want go get off. Under any other circumstances, I would question that decision myself. First and Congress is not a place for a ten year old to be all alone. "Yes, yes, I say, ‘Let me off. I’m on my way to camp."

I walk a few blocks, struggling with my f\gear. I have to get to the meeting place. My heart begins to pound as I get closer. Maybe Mama was right and they are waiting for me. No, they are gone. I sit under a tree by the picnic tables. A little breeze comes up and I grab a candy wrapper as it blows by. I wonder who the lucky kid was who ate the candy and made it to camp. I try to picture that kid running through the woods with his oatmeal box, filling it with all kinds of treasure. My eyes start to fill with tears.

After a while, I know it’s time for the long journey home. I stand up, pick up my bundle, and wonder, "What am I doing with this dumb blanket?"

Frank M. Sifuentes says this is his all-time favorite photo, taken at his daughter's graduation from University of Southern California and his 50th Wedding Anniversary, August 7, 2004.
What a time of pride in accomplishment, a beautiful family. Belated Congratulations.

Story in Chicken Chisme: The Fine Art of Gossiping by Ben Romero
Published with permission, dedicated to all chismosos

Slap, slap, slap. That was the sound that woke me on many mornings during my youth. It was the sound of my grandmother making tortillas, the cornerstone of a nutritious Mexican breakfast. The sizzle of a skillet full of hot manteca was music to my ears; fifty thousand calories per serving and more flavor than you could imagine. I loved walking into the kitchen with crusty morning eyes and watching the magical ritual of cooking, and also the fun byproduct of being in my grandmother's midst: chisme.

My grandmother was the world's heavyweight champion of gossip, and was proud of that hard-earned title. She would tell me the most scandalous stories about assorted family members and acquaintances. I reveled in the feeling of knowing something secret and forbidden. The more illicit the better.

One morning, my grandmother took a seat at the table after finishing breakfast and we enjoyed each other's company over drinks; mine was milk and hers was Mexican coffee, brewed in a pot with black grit floating inside of it. She liked to 'link' her spoon against the rim of the mug as she told about her brothers. None of them was any good except her older brother, Mike.

I asked about her younger brother who I once met at a funeral. She laughed and said he was the worst of all.

"Could Uncle Rey be that bad? He seemed nice at the funeral."

"Mijo," she said, in her raspy voice, "His name is Salvador. My mother called him 'Rey' because he was always the little king in her life. He's a spoiled little man."

"He showed me his scar from the war at the funeral." I had seen a large pink area on his back when he bent over to throw dirt onto the casket. That was when Uncle Rey told me he was burned by enemy troops who caught and tortured him in hopes of getting secret U.S. military information.

Grandma leaned close and said, "Do you want to know something about Uncle Rey's scar? It wasn't from the war."

"What happened to him?"

"He was home from the military where he had picked up a smoking habit. My mother was a big smoker herself, but she didn't want her kids smoking. So he hid the addiction from her. One day he went to the outhouse and lit one up. He was reading the JC Penny's catalog while he was there, since the pages would soon become toilet paper. Did you know that is where they got the expression 'shop till you drop'?"

I shook my head. She continued, "when he finished his cigarette, he still wasn't finished doing his business, so he lit another and dropped the flaming match between his legs. The outhouse exploded and he went flying into the weeds."

I loved that story and repeated it as often as possible. I enjoyed seeing people's reactions and used to tell it to everyone I knew. It became one of the stories I carried in my arsenal of gross and scandalous musings.

One day in high school chemistry class, I told the story to the class. The teacher explained that it was impossible for the filth in an outhouse to produce enough methane gas to explode. I told him that my uncle had a scar from it and that it was a very true story.

He shook his head. "Some stories are told so often that they become urban legends."  I was distraught at the notion that my grandmother was telling me something that was not genuine. I was determined to get to the bottom of the story and spent weeks going over books in the school library in an effort to find any cases of exploding outhouses or theoretical notions that would make it possible. I was obsessed.

I found that the school library was inadequate for my needs, so I headed to the city library after school with my red binder and an assortment of writing instruments. I was always interested in chemistry and science, and knew I could write better than most kids in my school. I figured I could make one heck of a report to turn in one day. And any successful student knows that having a backlog of reports is essential to victory in school.

I was heartbroken to find there were no case studies proving my theory correct. Chemically speaking, there was no way for sewage to create the methane needed to cause an outhouse to explode. I went over many books and found nothing but urban legends and tales of exploding toilets by fanciful writers.

Then came a breakthrough. I saw my Uncle Rey at a family gathering and asked him point blank about the scar. His eyes lit up. The Germans caught me and poured gasoline on me. They said if I didn't translate an Allied code for them, they were going to fry me. I gave my name, rank, and serial number. The next thing I knew, I was on fire. I rolled on the ground to snuff out the flames. They locked me up without water. When it got dark I picked the lock on my cell with a wire coat hanger and killed the guard with a sharpened lid from a tin can. Then I made my way out of enemy territory and used a spoon to send Morse code to the Allied troops with the sun's rays.

It was a fascinating story. He told it so passionately that I hated to burst his bubble. I asked about the outhouse and his pride melted away. The once boastful man hunched over and looked like his spirit was broken by my words.

"My sister was right," he said. I dropped the match into the mire and BOOM! I was shot out of there like a circus clown getting shot out of a cannon. I got flaming caca all over my back and that is what burned me."

"How did it catch fire?" I asked. "My teachers say outhouses can't explode."

Uncle Rey smiled. Those teachers must be spoiled rich kids who had flushing toilets all their lives. But we, campesinos know about relieving ourselves in the strangest of places. Let me tell you where your teachers are wrong. The caca-water is not what exploded. It was the kerosene my mother used to dump in there to break up the caca. She had just dropped a gallon can of it into the toilet before I went in. Since I was smoking, I couldn't smell the fumes. And that is what caused the explosion."

I must have looked really excited, because he decided that this story was better and more scandalous than the one he'd been telling. From then on, he never used the war story again. And each time he told it after that, the explosion got bigger and the wounds got worse. I guess that shows that even a true story can become an urban legend with enough retellings, and there is nothing greater than a hot tortilla with a side dish of chisme.

ORANGE COUNTY, CA

Bringing History to life for students
The Orange County Register Friday, February 3, 2006 

Ana Vengas, The Register

Photo Ana Vengas, The Register

Castro spoke to about 300 students, teachers and parents on the role of Hispanics in history.

"Teachers have to demand high expectations of our kids, but also bring into the class enrichments so that all kids can feel at home.

His most powerful message was to stay in school and get a college education. It is one of the only ways they will succeed, he said, noting the high dropout rate among Hispanic students.

"I'm really happy that he helps the Hispanic have a voice.  We take part in American's history." Karren Hernandez

"If you know where you come from and know your history, no one can put you down.  Don't be ashamed of who you are." Jennifer Perez

March 11: SHHAR Quarterly Meeting: Ruben Salaz Marquez

New Mexico Educator
Ruben Salaz Marquez
to speak on his book

Orange Multi-Regional Family History Center
674 S. Yorba
City of Orange, CA   
2-4 p.m. 
No cost, everyone invited!!
More Information: 714-9894-861

Ruben Salaz M. has broadened the study of Southwest History to include multicultural aspects as well as important discussion items often neglected by various writers. ..EPIC is a more complete history of the Southwest where documented facts take the reader where they may. EPIC is intended for everyone interested in a valid introductory history to our eight southwestern States but especially for readers young and old who wish to get beyond standard concepts of American historiography...

"Señor Sálaz’s book is definitely a welcome resource for the average person: for the high school student, the college student, the amateur historian, and for persons who have an appreciation of Southwestern and Chicano history in general.  As the author states in the Foreword, the intention of this book 'is to lay an introductory historical foundation' to the Greater Southwest. The book is easy to read, succinct and informative, and once read, will make a handy reference guide to be used time and again."   By John P. Schmal, Co-author of Mexican-American Genealogical Research: Following the Paper Trail to Mexico; A Mexican-American Family of California, In the Service of Three Flags; and The Indigenous roots of a Mexican-American Family.

BOOK: Epic of the Greater Southwest   620 pages, $39.95
Published by: Cosmic House, P.O. Box 7748, Albuquerque, N.M. 87194.
Website: http://www.historynothype.com  Available online at Borderlandsbooks 

March 18: Keynote speaker GEORGE RYSKAMP
Director of the Center for Family History and Genealogy, BYU

It gives me the greatest of pleasure to announce this Riverside conference. The first Hispanic family history conference that I ever attended was Buscando Nuestras Raices, held and organized in Riverside by George in 1985.  The experience ignited a torch within me, still burning. He made me realize that I could be successful in searching my Hispanic heritage. Seven Buscando Nuestras Raices  conferences were held by George, prior to leaving his law practice to take a teaching position in the Department of Family History at BYU. George is world-renowned, has made presentations all over the world, accepted as the only non-Hispanic in several Hispanic International heritage organizations.  George at the Pentagon on the subject of Hispanic research, organized the two Hispanic heritage conferences ever held at the National Archives in Washington (D.C. 2004 and 2005) and travels to Spain yearly to continue researching Spanish language records.  Don't miss this opportunity. 

Free classes in English & Spanish
9:00 AM - 4:30 PM

Riverside Family History Center 
5900 Grand Ave.
Riverside, California 92504


Classes will be taught by 
Dr. George Ryskamp 
Author of "Finding your Hispanic Roots"
and family history students from BYU - Provo

For more information: 

9:30-10:30

Opening Comments: "Trabajad en la Obra" por George Ryskamp

Track/Room

Principiantes

English/Inglés

Intermedio

Países Particulares

10:15-11:15

Cómo empezar

Parish and Civil Registers 

Registros de matrimonios

México

11:30-12:30

Cómo usar "Personal Ancestral File" 

Reading the Old Handwriting

La parroquia se quemó, ¿qué hago ahora?

Italia

12:30-2:00

Almuerzo

2:00-3:00

Cómo encontrar el lugar ancestral y sus registros 

Hispanic Internet Sites and Searches

Cómo organizar su historia familiar 

Archivos de España, Portugal, y Latinoamérica 

3:15-4:15

La historia familiar debe ser interesante para todos 

Helping Latin Americans in the FHC

Registros de emigración e inmigración 

Investigación de la historia familiar en Centroamérica

4:30-5:30

Cómo usar registros civiles y parroquiales

Finding Hispanic Peoples and Places in the FHLC 

Casos avanzados – respuestas a sus preguntas

Argentina

Excerpt from OC Register 11-15-2005

Bowers Kidseum
By Ibasheda@ocregister.com (714)796-6027 

Genevieve Southgete, director of Bowers Kidseum, 
is charged with teaching Orange County's children
to appreciate all cultures. "It's as if I've prepared my whole life to be right where I am."

Her father immigrated here from Zacatecas, Mexico. His wife, Ruth, was born in Los Angeles to parents who came from Guanajuato. With his grocery store and her work as a florist, the Barrios were middle class. But some of the middle class wasn't ready for the Barrios.

Genevieve remembers when they moved to a white neighborhood near 17th and Haster in the 1950s and a man (who the year before had been given a good neighbor award from a civic club) circulated a petition saying Mexicans weren't welcome. A group of Anglo neighbors showed her father the petition - and then ripped it up in front of him. The Barrios moved in.

In 1959, Genevieve was nominated for homecoming queen at Mater Dei High School. Some students weren't happy. But a backlash ensued and she was crowned queen. After school, she got a job as a VIP hostess at Disneyland, escorting every-one from Liberace to the king and queen of Afghanistan to little Ronnie Reagan around the park

In the '60s it, was off to Washington, D.C., where she worked as a receptionist for a senator. That's where she met her husband, Bill Southgate, a New England Yankee and descendant of pilgrim John Alden. They; moved to New Jersey and she worked in Fifth Avenue jewelry store, meeting clients the Rockefellers. 

When it was time to start a family, Genevieve returned to Santa Ana, where her hus-band started a company that distributes business forms. That's when the first opportunity to follow in her father's footsteps presented itself. Her son, Matthew, returned home from first grade one day to report that the kids were saying "bad things" about Mexicans.

She recalled "her father's words: "One thing he would al-ways says is: 'Daughter, you've got to do the right thing when you see injustices. But when ever you take a public stand, just do it because it's the right thing to do; Don't ever do it for any other reason. Not for applause or praise for the fight."
Genevieve was angry. But I thought, " No, no, no. There's a real positive way to do this."

A stay-at-home mom at this point, she offered to go to her son's school, give a simple Spanish lesson to the students, bring them Mexican pastries. She would show the children what a beautiful culture hers was.  "I wanted a positive experience related to the word 'Mexican,' " she said. Soon she was introducing kids at other schools and libraries to the Mexican culture.

As her outreach grew, she began volunteering at Bowers Museum in Santa Ana, and later started classes toward a degree in Chicano studies at Cal State Fullerton. In the early '80s she helped start the museum's Hispanic Arts Council, putting on festivals and bringing in speakers on Mexican art and culture.

When the Kidseum opened 11 years ago, she was offered the job as director. Five years later she put together a free after-school program (funded by the city and corporate sponsors) at the museum for neighborhood children.

Sixty-five children are enrolled in the program, all Hispanic, and a waiting list just started. My struggles are not as dramatic now," Genevieve says, comparing her after-school program to the causes her father took up. "The struggle now is to help these children realize that there are opportunities and a world beyond their immediate neighborhood."

It's why, she believes, cultural programs like the one she runs are critical. "What held many people back so many years were prejudices of other people and prejudices against themselves. If they're not educated in the beauty and strength of their own culture, they're open to the negative connotations that will inevitably come their way"

Children who go to the museum find traditional masks, instruments and clothing from Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. They make Mexican clay pots and they listen to folk tales like the Chumash Indian creation tale "The Rainbow Bridge." Walking through, the children realize that "although we have our differences and traditions, the dreams are the same.

"That's what I love about my job. It gives me a chance to reach out to my Santa Ana community in whatever little way I can. I really have a love for my people."

Cesar Chavez 
y
Bernardo de
Galvez

Sons 
& 
Souls 
of 
California

Presented 
at the 
Sierra Bonita Stage

 March 24, 25, 31st and 
April 1st

1444 N. Sierra Bonita Ave.

Los Angeles, 
Ca. 90046

Bernardo de Galvez as the Spanish Governor General Louisiana and Florida during the American Revolution.   In the years of 1776-1781 Galvez led the Spanish contribution to the American Revolution.  Both these men were from different times but contributed so much to the growth of what we know as today's California.

The production is two one-acts, separately depicting the life and times of each man through the style of "one-man" performance.  Bruce Buonauro will portray Galvez, in the first half of the production, and Fred Blanco will portray Chavez in the second half.  There will be interludes of live traditional Latin music in between.  

For more information, contact Fred Blanco, 818-337-9267  fredbla@yahoo.com
                                              Bruce Buonauro  626-451-0257  bectolife@world.att.net

Sent by Sergio Hernandez, chiliverde@earthlink.net

Hispanics for Los Angeles Opera is fortunate to count with these wonderful contributors.  

Welcome aboard Dino and Carlos!

CALIFORNIA

March 2006 marks the 40th anniversary 
of Cesar Chavez’s historic 1966 march

Glendale, Calif. – The Cesar E. Chavez Foundation has developed links to several publications to help you plan volunteer, educational and cultural activities in your communities on and around Chavez Day, including age-appropriate toolkits, service-learning resource guides, coloring books, and more.  For more information, please visit our Web site at http://chavezfoundation.org or contact our Programs Department by E-mail at jrodriguez@cecfmail.org.   http://www.cesarechavezfoundation.org

Our State began when voters approved its Original Constitution and elected our first officeholders on November 13, 1849.  Recognizing this Constitution, the U.S. Congress admitted California to the Union, September 9, 1850.  We became the 31st Star in the America Flag.

The Father's of the State Constitution drafted and submitted the Original Constitution in Spanish and English. For two of the signers, neither English nor Spanish was a first language.  Some of the rest spoke only English or only Spanish.  Some spoke both.  Their proceedings and the Original Constitution were officially published in Spanish and English.

Los Amigos of Orange County want California children to relive the same intercultural goodwill that those who wrote our Original State Constitution demonstrated.  Almost half of California's public school children are Hispanic.  The State-mandated Fourth Grade California History-Social Science Standards ignore the very important fact among its 32 sub-expectations.  The important fact:
In bilingual balloting, the Spanish Californios and newly arrived non-Spanish approved the Original State Constitution their elected delegates had written in English and Spanish.  

The simple story of how they worked their way through this bicultural civic joint venture remains a vivid human relations lesson to this day.  Taught simply, it is one ten-year-olds can understand.

Please join Los Amigos of Orange County in their effort to unite Californians, send a quick email to  supporting the need to include in the 4th grade curriculum this very simple fact: 
The Original California Constitution was a Spanish-English document.

Galal@lworld.net  or write to Los Amigos, 1585 W. Broadway, Anaheim, CA 92802
Please include your zip code.  Requested by the Department of Education.


 

Two very dedicated volunteers were also honored at the Annual meeting. George W. (Bud) Decker and Jim Elwell Martinez were appointed as Life Honorary Members of the Trust. Included are the proclamations for these men which highlight their accomplishments.

Jim Martinez poses with award as soldados Jack Romero, David Martinez, Rene and baby India, and Ben Valenzuela look on

Bud Decker and wife, Pam, show award proclamation

Whereas, Jim Elwell Martinez began his involvement with El Presidio de Santa Bárbara over fifteen years ago as a founding member of Los Soldados del Real Presidio de Santa Bárbara in April of 1990; and

Whereas, Jim translated and implemented the Spanish Manual of Arms of 1808 from an original document obtained from the Los Angeles County Museum and took it upon himself to be drill instructor for Los Soldados to implement historic marching evolutions with the authentic firing of period muskets; and

Whereas, Jim Martinez located the first model 1757 Spanish reproduction muskets from suppliers in Historic Saint Augustine, Florida, and made it possible to purchase and acquire them for use at Trust events; and

Whereas, Jim for a number of years has served as the president of Los Soldados del Real Presidio de Santa Bárbara and was responsible for naming the group; and

Whereas, Jim Elwell Martinez has served Los Soldados since its inception as Sergeant of the Guard adopting the first person interpretive role of Pablo Antonio Cota, who was with the Portolá expedition in 1769, Sargento at Santa Bárbara in 1782, and Alférez at Santa Bárbara in 1788; and

Whereas, Sargento Martinez (Cota) directed the military escort for Prince Felipe de Borbón y Grecia, Prince of Asturias, in June of 1995; and

Whereas, Jim Elwell Martinez’s interest in presidio soldiers is rooted in his military background, as well as in his family’s history since he is related to soldiers who served in the American Revolution and is a direct descendant of Lieutenant José Francisco Ortega, founder and first Comandante of the Royal Presidio of Santa Barbara in 1782; and

Whereas, Jim Martinez is currently serving in the interpretive role as teniente (Lieutenant) José Francisco Ortega with Los Soldados in honor of his ancestor; and

Whereas, teniente Martinez (Ortega) continues to volunteer as a distinguished soldier of Los Soldados del Real Presidio de Santa Bárbara and has participated in literally hundreds of events contributing unselfishly of his time, energy, and expertise in the finest tradition of military excellence in honor of the original soldiers of the Royal Presidio of Santa Bárbara, and

Whereas, Jim Elwell Martinez, is a military veteran and served in the US Army as a Green Beret during the Vietnam Conflict

Therefore, in recognition of these accomplishments, the Santa Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation designates Jim Elwell Martinez a Life Honorary Member.

Proclamation For George W. (Bud) Decker

Whereas, George W. ( Bud) Decker began his involvement with El Presidio de Santa Bárbara over forty years ago as one of the original Presidio Volunteers and served as director of the chapel site excavations in 1968 and continued work on the project until 1974 where he received letters of gratifying support from UCSB and California State Parks Officials; and

Whereas, Bud made the transition from builder to interpreter, becoming the Presidio’s first uniform soldier in 1969 in a soldado uniform designed by Russell A. Ruiz and hand sewn by Russell’s wife, Alice Ruth Clay Ruiz; and

Whereas, Bud has generously donated that uniform to the Trust as a valued part of the artifact collection; and

Whereas, George W. Decker was one of the original founding members of Los Soldados del Real Presidio de Santa Bárbara in April of 1990 where he assumed the role of Alferéz (Ensign) and with soldado, Michael Hardwick, drafted a set of bylaws for the organization; and

Whereas, Alferéz Decker adopted the first person interpretive role of Alferéz José Dario Argüello, who was Alferéz at the Royal Presidio of Santa Bárbara in 1782, Comandante from 1807-1815 and Governor of Alta California form 1814-1815; and

Whereas, Alferéz Decker (Argüello) met and provided military escort for Prince Felipe de Borbón y Grecia, Prince of Asturias, in June of 1995; and

Whereas, Bud Decker engineered, designed, and built two four-pound cannon carriages for Trust fineable cannons and redesigned the cannon carriage for a small cannon which was originally donated to the Trust by Russell A. Ruiz; and

Whereas, Alferéz Decker continues to volunteer as a distinguished soldier of Los Soldados del Real Presidio de Santa Bárbara and has participated in literally hundreds of events contributing unselfishly of his time, energy, and expertise in the finest tradition of military excellence in honor of the original soldiers of the Royal Presidio of Santa Bárbara, and

Whereas, George W. Decker, as a World War II military veteran, served in the US Army Air Corps as a pilot of B-17s from 1943-1946

Therefore, in recognition of these accomplishments, the Santa Bárbara Trust for Historic Preservation designates George W. Decker a Life Honorary Member.

Bud Decker (Alferéz Argüello) poses with the mayor of the City of Santa Barbara, Marty Blum

LOS CALIFORNIANOS RECOMMENDED READING LIST by Maurice L. "Duke" and Marcy Bandy

2. David J. Langum, Law and Community on the Mexican California Frontier. University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. out of print.  A good study of Mexican law at that time and the response of the Anglo-American immigrants. Includes specific cases with names. •

While no direct connection can be established to link California more closely to the Revolution, other events tie the two together. In 1778 the English Captain James Cook had sailed to the Pacific on what was ostensibly a scientific expedition. While the Crown had ordered Cook not to interfere with the Spaniards, he was given secret instructions to reconnoiter areas of future colonial interest as part of a scheme which possibly sought to secure new colonial territories in the Pacific Northwest. With the outbreak of the North American Revolution the Mexican government was forced to suspend its costly explorations up the Pacific Coast in 1779, thus averting a confrontation with England in the Pacific which would likely have become entangled with other aspects of the revolution.

With the publication of Admiral Cook's journal following the war, there was unleashed, to use the words of Warren Cook, a "flood tide of empire" throughout the Pacific Northwest. American and British merchants and explorers increasingly moved into the area to engage in the lucrative sea otter trade and the very profitability of this venture caused a renewal of European rivalry which had lain dormant since the days of Drake. In 1789 a Spanish expedition dispatched from Mexico to Nootka Sound, located on the western shore of Vancouver Island, found British, American, and Portuguese ships lying at harbor. Although the Spanish drove them off, when England threatened war Spain was forced to renounce its claims to the area and pull back its borders to San Francisco, primarily because it could secure no aid from the French, then embroiled in their own Revolution. In 1790, with the signing of the Nootka Treaty, Spain reversed a foreign policy which had been aggressively expansionist since the sixteenth century. In so doing, it caused California to become more exposed to the threat of attack.28

As the Pacific Northwest opened to foreigners after 1790, European, and later North American, visitors became more common in Alta California, and their collective observations provide us with a closer look at the tiny Spanish province. French, Russian, English and American visitors alike were astonished at the frailty of the Spanish hold over the area: they found Alta California to be a society without schools, without manufactures, without defenses, administered by a military governor and a quasi-feudal mission system, and inhabited by a population that barely exceeded 1500. Travellers complained of difficulties in obtaining supplies, lack of transportation, and absence of skilled workmen, poor houses and furniture, sour wine, indifferent food, and persistent fleas. So backward was the region, they sniffed, that the plows and oxcarts seemed holdovers from medieval times. So disorganized were the Californios that dairy products had to be secured from the Russian colony at Fort Ross and leather shoes were shipped from Mexico, and later Boston. George Vancouver, the British commissioner sent to implement the Nootka Treaty, visited California three times between 1792 and 1794, and appeared scandalized that the tiny presidios of San Diego and Monterey, Santa Barbara and San Francisco, should represent the European presence in California. Few of their cannon were functional, due to exposure to the elements and neglect, and so scarce was the supply of gunpowder that Commandant Sal in San Francisco had been forced to borrow enough from the Russians to fire a salute in Vancouver's honor. Earlier, in 1786, the Comte Jean Francois Galaup La Perouse, a French geographer, echoed the same sentiments. Perouse felt that California needed intervention if it were to have a society worthy of its beauty, but predicted that another century would pass before this occurred since California was so isolated.29

As first expressions of how California struck the foreign imagination, these accounts went far to shape the expectations of those who followed these explorers to California. Taken together, they allow us to make certain conclusions regarding the society of late Spanish California. First, California society was poor, backward, and small. While the Californios remained confined to a small coastal strip, within that area, however, they were widely dispersed, thanks in large part to the development of the rancho economy. Taking Santa Barbara as an example, by 1800 nearly half of the 850 residents were reported to be living on ranchos outside the city, a situation duplicated throughout the province. Thus, California was far more rural than metropolitan areas such as Mexico which were dominated by a network of towns.30 Because most of the Spanish land grants were located in the central part of the province, where sufficient water and excellent grazing conditions were available, this area progressed at the expense of the northern and southern regions, antedating a regionalism which is still evident in the state to this day. The failure of the Spaniards to explore the Central Valley of the foothills of the Sierra Nevada range meant that gold was not discovered until after the period of Spanish control and insured the preservation of this ranching and agricultural economy.

Second, Californio society was far from aristocratic and only nominally Spanish, being populated almost exclusively by the poor and low-born of Mexico. While a large plebian group characterized societies as different as those of Bourbon Mexico and Tudor England, the ability of this group to transcend its social limitations made California society unique. Unlike most socially stratified areas, the availability of land and the need for trained administrators allowed certain members of the lower social groups exceptional opportunities for upward social mobility, well beyond the prescribed limits generally granted to plebians. Although rank and skin color counted in the definition of social status, they were not absolute determinants. An excellent example of this is the presidial soldier, who rose largely on the basis of talent and loyalty to the Crown. Arriving in California with a status which was both ethnically and corporatively-derived, the presidial achieved considerable mobility through the presidial command structure, due in large part to the military nature of early California. Through the grant of land from the King, the soldiers gained new prestige as a provincial aristocracy. Lacking competition from a commercial or entrepreneurial group, the soldiers married and began large families which retained a pre-eminent position in the province long after Spanish rule had disappeared.

A list of the most influential men in the late Spanish and early Mexican periods of California 

history indicates this upward mobility. Jose Dario Arguello, for example, arrived as an enlisted man from Queretaro, Mexico where he had been born of undistinguished parentage. After serving eight years in the ranks his administrative talents won him a commission and command in Santa Barbara and later San Francisco. He was later appointed interim governor. This process was followed by his son Luis Antonio who was able to secure a cadetship and a commission within two years of entering service, becoming the commandant of the four Southern California missions and the owner of a 50,000 acre ranch in the Mission Valley area of San Diego.

The Arguello story is typical, it would seem. The fathers of the Mexican governors Alvarado and Pico and of the Generals Vallejo and Castro had all begun as presidials, as were the founders of the important California houses of De la Guerra, Ortega, Peralta, Valencia, Sanchez, Bernal, Alviso, Galindo, Carrillo, Moraga, and others.

Finally, and perhaps most important, this extreme social mobility infused California society with certain characteristics which have continued to persist long after the Spanish period. Foreign visitors and Spanish governors alike recognized that California was a unique area, although they disliked and disagreed with many of its features. In 1794, the jovial Basque Governor Diego de Borica filed glowing reports on the province to his Mexican superiors, calling it "a great country, the most peaceful and quiet in the world," where "one lives better than in the most cultured courts of Europe." Blessed with sufficient water, fertile soil, and a good climate, Borica noticed that all who remained there "are getting to look like Englishmen."31

Although it is likely that Borica's remarks were designed to help in finding him a willing replacement, his conception of the province probably squared more nearly with that of the first Californios themselves than did the European travellers' generally unfavorable accounts of the province. Because of their poor backgrounds and the almost complete lack of opportunity afforded these soldiers and settlers in their native Mexico, they were grateful for the opportunity to receive land and remain in California. Not only did the Crown offer them a chance to improve themselves, but the granting of land transformed these men into rancheros which immeasurably improved their social position and allowed them an opportunity for profit through trade with foreign visitors who began to arrive in increasing numbers after 1800. Within the space of a single generation the presidial group at least had begun to transform itself into something quite resembling a provincial aristocracy, although a relatively poor and remotely located one to be sure.

Many historians have developed the story of Mexican and Anglo-California after 1846 as the ultimate frontier, or, to use the words of Kevin Staff, "the cutting edge of the American Dream."32 This short paper has attempted to illustrate that dreams of a better future and the hope of self- determination, while usually associated with the Anglo-American culture, are not the exclusive preserve of that civilization. This is a point well worth remembering, not in order to diminish our own achievements, which were formidable indeed, but simply to extend them to include persons of other climates and cultures who struggled in a sometimes quite similar fashion to achieve a better life for themselves.

Spaniards in sixteenth century New Spain had created California as a province of the mind, both a concept and an imaginative goal, immediately following the conquest of Mexico. For two centuries afterwards the dream was sorely tested as Spain moved forth into other areas in pursuit of mineral wealth and high Indian civilizations. With the exploration and conquest of the Pacific Coast in the eighteenth century the dream was revived by a small group of presidial soldiers who successfully transformed themselves into a ranchero aristocracy. Far from the metropolitan capital of Mexico City, California largely avoided the revolutionary movement which had swept Spanish South America.33South American independence had occured in 1826 partially at least as a result of the conquistadores' failure to establish a seigneurial society, something their creole descendents continued to demand from the Spanish ruling groups. In California, however, the inhabitants were able to create a pale image of a landed society almost free of Spanish control. Located far from Mexico, on the very rim of Christendom, the province was freed from the vicissitudes of imperial politics. For this reason as much as any, Mexican rule was quietly accepted in California in 1822. The Californios had successfully created a way of life that met their expectations. It is one which has symbolically been preserved to this day and one to which many Californians still aspire.

FOOTNOTES
1. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York, 1962),
2. Robin A. Humphreys, "The Fall of the Spanish American Empire," History, 38 (1952), 213.
3. Herbert Eugene Bolton, "The Epic of Greater America," American Historical Review, 38 (1933), 448-474.
4. Zoeth S. Eldridge, The Spanish Archives of California (San Francisco, 1901), p. 8.
5. Bernard De Voto, The Year of Decision, 1846, 2nd ed. (Boston 1961), p. 13; Leonard Pitt, The Decline of the Californios: A Social History of the Spanish-Speaking Californians, 1846-1890 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1971), p. vii.
6. Oakah L. Jones, Jr. ed., The Spanish Borderlands: A First Reader (Los Angeles, 1974), pp. 9-10.
7. Nellie Van De Grift Sanchez, Spanish Arcadia in California (Los Angeles, 1929).
8. Carey McWilliams, "Why the Cult of the Missions?" in Davis Dutton, ed., Missions of California (New York, 1972), pp. 149-150.
9. Leonard Pitt, The Decline of the Californios, pp. vii-viii.
10. See the bibliography on "Exploration" and "The Church" in Jones, The Spanish Borderlands, pp. 243-244. Charles E. Chapman, A History of California: The Spanish Period (New York, 1921), pp. 388-389.
11. James Lockhart, "The Social History of Colonial Latin America: Evolution and Potential," Latin American Research Review, 8:1 (Spring, 1972), 6.
12. Herbert I. Priestley, Jose de Galvez: Visitador-General of New Spain, 1765-1771 (Berkeley, 1916).
13. See John Francis Bannon's The Spanish Borderlands Frontier, 1513-1821 (New York, 1970), pp. 143-166.
14. Charles F. Lummis, "Regulations and Instructions for the Garrisons of California, 1781," The Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly, 42: 1 (1960), 90-92. This supplemented the 1772 regulations for the frontier military units of northern New Spain, translated in Sidney B. Brinkerhoff and Odie B. Faulk, Lancers for the King (Phoenix, 1965), pp. 9-67.
15. Problems of supply are discussed in Charles E. Chapman, "The Alta California Supply Ships, 1773-1776," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 19: 2 (1915), 184-194, and Max L, Moorhead, "The Private Contract System of Presidial Supply in Northern New Spain," Hispanic American Historical Review, 41: 2 (February, 1961), 31-54.
16. Census data for colonial California are rare and vary considerably. See the padrones (censuses) in The Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly, 42:2 (1960), 210-211; 42:3 (1960), 313; The Historical Society of Southern California Annual, 16 (1931), 148- 149; Carey McWilliams, North from Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People of the United States (New York, 1968), pp. 89-90.
17. The social backgrounds of the presidials are described in Leon G. Campbell, "The First Californios: Presidial Society in Spanish California, 1769-1822," Journal of the West, 11: 4 (October, 1972), 582-595.
18. The published correspondence of the Franciscan fathers is replete with criticism of the soldiery. See, for example, Zephyrin Engelhardt, The Missions and Missionaries of California, 4 vols. (San Francisco, 1908-1915). The priests resented that the governor held control over the soldiers, which restricted their control over the men.
19. Walton Bean, California: An Interpretive History (New York, 196 8), pp. 40-41. References to the friars can be found in the governors' correspondence, located in the Bancroft Library of the University of California, Berkeley, California Archives, Provincial State Papers, vols. 1-3.
20. Social derivations can be established from the biographies in Hubert Howe Bancroft, Register of Pioneer Inhabitants of California, 1542-1848 (Los Angeles, 1964). I have based much of my information about the soldiery on their service records, located in the Archivo General de las Indias in Seville, Seccion Audiencia de Lima, Legajo 1503 (hereafter AGI: AL 1503).
21. Bean, California, p. 43.
22. Campbell, "The First Californios," 591-592.
23. "Duhaut-Cilly's Account of California in the Years 1827-1828," California Historical Quarterly, 13 (1929), 311. The author was a French naval officer.
24. Max L. Moorhead, "The Soldado de Cuera: Stalwart of the Spanish Borderlands," Journal of the West, 8: 1 (January, 1969), 53.
25. See, for example, the case of New Mexico, in Marc Simmons, "Settlement Patterns and Village Plans in Colonial New Mexico," in Jones, The Spanish Borderlands, pp. 54-69.
26. Landholds to presidials is described in William W. Robinson, Land in California (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1948), pp. 45-58, and in Campbell, "The First Californios," 592-593.
27. Janet R. Fireman, "Mentality of an Innocent Bystander: Reaction in Spanish California to the American Revolution," paper presented to the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the Western History Association, Rapid City, South Dakota, October 5, 1974.
28. The Cook expedition and the Anglo-Spanish conflict over the northwest are described in Warren L. Cook, Flood Tide of Empire: Spain and the Pacific Northwest, 1543-1819 (New Haven and London, 1973).
29. An excellent summation of these visitors' accounts is provided in Kevin Starr, Americans and the California Dream, 1850-1915 (New York, 1973), pp. 3-48. For a detailed analysis of the Nootka conflict between Spain and Great Britain, see W. R. Manning, "The Nootka Sound Controversy," American Historical Association Annual Report, 1904 (Washington, D. C., 1904), pp. 279-478.
30. See, for example, D. A. Brading, "Government and Elite in Late Colonial Mexico," Hispanic American Historical Review, 53: 3 (August, 1973), 389-414.
31. Cited in Bean, California, pp. 53-54.
32. Besides the work of Pitt, on the decline of the Californios after 1846, see Starr's superb analysis of the development of the American Dream in the province, Americans and the California Dream, pp. 46-48.
33. See George Tays, "Revolutionary California: The Political History of California During the Mexican Period, 1820-1848," unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1934.

Suggested further reading
Edwin A. Beilharz, Felipe de Neve: First Governor of California (San Francisco, 1971).
John Francis Bannon, The Spanish Borderlands Frontier, 1513-1821 (New York, 1970).
Herbert L. Bolton, "The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish American Colonies," American Historical Review, 23:1 (October, 1917), 42-61.
Sidney B. Brinckerhoff and Odic B. Faulk, eds., Lancers for the King: A Study of the Frontier Military System of Northern New Spain, with a Translation of the Royal Regulations of 1772 (Phoenix, 1965).
Leon Campbell, "The First Californios - Presidial Society in Spanish California, 1769-1822," Journal of the West, 11:4 (October, 1972).
Sherburne F. Cook, The Conflict Between the California Indian and White Civilization, 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1943).
Warren L. Cook, Flood Tide of Empire: Spain and the Pacific Northwest, 1543-1819 (New Haven and London, 1973).
Alberta Johnson Denis, Spanish Alta California (New York, 1927).
George H. Elliot, "The Presidio of San Francisco," Overland Monthly Magazine, (1870).
Jack D. Forbes, "Black Pioneers: The Spanish-Speaking Afro-Americans of the Southwest." Phylon, 27:3 (Fall, 1966).
Maynard Geiger, The Life and Times of Fray Junipero Serra, 2 vols., (Washington, D.C.). The Geiger book is not documented but scholars can easily check the author's sources by referring to the nominal indices of the California Mission Documents and the Serra Collection in the Santa Barbara Mission Archives. Also see Antonine Tibesar, ed., The Writings of Junipero Serra, 4 vols., (Washington, D.C., 1955-1966).
Maynard Geiger, "A Description of California's Principal Presidio, Monterey, in 1773," Southern California Quarterly, 49: 3 (1967), 327-336.
Charles Gibson, Spain in America (New York, 1966).
Florian F. Guest's unpublished doctoral dissertation, "Municipal Institutions in Spanish California, 1769-1821," University of Southern California, 1961, which is partially surmmarized in the same author's "Municipal Government in Spanish California," California Historical Society Quarterly, 46: 4 (1967), 301-336.
Kibbey M. Horne, A History of the Presidio of Monterey (Monterey, 1970).
Max L. Moorhead's The Presidio: Bastion of the Spanish Borderlands (Norman, Oklahoma, 1975), is a model study for the institution in the Spanish Southwest but excludes study of the California and Florida presidios because of the differences involved.
Max L. Moorhead, "The Soldado de Cuera: Stalwart of the Spanish Borderlands," Journal of the West, 8:1 (January, 1969), 38-55.
Donald A. Nuttall "The Gobernantes of Spanish Upper California: A Profile," California Historical Society Quarterly, 51: 3 (Fall, 1972).
George Harwood Phillips, Chiefs and Challengers: Indian Resistance and Cooperation in Southern California (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1975).
Russel A. Ruiz, "The Santa Barbara Presidio," Noticias, 13:1 (1967), 1-13.
Manuel P. Servin, "California's Hispanic Heritage: A View into the Spanish Myth," Journal of the San Diego Historical Society, 19:1 (Winter, 1973).
Manuel P. Servin, ed., "Costanso's 1794 Report on Strengthening New California's Presidios," California Historical Society Quarterly, 49:3 (September, 1970), p. 229.
Maria del Carmen Velazquez, Establecimiento y perdida del septentrion de Neuva Espan (Mexico, 1974).
Excellent record groups for the study of the Alta California presidios exist in the Archivo General de ]as Indias in Seville and the Archivo General de la Nacion in Mexico City. The transcriptions of the Spanish Archives of California, made by Hubert Howe Bancroft and his associates, and a variety of other primary data are available in the Bancroft Library at the University of California at Berkeley. Mission and chancery archives are also valuable sources for the study of presidios. A wealth of information on presidial population and social structure is to be found in the Zoeth Eldridge Collection and the California Mission Collection of the Bancroft Library at the University of California, Berkeley.
The regulation governing the conquest of California is found in Archivo General de la Nacion (AGN): Seccion Provincias Internas, Legajo 166, 3. A series of military crimes reaching trial covering the period 1773-1779 are located in AGN: Californias, Vol. 2, Part 1, folios 244-293.

Links to Related Webpages
http://www.sfgenealogy.com/sf/history/sindex.htm 
hispanic.html

NORTHWESTERN UNITED STATES

"Building a Lasting Legacy."
Computerized Genealogy Conference
March 10-11, 2006

The Division of Continuing Education is pleased to announce the eighth annual Computerized Genealogy Conference March 10-11, 2006, in the BYU Conference Center at Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. 

Richard C. Eddy, Dean, Division of Continuing Education
BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY 899 HARMAN CONTINUING EDUCATION BUILDING PROVO. UTAH 84602-1534 (801) 422-4146

SOUTHWESTERN UNITED STATES

The sophistication of the tunnel surprised officials, who found it outfitted with a concrete floor, electricity, lights and ventilation and groundwater pumping systems. The authorities said a tip led to the discovery. The tunnel is one of the latest to be found along the border. Most are attributed to Mexican drug cartels searching for ways to move contraband into the United States, but some appear to be the work of smugglers of illegal immigrants. Since Sept. 11, 2001, when border security was tightened, agents have uncovered 21 tunnels of varying degrees of length and sophistication, from "gopher holes" to engineered marvels. The tunnel is almost like a mineshaft. The builders, had to have access to money and somebody with a strong construction and the engineering background. Also, several miles west of big tunnel, the authorities found a smaller one — about two feet underground and extending 30 feet across the border near a storm drain — after a United States Border Patrol vehicle hit a sinkhole. 

BLACK

"The message from the contributors to my book, I believe Black daughters everywhere, is clear: 
We need our fathers,” stated Mrs. Beaty when reached for comment.

Mrs. Beaty’s article “A Collective Message To Daddy”’ which is featured in the Winter 2006 issue of IN SEARCH OF FATHERHOOD® identifies the top 10 reasons that little girls need their fathers:

v 10. To restore our faith in our black men 
v 9. To never have to feel like we are easily left behind
v 8. To know perseverance and strength
v 7. Protection
v 6. To break the cycle of dysfunctional relationships that plagues our community
v 5. To love ourselves
v 4. We need to know that true love is possible
v 3. You are the standard by which we judge all men
v 2. So we don’t fill your void with others 
v 1. Because we love you.

Palm Springs Native American Film Festival and Cultural Weekend
The Agua Caliente Cultural Museum hosts the Palm Springs Native American Film Festival and Cultural Weekend. PSNAFF is considered to be one of the most respected and celebrated Native American and indigenous film festivals in the United States.

Festival Date: March 14-19, 2006
Location: Camelot Theatres, Palm Springs, CA
http://www.accmuseum.org

Maya Writings Found
By Bjorn Carey
LiveScience Staff Writer
posted: 05 January 2006
02:42 pm ET
http://www.livescience.com/php/multimedia/imagedisplay/img_display.php?pic=060105_
mayan_writing_02.jpg&cap=Drawing+of+the+painted+glyph+block+from+the+Maya+
temple+of+San+Bartolo%2C+Guatemala.+Credit%3A+%A9+Science

Newly discovered hieroglyphs show that the Maya were writing at a complex level 150 years earlier than previously thought.  The glyphs, which date to about 250 BC, were found on preserved painted walls and plaster fragments in the pyramidal structure known as Las Pinturas, in San Bartolo, Guatemala.  Las Pinturas also yielded the previously oldest samples of Maya writing, dating back to 100 BC.

New World slower: Writing emerged in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and India as far back as 3,000 BC. Yet the first full-blown text—a series of signs that are clearly telling a story—don't show up in the New World until about 400-300 BC. They were left by the Zapotecs in the Oaxaca valley south of central Mexico. Most of the early Maya writing comes from 150-250 AD.

Because Zapotec writing emerged so much earlier, researchers have long believed that the Mayas were influenced by it.  The earliest single Maya glyph—which could have stood for a person's name or been a sign on a calendar—dates to about 600 BC. But it isn't considered writing. These new glyphs are much more complex, said project leader William Saturno of the University of New Hampshire.

"This is a full blown and fully developed script," Saturno told LiveScience. "Which is not to say that the Maya invented writing and not the Zapotec, but it does lead us to question the origins and the complexities of these origins."  One thing seems certain: The Maya style was not influenced by the Zapotecs.

"It's not similar at all to Zapotec," Saturno said. "You have these roughly contemporary examples that are completely different, which implies a more complex history than simple derivation."

Say what? Despite being clearly developed written text, the newfound work cannot yet be read by scientists. "Between 200 and 300 AD is when we become literate in Maya writing," Saturno said. "It's definitely writing, though, no question about that. Some of these signs are consistent with Maya writing for the next 1,000 years."

For example, glyph 7 is an early version of "AJAW," a symbol ubiquitously used with kings' names that means "lord, noble, or ruler." Glyph 2 has vague pictorial qualities and may suggest a hand holding a brush or a sharp knife-like object.

Firm date: A common problem with dating Maya writing is that it is often on stone, which scientists can't accurately date using radiocarbon dating. Instead, they must use stylistic changes to date materials. However, Saturno and his team found these writings in a pyramid made in part with wood, which is carbon based and can be dated with radiocarbon techniques.

"The way the Maya built pyramids is by building one layer on top of another," Saturno said. "We have [the building where the writing was found] sandwiched between two other buildings. We can get a date from the building itself, but also a range from the other two."

Taken together, these samples imply that the text was painted between 300 and 200 BC. But it's likely that Maya writing goes back a lot further, Saturno said.

"Given the grace, form, and consistent line-width of these symbols, it's not likely someone just picked up a brush and said 'I'm going to invent writing today,'" Saturno said. "This complexity shows it had been around for a while."  This research is detailed in the Jan. 5 online edition of the journal Science.

Native storytellers from California and Hawaii will showcase storytelling presentations and performances based on indigenous oral traditions and language. This year's event will also include children's activities, basket weaving circles, children's story time, and Native American vendors. 

This festival is made possible by funding from the Arts, the Agua Caliente Cultural Museum, the California Indian Storytelling Association, and audience donations. 

SEPHARDIC

Semitism and Anti Semitism in Arizona and Sonora: An 
Ethnobiography of Experience and Insight.

Carlos G. Velez-Ibanez
Professor of Chicana/o Studies and Anthropology Motorola Presidential Professor of Neighborhood Revitalization Department of Transnational and Chicana/o Studies Professor Emeritus of Anthropology University of California, Riverside

Lecture delivered at LATINOS AND JEWS
A CONFERENCE ON HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY CONNECTIONS
Monday, January 23, 2006 UC Irvine School of Social Sciences, SSPA 2112

TEXAS 

San Antonio, Texas
Sent by Elsa Herbeck elsaherbeck@sbcglobal.net
For more information: Walter L. Herbeck Jr. wlherbeck@sbcglobal.net

Ties That Bind, Part 2
Josefa De La Garza, And The Laredo Connection
George Farias, M.B.A. - Copyright 2005

Another connection to royal lines can be found in the ancestry of Josefa de la Garza, mother of Tomás Sánchez, who founded Laredo, Texas in 1755. Sánchez , who had eleven children, has thousands of descendants many of whom have stayed close to home over the years, increasingly taking interest in their historic past.

Nuevo Laredo

Perhaps the first major note of their royal ancestry was made by Nuevo Laredo, Mexico historian and genealogist Rodolfo González de la Garza when he discussed these connections (La linea de los reyes - The lineage of kings) in his book on surnames Apellidos de Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila y Texas, (Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, 1980 Ed., privately published).

One connection he discussed was her ancestry to Alonso de Estrada -- one of the first four arriving royal officers -- who claimed to be a descendant of Ferdinand, husband of Queen Isabel.

Carl L. Duaine in his book With All Arms, A Study of a Kindred Group, (New Santander Press, Edinburg Texas, 1980 Ed., Austin, Texas 2004 2nd Ed.) used some of González de la Garza's research to explain the Ferdinand relationship.

Estrada claimed that he was an illegitimate son of Ferdinand through a liaison with Luisa de Estrada whose father was Fernán, Duke of Estrada.Fernán was the man sent by Isabel and Ferdinand to arrange the marriage of King Henry VIII of England to their daughter Catherine of Aragon. Duaine referenced as further proof certain information in the Inquisition files. Many historians, however, dispute this story.

Ferdinand And Isabel
Picture from: http://images.amazon.com/images/P/0582218160.01.THUMBZZZ.jpg

While a member of a noble family whose children had famous marriages -- Jorge de Alvarado and Francisco Vázquez de Coronado among them -- Estrada was not considered a great administrator and was somewhat of a braggart.

Most recently José Antonio Esquibel of New Mexico discovered whom he believes are the real parents of Alonso de Estrada, naming them in an article written in the genealogical journal of The California Society of Hispanic and Historical Ancestral Research (SHHAR) Vol. IV, 1998. In spite of his research the controversy continues over Estrada's parentage.

Josefa de la Garza is also a descendant of another of the first four New World administrators, Gonzalo de Salazar. Gonzalo's daughter, through his marriage to Catalina de la Cadena, was Catalina de Salazar.
She married Ruy Diaz de Mendoza who was a descendant of King Alfonso XI " El Justiciero" ("The Rigid Justice" ), King of Castile and Leon (Josefa's 6th great grandfather). Alfonso's father was Alfonso X "The Wise" and his father was Ferdinand III -- not only king of Spain -- but a saint of the Catholic Church, San Fernando.

What a surprise it must be to some of the worshippers at San Antonio's San Fernando Cathedral that they may have direct ancestral ties to one of the patron saints of the city!

Alfonso X

The Mendozas were one of the wealthiest and most powerful of the noble families of Spain. Catalina de Salazar's daughter, Magdalena de Mendoza, (Josefa de la Garza's 3rd great grandmother) therefore, supplies the direct royal linkage to the American descendants.

Interesting to note, one other of Josefa's ancestors who came to the New World was Andrés de Tapia, perhaps Hernán Cortés' most trusted captain, who wrote a brief chronicle pertaining to the Aztec conquest.

Another notable aspect of Catalina's life is that she had a famous second marriage when she came with her daughter Magdalena to New Spain/Mexico. She was suspected of bigamy since her first husband, Diaz de Mendoza, was rumored to still be alive in Spain.

She claimed, however, that he was deceased.

 At any rate, her second marriage was to Cristobal Pérez de Oñate, one of the founders of Zacatecas, Mexico and its rich silver mines. Their son was Juan de Oñate who led the first colonization of New Mexico mostly financed by his family's huge wealth.

Captain-General Oñate wed Isabel de Tolosa, granddaughter of Cortés and great granddaughter of Moctezuma, the last Emperor of the Aztecs.

Juan De Oñate

 Colonel Ernest A. Montemayor, U.S. Air Force, (Retired), of Hispanic American Genealogical Associates, is one of the pioneers of Hispanic genealogy research in the United States having dedicated over fifty years to this effort accumulating in the process an extensive personal library of over 10,000 volumes and files. His large collection of books, journals, and other investigative materials of Hispanic families, covers the United States, Mexico, Central and South America, The Caribbean, the Philippines, and Spain and Portugal.

Diego de Montemayor's wife, Juana Porcallo de la Cerda, purportedly descends from two royal lines. While the lines seem to be well-documented Col. Montemayor, utilizing his high standards requiring exact confirmation of any ancestral ties, is currently conducting his own investigation to verify the connections.

More on these genealogical "detective stories" in Part Three.
SAL, San Antonio Lightning Newspaper, And www.SanAntonioLightning.Com
(Borderlands Bookstore Inc.   www.BorderlandsBooks.com 

"In my last installment to Somos Primos I examined the ethnic background of the original Texans, the original Tejanos whom I will call Texians, as a way of setting a foundation for the story that follows. As I examined in my previous article, the original Texians were, generally speaking, criollos, that is full blooded Spaniards or hispanicized Europeans born in the New World, as opposed to mestizos or genizaros, that is, people of mixed white and Indian blood or Indians who had lost their tribal identity and had adopted Spanish names and the Spanish language, as most, but certainly not all, of the Mexicans are. 

Blas M. Loya, with his wife Andrea , born in Peñitas, Texas on February 1862, one year into the Civil War. The historical tradition that Peñitas was founded in the year 1520 and has been continuously inhabited by the descendants of the first Spaniards ever since has been passed down by word of mouth in his family for generations. This tradition is consistent with the verifiable facts set forth in this book.

Some time ago I was driving between New Orleans, my hometown, and a little town called Vacherie. My car was the only vehicle for miles and I was really enjoying the solitude of that road. The view of the landscape, the wide fields of green grass bordered by pine trees in the distance, made my mind travel back in time where, perhaps, life was simpler. Little did I know that a turn in that lonely road would indeed bring the past, a past that was so critically important yet widely unknown, a past that was so personal, bursting into the present!

With lunch-time approaching, the empty feeling in my stomach compelled me to veer off the main highway into a smaller road to the right to find a place where I could stop and eat my brown bag lunch. After driving perhaps a couple of miles, I noticed an old church along River Road, just across the street from the levee and the mighty Mississippi. It caught my attention, as I am usually interested in historical sights, so I decided that in front of the church was a good place to park and eat my lunch. As I ate my sandwich I noticed an historical marker in front of the church. I walked over to read what was on the marker and found out that this was one of the oldest churches in Louisiana. The town, or hamlet, or group of houses really, with the big historical church in the middle, Edgard, Louisiana, was just as deserted as the road. Fortunately, the gate to the cemetery was open. With this being one of the oldest churches in Louisiana, I figured I had to take a look at the grave markers. As I walked through the cemetery, with each step I began to travel back in time through American history! There were the graves of Vietnam veterans and Korean Conflict soldiers, there were WWII and WWI heroes buried there! All of a sudden, one grave marker stopped me in my tracks! It was a plain grave, perhaps the most plain of all, just a slab of white concrete on the ground, but the words inscribed on the marker made my head spin around at least 3 times!

I had attended good, perhaps among the very best American schools for 24 years, and not once had I heard what my eyes were reading; that Louisiana had participated in the war for independence of the United States! Urged by my discovery, I began to research and study the subject, and I found that in some sort of injustice to Luis Bethancourt and his descendants, a vital, I would say essential, chapter of the history of the United States had been buried and forgotten along with this American Patriot!…

When George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, John Hanckock and the rest of the American Patriots had signed the Declaration of Independence of the United States on July 4, 1776, Benjamin Franklin is reputed as having said, in his characteristic bright humor, "Gentlemen, now we must all hang together or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately" . By 1779, the citizens of Texas and Louisiana had joined these American Patriots in their "hanging together".

Ever since the beginning of the war, Spain, which at that time owned all the land west of the Mississippi River from the Isle of New Orleans to the Canadian tundra, had had "observers" to monitor the status of the war, and had covertly been aiding the American Patriots. Through the efforts of two of these observers stationed in Philadelphia, Juan de Miralles and Francisco Rendon, Spain was able to bring substantial aid to the Americans. As Robert Thonhoff documents on page 2 of his "The Vital Contribution of Spain In the Winning of the American Revolution", in 1777 the Spanish firm "Jose Gardoqui and Sons", at the request of Benjamin Franklin through Arthur Lee, sent "215 bronze cannons, 4,000 field tents, 12,826 grenades, 30,000 muskets, 30,000 bayonets, 30,000 uniforms, 51,314 musket balls, and 300,000 pounds of gunpowder… Later, in one of his letters, Franklin thanked the Spanish minister, Count of Aranda, for 12,000 muskets sent to Boston by Spain".

Granville W. Hough and his daughter N.C. Hough recently discovered the reports of Arthur Lee in which they found the manifests of twelve ships loaded with war supplies which had sailed from Cadiz, Spain to Boston and Philadelphia (Granville W. Hough in a personal email to me dated Aug. 5, 2005, Papers of the Continental Congress, Records Group MO247, Item #83, Roll 10, "Letters from Arthur Lee, 1776-1780"). Although such help was obviously very significant, it was far from being the only help given by Spain to the independence effort of the 13 British Colonies. Because the British had blockaded the Atlantic coast, the Mississippi and Ohio River system became vital to the survival of George Washington’s and George Rogers Clark’s armies. Using the port of New Orleans as a back door and the services of Diego de Gardoqui in Bilbao and Oliver Pollock in New Orleans (who, by the way, was the 3^rd single largest financial contributor to the American cause), Spain sent badly needed medicine, money, muskets, munitions and military supplies to the embattled colonials. At a critical juncture on September of 1776 when General George Washington was assessing how much gunpowder and lead he had left and was trying to decide when to fight and when to retreat based on his available resources, General Bernardo de Galvez of Louisiana sent a flatboat flotilla up the Mississippi River carrying medicine, cloth, lead, muskets and 9,000 lbs. of gunpowder, to help meet George Washington’s need through the backdoor of the Mississippi and Ohio River system. In addition to this Galvez sent an extra 1000 lbs. of gunpowder by ship with George Gibson around Florida and up the East Coast. When the Continental Congress authorized the first issue of American currency on May 9, 1776, before the Declaration of Independence, it was the Spanish treasury that backed up and guaranteed it. For this reason the new American currency took the name "dollar" from the Spanish milled "doblas" (Maria Angeles O’Donnel, Honorary Consul of Spain in San Diego, in a speech delivered June 28, 2003). In fact, although some theorize that the dollar sign ($) is composed of the letters U.S. for United States with a broken U on top of the S, Robert Thonhoff explains that what is thought as a broken U is not a U at all, but the two pillars of Hercules, and the S actually stands for Spain. Whatever the case may be, however, Spain’s help in the war for American Independence would become more involved.

While Galvez was sending badly needed help to the Continental Army, at the same time he was developing a letter writing relationship with several American Patriots including Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry. Patrick Henry, the fiery Patriot Governor of Virginia who said "Give me liberty or give me death!", suggested to Galvez that Spain should get more involved in the war and regain East and West Florida, which Spain had lost to England in 1763, back from the British. On May 6, 1778, Bernardo de Galvez wrote a letter back to Patrick Henry that, though mentioned just briefly by historians, had extremely far reaching implications in the history of the United States! This letter, I believe, is without a doubt one of the most important documents in American history! Robert H. Thonhoff writes concerning Galvez’ closing remarks in this letter:

"Galvez concluded the letter by assuring Henry that he would not spare any effort or trouble which may redound to the benefit of the colonies, on account of the particular affection he had for them." (Robert H. Thonhoff, The Texas Connection with the American Revolution, p. 26, emphasis mine)

This letter is absolutely crucial to American history because in it Bernardo de Galvez expressed just how committed he was to the American cause, how much he wanted the benefit of the 13 American Colonies, "on account of the particular affection he had for them". This last statement might just as well be the statement that was heard around the world! The reason I say this is because Bernardo de Galvez was always a just and a kind man well loved by all. While he had served in Chihuahua and West Texas, for example, he was known, respected and feared for his bravery, plunging into battle to defeat his enemies, but he was loved for his kindness, which he demonstrated when he enrolled in school fourteen young Apaches he had taken captive in one of his last campaigns. Bernardo de Galvez was well known and trusted, and deeply loved by the people, consequently what he said and did, the attitude he espoused, had a tremendous effect on the people he led. The point is that when Galvez told Henry about his commitment not to spare any effort or trouble for the benefit of the United States at the time the U.S. was being born, "on account of the particular affection he had for them", Galvez expressed to Henry an attitude he communicated to the people involved in the fight, including the people of Texas. This statement by Galvez, in my opinion, is an absolutely essential statement to American history, truly a statement that was heard around the world, because in this statement is found the foundation and the explanation of the love and sense of destiny of being Americans the Spaniard Texans had, which I will examine later in this book, and which they later expressed at the time of the Texas Revolution which caused them to pursue freedom from Spain in 1813 and freedom from Mexico in 1835 which culminated in the annexation of Texas by the United States in 1845 and the setting of the American border in 1848. In other words, this "particular affection" Bernardo de Galvez had for the United States, which he showed by his deeds, was communicated to the Spaniards of Texas and the American Southwest and it eventually resulted in the United States of America being extended to the Pacific Coast. In this statement, Bernardo de Galvez laid the foundation for the Continental United States to exist as it does today.

For this reason it is not too much that Bernardo de Galvez, the unsung hero of the American Revolution, should rank way higher than Lafayette and Pulaski and Von Steuben and de Grasse and the other Europeans who helped the United States during the American Revolution. Their help, though appreciated, was not as extensive as the help that Galvez and the Kingdom of Spain brought to the American colonies. But beyond that, their help was limited to the physical realm of the war itself and/or any other help they may have given. On the other hand, Bernardo de Galvez’ influence in the hearts of the Spaniards of Texas and the Southwest through getting them involved in the birth process of the United States while communicating to them a sincere and special affection for the United States caused them to feel American even then which resulted in the expansion of the United States to the Pacific Coast. The participation of Spain, Texas and Louisiana in the American Revolution and the leadership Galvez provided paved the way for this expansion. George Washington is the Father of our country, the United States, and, the truth be told without diminishing George Washington in any way, Bernardo de Galvez is the Father of our country as it extends to the Pacific Coast today. Keep this in mind and it will become evident as you read the rest of this book, particularly chapters 8-18, chapter 29 and chapter 31.

On June 21, 1779, King Carlos III of Spain declared war on England and issued a decree ordering his American vassals to fight the British anywhere they could find them, whether on land or at sea. The British had been preparing for war with Spain in Louisiana before this declaration of war and for this purpose they had sent Colonel Dickson with an army from the British settlement at Pensacola to strengthen British positions along the Mississippi River. Governor Bernardo de Galvez, who had not yet taken the oath of office, responded by building a gunboat to patrol the Mississippi River and by fortifying the river, he also required some recently arrived British refugees to take the oath of allegiance to Spain (J. Ben Meyer, Sr., Plaquemines The Empire Parish p. 15). At the same time Galvez encouraged the immigration of Spanish colonists from the Canary Islands whom he established in settlements strategically located around New Orleans. These Canary Islanders, as well as the French Acadians known as Cajuns, were encouraged to move to Louisiana by offering them land grants, farm animals and money enough to last them four years, for the purpose of increasing the Spanish presence around New Orleans as a line of defense against the British in case war broke out. Interestingly enough, only six years after Spain’s war with England during the American Revolution was over in 1783, the town of San Elizario, Texas, located 15 miles east of El Paso, was founded with the same strategic purpose as the purpose for which these French Acadians and Spaniards had been encouraged to settle around New Orleans:

"In 1789, Spain sought to protect its interests in the growing Paso del Norte region. A presidio named after San Elcear, the French patron saint of the military, was established at the old hacienda, and the settlement that grew up around it became known as San Elizario." (Booklet "A Walking History of San Elizario", Los Portales Museum & Information Center, San Elizario, Texas)

Considering how slow news travelled in those days, considering that Bernardo de Galvez had been the commander of the Spanish forces in the El Paso del Norte area and had fought the Apaches in West Texas on numerous occasions, and considering, as we will see, the direct relationship the Indian Wars of Texas at that time had to the American Revolution, it seems evident, at least to me, that the founding of San Elizario, Texas, and the encouraging of families to move to the site as a strategic move, was directly related to the events of the American Revolution in Texas and Louisiana. The coincidences seem too strong to be accidental! Apparently, the founding of San Elizario, Texas, in West Texas was a direct consequence of the American Revolution. It almost has to be so!

At any rate, acting as the appointed provisional Governor of Louisiana, Galvez closed off the Mississippi River to British vessels, allowing only Spanish, French and American vessels to use the Mississippi trade route, all the while expediting the flow of supplies to the 13 Colonies. In the spring of 1777 Galvez seized eleven British ships.

By the time the King of Spain declared war on Britain, the British had built forts in Natchez, Manchac and Baton Rouge. British West Florida extended all the way from Florida west through Alabama, Mississippi, what today is known as the New Orleans Northshore (where my babies were born 220 something years later) across Lake Pontchartrain from New Orleans proper and all the way through Baton Rouge. In Louisiana, Bernardo de Galvez kept the declaration of war a secret until he had assembled a fleet of riverboats loaded with supplies and ammunition, assembled military units and commenced drill sessions. Finally, he called a general assembly at the Plaza de las Armas (Jackson Square) and as he formally took the oath of office as Governor of Louisiana (although he had been appointed provisional governor two years earlier on Jan. 1, 1777), he announced to the general public that Spain was now at war with England.

Ten months after the King of Spain declared war on England, on April 21, 1780, Domingo Cabello, Governor of Texas, read this Declaration of War to the citizens of San Antonio de Bexar, effectively involving Texas in the American Revolution. Governor Bernardo de Galvez of Louisiana, as I mentioned, had previously served as a Lieutenant of the Spanish forces in Chihuahua where he had led several campaigns against the Apaches, effectively linking West Texas and Chihuahua to Louisiana since West Texas and Chihuahua were both part of Nueva Viscaya (Nueva Viscaya adjoined New Mexico in West Texas). Because of this he became aware of the large cattle herds that roamed the plains of South Texas. In 1778 Bernardo de Galvez had sent Athanese de Mezieres from Louisiana to Texas to determine the availability of horses and cattle in case war erupted against England. De Mezieres’ report was favorable, the large herds of cattle that Galvez remembered were indeed roaming the plains of Texas and were available to supply the Louisiana army in the event of war against England. The next year, on June 20, 1779, Governor Galvez of Louisiana sent Francisco Garcia as an emissary to San Antonio de Bexar to meet with Texas Governor Domingo Cabello and to deliver to him a letter requesting and authorizing the export of cattle from Texas to Louisiana, a business move that was previously unauthorized, for the purpose of feeding Galvez’ army. So were Texas and Louisiana joined in their common effort against the British and for American Independence. Galvez mustered up a 7000 man army plus a navy which included Spaniards, Canary Islanders, Germans, Frenchmen, Acadians, Indians and Blacks, both free and slave, from Louisiana, a contingent of about 30 First Continental Marines from Fort Pitt, a part of the South Carolina Navy,… and a few soldiers from Texas. By law, all men between 14 and 60 years of age had to serve in the militia in the Spanish possessions.

Let me stop here for just a minute and meditate a little more on what is invariably mentioned just in passing, that 30 (some sources say 26) American Marines served with Bernardo de Galvez’ Louisiana and Texas Army. Much has been speculated as to why the French contribution to the American Revolution is well remembered when, according to Granville Hough, all of the French contribution to the American Revolution was always 50-50 in conjunction with Spain, and Spain’s contribution to the American Revolution was historically more significant. Some have thought it is perhaps because Spain and the Spaniards came to be mistakenly associated in the American mind with the Mexicans and other Latin Americans who, generally, were of a foreign race to the Americans with which the Americans could not identify. A less sinister explanation is because the French, though not as helpful to the Americans as the Spaniards, actually fought side by side with the Americans in the 13 Colonies, as opposed to the Spaniards who fought in the South and up the Mississippi River outside the borders of the 13 original states. Whatever the case may be, we need to stop here for just a minute and meditate on what it means that 30 American Marines from Virginia, George Washington’s home state, fought with and under Galvez.

Considering the battles in which the Spaniards of Louisiana and Texas defeated the Waldeckers and the Maryland Loyalists and the British Forces under Colonel Dickson, fighting directly alongside those 30 American Marines, those 30 American Marines were the flesh and blood link between Galvez’ Army and the Continental Army that made the two armies one. Those 30 American Marines were the flesh and blood union that made the American Colonials and the Spaniards of Louisiana and Texas one people at the time America was born as an independent nation, those 30 American Marines brought, in real life, the people of Texas and Louisiana, their Army and militia, under the American Yankee Doodle fife and drum.

After Louisiana and Texas entered the war for independence of the United States, the citizens of Texas joined in full support of the American Revolution in several capacities. First, public prayers were immediately offered to secure the help of Almighty God in the struggle against England and for the victory of Spain and of her ally, the 13 British Colonies struggling for independence. Second, a voluntary tax was collected to help the war effort. At least half a million pesos were contributed by the citizens of Texas and the other provinces of New Spain which were directly used to re-supply the legendary French Fleet which came to the aid of George Washington’s Continental Army right in the nick of time during the Battle of Yorktown. Third, as I mentioned, there were a few Texans who served as soldiers in Governor Galvez’ army, and, fourth, all Texan men between the ages of 14 and 60 would have been activated to serve in the militia, which during the war years was primarily involved in fighting Indians, who stole Spanish cattle and horses and traded the latter to the British in the Great Lakes region for guns.

The war effort of the Texas militia directly contributed to the war effort in the South, where America would later be embroiled in that painful War of Brothers known as the Civil War. I will discuss the Indian Wars of Texas as they relate to the American Revolution in more detail in chapter four. This issue is so significant and so essential to American history that it really deserves to be discussed in a chapter all its own!

After King Carlos III of Spain commanded his American vassals to fight the British and Governor Galvez mustered up his army and navy, Spanish Texas ranchers, escorted by Spanish Texas soldiers, trailed some ten to fifteen thousand head of Texas cattle to feed the Spanish forces under Galvez. They followed a trail up Nacogdoches, Natchitoches and on to Opelousas, where the cattle was distributed to Galvez’ forces, one hundred years before the famous Texas cattle drives to Kansas, Nebraska and Montana. Supported by several hundred Texas head of horses which were used in the cavalry and artillery, Governor Bernardo de Galvez created a third front in the American Revolution. By creating this third front in the war, Galvez relieved the forces of George Washington and George Rogers Clark of pressure to fight the British more effectively in their respective two fronts. This assertion is not just something that those of us who study history have recently discerned, General George Washington acknowledged this fact in a letter dated February 27, 1780 which he wrote to King Carlos III of Spain through Jose Monino, Count of Floridablanca, the King’s Secretary of State, congratulating him for Galvez’ victories along the Gulf Coast:

" Sir: I have the honor of your letter of the 18^th… I am happy in congratulating you on the important successes it announces to the Arms of His Catholic Majesty, which I hope are a prelude to others more decisive. These events will not only advance the immediate interest of his Majesty, and promote the common cause, but they will probably have a beneficial influence on the affairs of the Southern states at the present juncture… It appears that General Clinton was expected to be in South Carolina so early as November… It would not be surprising if the British General on hearing of the progress of the Spanish Arms in the Floridas should relinquish his primitive design and go to the defence of their own territories." (General George Washington to King Carlos III of Spain, through the Count of Floridablanca, the King’s Secretary of State, in a letter dated Feb. 27, 1780 delivered by the hand of Juan de Miralles. De Reparaz, Carmen I. "Yo Solo, Bernardo de Galvez y la Toma de Penzacola en 1781" Editorial Serbal, Madrid, Spain, 1986.)

Washington’s realization of the strategic diversion the Spanish Arms would create was effectively fulfilled when the British had to draw supplies and troops from the 13 Colonies to fight Galvez, including the Pennsylvania Loyalists, the Maryland Loyalist Forces, the Waldeckers and other such units whom Galvez defeated. Incidentally, George Washington was a distant cousin of the King of Spain because he, George Washington, was a direct descendant of King Fernando III of Spain through his daughter Leonor of Castile who married King Edward I of England. If one thinks about it, that makes the participation of Spain in the American Revolution even more significant and direct, seeing that the Father of the American Revolution himself, George Washington, was also in part a Spaniard:

"…George Washington, ‘The Father of Our Country,’ was abundantly endowed with some good Spanish genes that trace back to the great Spanish king and saint, San Fernando, and beyond". (Robert H. Thonhoff , "Essay on the San Fernando-George Washington Bernardo de Galvez Connection")!

As I mentioned, as soon as Spain had declared war on England, the British began to plan a two pronged attack on Spanish New Orleans. Like I said, the British at that time controlled the Great Lakes area, and they planned to send a large force to attack New Orleans down the Mississippi River. At the same time they would send another large military force against New Orleans, up the Mississippi River from Pensacola, Florida. Besides this, Simon Girty was evidently charged with expediting the flow of English guns for Spanish horses to the Indians, making it quite evident that the provision of arms and ammunition in exchange for horses stolen from the Spaniards in Texas was a British strategic move in the American Revolution all along. Governor Galvez, however, beat them to the punch. Although eventually Galvez’ army grew to be 7000 men strong, Galvez didn’t wait for the British to attack, he immediately marched against the British stronghold at Baton Rouge with a force of only 600 men. As Galvez and his little army force-marched up the Mississippi River towards Baton Rouge despite the extremely bad condition of the roads, he recruited volunteers and purchased supplies. By the time Galvez reached Baton Rouge, his army had grown to about 1,400 men, and they had captured Fort Bute (J. Ben Meyer, p.16).

Beginning with the Battle of Baton Rouge in 1779, Governor Bernardo de Galvez’ Spanish forces defeated the British all along the South. The British seemed to have found the Spanish Army, composed in large part by Louisianans and Texans, invincible! Suffering only a relatively low number of casualties, the Spanish-Louisianan-Texan Army defeated the British not only in Baton Rouge in 1779, but also in Manchac, also in Louisiana just a few miles northwest of New Orleans, and Natchez in Mississippi. The following year on March 14, 1780, in an advance they could not stop, the British were defeated by Galvez’ combined forces at Mobile, Alabama, after a month long siege of the British stronghold of Fort Charlotte. Wherever he was successful, Bernardo de Galvez required the inhabitants of the land to take the oath of allegiance to Spain, which they joyfully did (J. Ben Meyer, Plaquemines; The Empire Parish, pp. 16-17).

Governor Galvez demonstrated a tremendous tenacity in his campaign against the British during the American Revolution. As early as March 7, 1780, Galvez had attempted to invade Pensacola, the capital of West Florida, but had been hindered by several human and natural hurdles. Originally, his army and navy had not been able to agree on how to attack Pensacola, so they had been forced to call the invasion off. Then on October 16, 1780, as Galvez’ army and navy set out to attack Pensacola for the second time, a terrible hurricane scattered his forces.

After Galvez’ forces were beaten and scattered by the hurricane, the British tried to take advantage of the situation and set out to recapture Mobile, Alabama, from the Spaniards. General Campbell from the British stronghold at Pensacola, sent a force of 600 men to accomplish the task. The Spaniards holding Fort Charlotte at Mobile fought gallantly, however, and although they sacrificed the lives of fourteen Spaniards and suffered over twenty wounded, they successfully repelled the British attack (Thonhoff, The Texas Connection With The American Revolution, p. 34).

Galvez, however, was a man made of the same steel as Winston Churchill during WWII and he refused to surrender to the circumstances. Finally, on February 28, 1781, the Spanish forces under Bernardo de Galvez were mobilized to try to capture Pensacola yet a third time. Spanish soldiers from New Orleans were transported by sea to meet the Spanish Fleet that had issued from Havana at Pensacola. Meanwhile, General Galvez ordered Spanish soldiers stationed at Mobile to march over land to join the rest of the Spanish force gathering around Pensacola. At this point, yet another unexpected hurdle "reared up" in Galvez’ strategy to dislodge the British and take Pensacola.

Victory in Pensacola was wholly dependent on the Spanish fleet entering Pensacola Bay through a narrow and shallow bar that was located directly under the British battery. The foot soldiers were able to accomplish the mission without the aid of the Spanish fleet. Unfortunately, Admiral Joseph Calvo de Irazabal, who was directly responsible for the Spanish fleet, was not directly under General Galvez’ authority and he was, as my little ones sometimes say at night, scared. Admiral Calvo refused to send the Spanish fleet through the shallow bar fearing that the British cannon would decimate the Spanish ships.

At this point, General Bernardo de Galvez did something that sets aside true heroes from the general population; leading the attack, he forced his way into the Bay of Pensacola with only his own vessel. The British cannon opened up upon Galvez’ brigantine, the Galveztown, and on three smaller boats that followed. Contrary to Admiral Calvo’s expectation, the British cannon balls did hardly any damage to Galvez’ private flagship, punching holes only in the sails. Galvez’ troops cheered and, having been thoroughly shamed, Admiral Calvo finally followed Galvez, "The next day, the rest of the squadron entered the bay" (Thonhoff, The Texas Connection With The American Revolution, p. 36).

Almost three months later, on May 10, 1781, the British were, once again, defeated by Galvez’ Spanish Colonial Army and Navy in "a two pronged land and sea attack on Pensacola, the British capital of West Florida" (Thonhoff, The Vital Contribution of Texas in the Winning of the American Revolution, p.10). The Spanish Louisiana-Texas Forces under Governor Galvez had dealt a deathblow to the British forces in the South, swiftly penetrating deep into British held territory, capturing Fort George, killing over 100 British soldiers and taking 1100 British prisoners after a two and a half month siege in which, true to his good character, and in a gesture that American forces would always express, he had sent flour to the besieged British so that they would not starve to death. Governor Galvez had added to Spain almost all of the Mississippi Valley and all of the land westward from East Florida to the Sabine River, for which accomplishment the King of Spain made him Viscount of Galveztown and allowed him to write on his coat of arms "Yo Solo", I alone.

While Galvez was leading his army in this gloriously undefeated campaign against the British in the South, British forces attempted to gain the upper hand in the North along the Mississippi River. Ever since, as a consequence of the French and Indian War, Spain was given all the land west of the Mississippi, including New Orleans, by the Treaty of 1763, after which Spain had established military posts at strategic locations along the river. In May of 1780 British soldiers attacked the Spanish stronghold at San Luis (St. Louis), Missouri. St. Louis was defended by a combined force of Spanish soldiers and civilian militia under the command of Fernando de Leyba. Spanish troops from St. Genevieve reinforced Leyba’s men and the British attack on St. Louis was successfully repelled. Although this battle is hardly known, it was one of the most important battles of the American Revolution because it secured Spanish control of the Mississippi River for the remainder of the American Revolution. Consequently, the Mississippi and Ohio River system remained open as a main line of supplies for the American forces through the war.

The Spaniards had set up a strategic post on the juncture between the Arkansas and Mississipi Rivers called Arkansas Post. Before Spain got militarily involved in the American Revolution, Arkansas Post had been used as a refuge for the American Patriots. In the winter of 1777 William Linn’s "Gibson’s Lambs" had been welcomed to stay out of the freezing weather on their way back from New Orleans when they transported supplies to Fort Pitt. The following year the First Continental Marines under James Willing took refuge in their expedition within the Spanish fort.

"On November 22, 1780, Spanish Officer Baltasar de Villiers crossed the Mississippi River from Arkansas Post and took possesion of the lands east of the Mississippi River in the name of the King of Spain" (Robert H. Thonhoff in a personal letter to me dated December 30, 2005).

The British did not appreciate de Villiers claim to the land for the King of Spain east of the Mississippi, and they began to plan to try to take St. Louis a second time. Fortunately for the American cause, Lt. Governor Antonio Cruzat got intelligence about the British plan to take St. Louis. Like Governor Galvez had done at the beginning of military hostilities between the Spaniards and the British, Cruzat took the initiative and beat the British to the punch. Putting Lt. Eugenio Pouree in command of 151 armed men, including 91 militia and 60 Indians, Lt. Governor Cruzat sent an expeditionary force to take possession of the British fort at San Jose

(St. Joseph), Michigan (Robert H. Thonhoff in a personal letter to me dated December 30, 2005).

Lt. Pouree and his men left St. Louis, Missouri, on January 2, 1781 on their way to St. Joseph, Michigan. They traveled by water up the Mississippi River and then up the Illinois River. Enduring incredible hardship in the freezing northern winter, like good soldiers, they then marched overland over two hundred miles of ice and snow to accomplish their mission! Finally, one month and ten days after they had set out in this expedition they reached their destination. On February 12, 1781,

Lt. Pouree and his Spanish militia, with the sixty Indians that assisted them, attacked the British fort at St. Joseph, Michigan. Being completely surprised by the attack the British surrendered, they had been caught completely unprepared for the attack, not expecting the Spaniards to travel that long distance in the unforgiving northern winter. With these military campaigns up the Mississippi River to St. Louis, Missouri and St. Joseph, Michigan, the Spaniards had fought for the Independence of the United States literally from Texas to Louisiana through Mississippi, Alabam and Florida, and up north through Missouri and Michigan.

Besides this, the Spaniards directly helped George Rogers Clark and his army with war supplies in the battles at Vincennes, Indiana and at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, Illinois.

Two months after the victory of the Spaniards over the British at Pensacola, Francisco de Saavedra y Sangronis, the personal representative of King Carlos III of Spain, arrived at St. Domingue (Haiti) to meet with French Admiral De Grasse. At their meeting in July of 1781 Saavedra and De Grasse developed the De Grasse/Saavedra Convention or Accord in which De Grasse, representing the French, and Saavedra, representing the Spaniards, together, developed the strategy on how they would wage the war in the American Theatre and the Western Hemisphere.

"In the de Grasse/Saavedra Accord, the three-part strategy was: 1. Aid the American cause so powerfully that the English cabinet would lose hope of subduing them; 2. Take positions in various points in the Windward Islands where the English fleet lay in protected forts; 3. Conquer Jamaica and eliminate England from the West Indies. After they agreed on these aims, de Grasse told Saavedra of the Chesapeake Bay plans, which fitted well into the first aim. They made six copies of their accord in French and Spanish and sent them to their respective governments, where they were ratified." (Granville W. Hough in a personal email to me dated August 5, 2005).

Although De Grasse and Saavedra did not know at this time that British General Cornwallis had selected Yorktown as his point of exit, they knew it would be somewhere in or around Chesapeake Bay. Accordingly, they proceeded to pursue the Chesapeake Bay Campaign that culminated at the Battle of Yorktown. Working together, De Grasse and Saavedra laid out the strategy for the Chesapeake Bay Campaign. The French Fleet under Admiral De Grasse would proceed to Chesapeake Bay to help General George Washington, while the Spanish Navy would protect the West Indies in De Grasse’s absence, covering his back. In addition to this, the Spaniards would pick up most of the tab for the Chesapeake Bay Campaign.

A problem arose when Admiral De Grasse found out that there was no French money available for the campaign, leaving him on the lurch. He tried to raise money from the French citizens of Saint Domingue, but they refused to give of their cash for the American cause. At this point, Admiral De Grasse plainly told Saavedra that he could not proceed to Yorktown without more Spanish money. Francisco de Saavedra y Sangronis immediately sprung into action and personally raised, in two days, from among the Spanish citizens of Havana, the money necessary for Admiral De Grasse’s French Fleet to be able to sail to George Washington’s aid at Yorktown. Saavedra also dipped into some money that had been assigned to Spanish Haiti (Santo Domingo) and reassigned it to the Yorktown naval French expedition. R. H. Thonhoff states that at least $500,000 (pesos) that had been raised from the Spanish citizens of New Spain were also used to directly aid the French Fleet in this predicament enabling De Grasse to proceed to Yorktown. Bernardo de Galvez, who had been appointed Captain General of Louisiana and West Florida arrived at Havana where he approved of Saavedra’s plans with De Grasse and began, with the French, to prepare to invade British Jamaica. The rest, as they say, is history; the legendary French Fleet under Admiral De Grasse arrived at Yorktown in the nick of time to help General Washington and the Continental Army defeat the British Army under General Cornwallis, making Yorktown the most decisive battle of the American Revolution.

"It can be accurately said that what put us over the top at Yorktown was Spanish money, as de Grasse told Saavedra plainly that he could not sail there without it… Yorktown was thus the result of Spanish financing of cooperative efforts of the French Expeditionary Force, the de Grasse Fleet, and the American forces." (Granville W. Hough in a personal email to me dated Aug. 5, 2005).

After their surrender at Yorktown, however, the British held Detroit, New York, Charleston and Penobscot Bay for two more years as bases from where they could reinvade the United States and again bring it under the British crown. Bernardo de Galvez, however, had raised an army of 10,000 men to invade British Jamaica and, together with the French, expel the British from the West Indies and the Western Hemisphere. The British, being more concerned with holding Canada and the West Indies, sued for peace and were thus kept at bay by the Spaniards and the French from reinvading the United States. George Washington’s words in his letter to King Carlos III, which I quoted earlier, regarding Galvez’ success in his Southern Campaign, also applied to the permanency of the success of the United States "…It would not be surprising if the British General on hearing of the progress of the Spanish Arms in the Floridas should relinquish his primitive design and go to the defense of their own territories".

As I stood by the Patriot’s Grave, Luis Bethancourt, I was standing by an essential chapter of American history without which, evidently, it is possible the United States of America would never have been born, or would have been still born. In saying what I just said, I am not inflating the role of Spain and her American Colonials in Texas and Louisiana, I am simply asking the necessary question; what if? What if the Texas militia had not fought the Indians who were stealing the cattle meant for Galvez’ Army? Well, Galvez’ Army would not have been able to march against the British and it would not have won it’s victories at Baton Rouge, Manchac, Mobile, Natchez, Pensacola, and up the Mississippi River to Michigan. What if Galvez’ Army would not have been able to fight those battles for lack of food supplies? Well, the British already had plans to take New Orleans and invade Spanish Louisiana, they would have done so. Consequently, New Orleans would have been closed to ship supplies for the American Colonies causing both the Mississippi River system and the East Coast to be blockaded and the American supply lines to be dried up. The Mississippi River would have instead been used to supply the British and attack the Americans through the back door. What if the Spanish had not raised the money for DeGrasse’s Fleet? Well, Admiral De Grasse plainly told Saavedra that without Spanish money he could not sail to Yorktown. Consequently, the French Fleet would never have arrived to Washington’s rescue and the British would not have surrendered at Yorktown. Quite the opposite would have happened: the British would have beaten the Continental Army and the Americans would have lost the American Revolution. What if on top of all of this Spain had not had plans to invade Jamaica? Well, then the British would have been free to reinvade the American Colonies from their bases in New York, Detroit, Charleston and Penobscot Bay. But really, the British would not have had to reinvade the United States because if the things I mentioned above had happened, the Americans would not have been successful. Evidently, without the participation of Spain, Texas and Louisiana in the American Revolution, the United States of America would have been still born.

As I continued to stand by the Patriot’s Grave, a sense of awe and respect, as well as a sense of injustice, welled up inside of me. This chapter of American history was so essential, and so intimately personal to me and to all other original Texans and Louisianans, yet it was unknown to most of us! Since all men in the Spanish Colonies had to serve in the militia in times of emergency, all male ancestors of original Texans and Louisianans would have to have served in the militia during the American Revolution in one capacity or another. Providence would have it that through the series of events of the American Revolution just described, a family that had been separated in the old continent would be united, albeit without knowing it, in the common cause of American Independence. While the list of Soldiers and Sailors of the American Revolution includes two individuals from Massachusetts bearing the surname Loya, first name unknown, and their, presence in the 13 British Colonies is also attested by the record of Jonathan Loya from Middleburgh, New York, in one of the very first U.S. Federal Census (which started in 1790), and by the listing of Pierre Loya in a list of French immigrants to Acadia in 1772, the record of the Loya in South Texas does not stop with Enrique Loya’s birth in 1820. Granville and N.C Hough in their book "Spain’s Texas Patriots in its 1779-1783 War with England During the American Revolution" list at least three members of the Loya family in their listings of Patriots who were part of the Texas militia which was activated during the American Revolutionary War. On pages 100 and 109 of their book, Granville and N.C. Hough include in the lists of Patriots from South Texas one Isidro J. Loya , son of Francisco J. Loya, and Fermin Solis Loya and Gerardo Solis Loya, both sons of one Ma. Luisa Loya, all from the town of Revilla, Guerrero, an Escandon settlement which had land on both sides of the Rio Grande. They would have been directly involved in fighting the Lipan Apaches who were hampering Spain’s efforts in the American Revolution by stealing horses and cattle needed to support the fight against the British from Louisiana to Florida. And here is where this chapter of American history becomes so intensely personal to me and to every descendant of original Texans and Louisianans, and here is what is so great about history, I was there in the loins of my fathers!

And here also is something that is extremely significant that is brought to light by the presence of the Loya family in the 13 Colonies, in the oldest, American Revolution significant towns of New York State and Vermont; Chazy, Ticonderoga, Middleburgh, Orwell and Rutland around Lake Champlain, and their participation in the War for American Independence. And here it is where this extremely significant point is brought into reality by the presence of the Loya family in the oldest towns of Texas; Penitas, Revilla, Presidio (San Juan Bautista) and San Elizario, and their participation in that same War for American Independence. From the very beginning, as evidenced by at least this one family group, the Loya family, there had been family ties, blood ties, uniting one end of our country with the other, Texas and the Southwest to the 13 Colonies, at the point and event of conception of the United States.

EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI

Travels Around Louisiana


by 
Lila Guzman, Ph.D. 
Co-author of the 
Lorenzo Series

One flag in particular grabbed my attention: the Union Jack*. This was the flag that was flying over Baton Rouge when Don Bernardo de Galvez attacked the British in September 1779. It never flew over New Orleans. 

At the end of the French and Indian War in 1763, Great Britain acquired land from the Florida peninsula to the Mississippi. Baton Rouge was the capital of West Florida. Pensacola served as the capital of East Florida. 

The Battle of Baton Rouge opened a second front for the beleaguered Continental Army. Because of Don Bernardo's unexpected attack, the British diverted resources and soldiers to protect possessions in East and West Florida. 
It took some of the pressure off General Washington and the Continental Army.

When Gálvez attacked Baton Rouge, it was the start of a long campaign to sweep British forces from the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean.

The man in charge of Fort Richmond at Baton Rouge was Lt. Colonel Alexander Dickson. He was divorced (an oddity at that time) and never had children. That makes our job as fiction writers much easier. There are no descendants to become irate with our portrayal of Dickson and sue us.

Louisiana State Museum Grand Opening in Downtown Baton Rouge! 
"Celebrating 100 Years of History in 2006"
660 N Fourth St. across from State Capitol 
 http://lsm.crt.state.la.us
Sent by Bill Carmena  


Photo by Timothy Hursley 

EAST COAST

MEXICO

Otra vista del viaje a Juanchorrey 

En Tepetongo, Zacs., en casa del cronista de la ciudad don José Cupertino González Muro y su esposa Alicia Ávila de González. De izquierda a derecha: Ing. Manuel Zavala, jubilado de la Nasa; Elena Mejía Zúñiga de Zavala, José León Robles de la Torre, Ana Rodriguez de Robles, Dr. George Luna y su esposa Ursula Charlotte Kittler-Luna, Jesus Garcia Reveles, Alicia Avila de Gonzalez y su hijo. (El Sr. Jose Cupertino Gonzalez Muro tomo la foto.)

  Sent by niece Mercy Bautista Olvera

José León Robles de la Torre

Personajes de la historia, 
Obispos de Zacatecas 


Por: José León Robles de la Torre
Sent by Mercy Bautista Olvera  scarlett_mbo@yahoo.com



Excmo. Dr. don Francisco Javier Nuño, 
VII Obispo de la Diócesis de Zacatecas, 1951-1954.

CARIBBEAN/CUBA

The Birth of a Puerto Rican
By Manuel Hernandez copyright@2006
mannyh32@yahoo.com


Manny and Son

He came to the United States of America in the blizzard winter of 1900. Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States as far back in time as the American Revolutionary War, but it was not until Americans won the Hispanic American War, and the Island of Puerto Rico became a U.S. territory that their presence as a community on United States mainland emerged. The new American military government installed in Puerto Rico in 1898 facilitated the slow but steady migration movement.

Manolo's father lost ownership of his property in 1880 to a Spanish landlord in the hills of an eastern coastal town in Puerto Rico called Naguabo, and he welcomed his newly found American friends with open arms. Don Manuel was anxious to get his "finca"back and became an ally of the recently appointed authorities. Because of the family's financial decline, young Manolo was asked to drop out of school to help support the family. The boy ran up and down the neighborhood promoting and selling his mother's candies and during the weekends he worked as a courier in the barrio's bodega. 

Don Manuel never got his finca back from the Americans. The new government was accompanied by a group of Americans called capitalists, and one of them bought the 120-acre finca at a discount price from the outgoing Spanish landlord. Shortly after, he went bankrupt. Manolo's parents separated, and a great uncle needed help in his farm in the steep Rio Blanco Hills in Naguabo, so he was sent there and worked like an enslaved horse from dawn to sunset. Even with the abolition of slavery, the boy's uncle practically owned the lives of more than fifty mulattos which Uncle Saul hit with a horse's whip every time they took a break or sat down during the tormenting six-day fourteen hour working week. He was just another mouth to feed and was not discriminated against when Uncle Saul one day caught him taking a quick break and threw the thick and greasy whip at him with all his strength. The boy's back was split open. His aunt ran with him to the local hospital and got him patched up and ready for work the next day. That was the last time he ever sat down while he worked at his Uncle's ranch.

With the change of government, a new immigration package was announced through local town representatives. There was an Island, much like Puerto Rico, they said, and territory in the Pacific called Hawaii, and Puerto Ricans were told that they could make a fortune and provide for the well being of their families there. The Hawaii's Sugar Corporation was looking for cheap labor throughout the recently acquired U.S. territories, and friendly recruiters promised comfortable traveling accommodations for the trip and good jobs and a promising future once the migrants arrived and settled.

Manolo was in town running errands for Uncle Saul, and he walked over to the town plaza when he heard the news. He had turned eighteen and was tired of being humiliated, enslaved and abused by Uncle Saul. This was perfect for an escape. He listened carefully as they explained about the lottery. It was a system where men were chosen to go to Hawaii for their job skills. There was a quota and a week later, Manolo's ticket was not chosen, but his cousin won the ticket, and one-day when he got drunk, Manolo challenged him over a deck of cards and won it back.

In the late Island tropical winter of 1900, 200 men left Puerto Rico en route to Hawaii. In the two-week journey by ship to New Orleans, by train across land to San Francisco, and by ship again to Hawaii, the passengers suffered severe shortages of water and food, only 188 made it alive to the San Francisco coastline. The survivors looked like living skeletons. 

It was a thunderous and rainy night when the loud and noisy steamship hit the dock. The Puerto Rican migrants were all lined up like sardines in a can when three hundred American troops greeted them on the boat's platform. The soldiers had stifling bayonets, and Manolo was scared to death. As he walked down the ship's broken wooden stairs and down into the port, the freezing wind felt like it could cut his skin. He had an old worn sweater, and he felt the chilly breeze crawling in every bone of his body. His lips began peeling, his ears were like solid rock, and his knees trembled like an earthquake. Although he was not superstitious, his aunt had taught him to stare at the palm of his hands for good luck and direction. When he looked at the line of the sun in his hands, they seemed to be out of their usual position.

From there, the migrant corpses walked for about two miles under the conspicuous eye of the soldiers. They were taken to giant freight trains. First the troops, then the rifles and now the trains. Manolo was worried. At two o'clock in the morning and while the soldiers slept profusely, he and sixty-nine others jumped off the train and with a compass ran north until early in the morning they reached a small California town. They never made it to Hawaii.

After five months of intense and often heated discussions, debates and public hearings about whether the so-called Porto Ricans, as the press called them, should stay or sent back to Puerto Rico, the town council allowed the migrants to stay as long as they agreed to stay away from the town and work in the towering cornfields owned by the Mayor himself. They did not want any trouble and made them swear to keep away from the city limits or else. The new migrants founded a Puerto Rico of their own in three former barn houses where they rested and slept after the long twelve hour working days. The salary was five cents more than what Manolo made in Puerto Rico, and he worked for five days only, but he made the best of his situation because he did not want to go back to Puerto Rico. Going back to work for Uncle Saul was simply out of the question.

He noticed her at church. Between the singing and worshipping, Manolo dazed at a young and attractive girl. Maria was a beautiful Christian girl. The pastor had strict seating arrangements. Men and women sat in different aisles of the temple. She was very well guarded and protected, and Maria's parents sat her in between them, making it practically impossible for him to get a look at her. But he stared at her when she got up to sing and pray and could not avoid noticing her rocking hips behind her pink dress. He thought they were simply enchanting.

She was fifteen years old, and he was twenty, but he could care less. She was olive-skinned, five-foot three inches tall with river black eyes, a guitar-like body and long brown silky hair. Maria was a Mexican girl, and her father was the mayordomo of the Mayor's ranch. She was the oldest of seven sisters and the prettiest according to Manolo. There was no way he could get close to her, so he decided to befriend the girl's father. Don Juan Feliciano was a stern and stubborn man, but Manolo was persistent and little by little earned the respect of the girl's father. He ran errands for him and was the first man on the job in the morning. In the meantime, he had been able to get eye contact and a smile from her in church, and he knew that she too liked him.

The Puerto Ricans got all they needed at the ranch. Don Feliciano was a tough but fair administrator. As long as they did their work, all was well. The Mayor provided them with food, drinks and monthly social events. A doctor came around twice a year for routine physical check-ups. It was at one of those parties that Manolo finally got the chance to speak to Maria. They spoke for about an hour, and there was no doubt in his mind that this was the girl that he wanted to marry. Maria was an innocent young girl, and Manolo convinced her that he would grant her more liberty and freedom than her father. He lied, but he wanted to kiss her, hold her and get a hand on her smooth-looking breasts and plumpy sightseeing hips.

Manolo worked side by side Don Feliciano and did everything he could to please the old man. It was just a matter of time before he could ask him for the girl's hand. One day while they sat down together in the shade after a long day's work, Manolo took advantage of the old man's good mood and broke the news:
"Don Feliciano, I'd like permission to have your daughter's hand."
"What! Well, I don't know. She's only fifteen. "Tu eres un viejo"
"I'm twenty."
"Manolo you're a good man, hard-working and responsible, but I think 
we should talk about this later."
"No problem." 
The old man was not convinced, but Manolo was enthusiastic about the whole
thing. He needed a woman, a wife and a family. After months of mild and sometimes heated discussions, Don Feliciano allowed Manolo to talk to Maria after the church services. This was not the best of arrangements, but he knew that in due time, Maria would be his for keeps. After another six months of courtship, Don Feliciano granted her hand.

Manolo and María were married on December 27, 1903. It was a typical Puerto Rican-Mexican American wedding. There were about three hundred guests. Invitations were sent to relatives in Puerto Rico. Only a couple made the long ship ride to attend the wedding. It was a surprise, and Manolo fantasized at the thought of seeing his parents again. But much to his dismay, Uncle Saul and his aunt walked down the port dock. He swallowed hard and hugged him and his loving aunt. Manolo made an extreme effort to bury the pain that he carried in his heart. He still had the one-foot scar across his back. This was a time of joy, and he did not want to spoil the occasion. His parents sent him a deed to a small farm in the forsaken hills in Naguabo, Puerto Rico. He politely received the papers, which granted him ownership of a one-acre lot in a rocky and uphill territory in the so-called Rio Blanco Hills, but he knew that he would never again go back to Puerto Rico.

Maria was an hour and a half late to the wedding, but she made it, and Manolo's stomach twisted and turned when the wedding music announced the bride. The church was packed. All the Puerto Ricans celebrated. He had married the mayordomo's daughter, and his compatriots saw it as a sense of relief. Manolo would be in charge, they thought after Don Feliciano's death. The old man had been complaining of chest pains lately, and the Puerto Ricans were getting tired of his bullish ways. It was a gathering of sorts, and Manolo had to break up a couple of shuffles between his buddies and the Mexicans. They finally were able to head out to their honeymoon. The Mayor was kind of enough to allow them to spend a few days at his summer cottage near the sea. Manolo finally got his woman.

Manolo always wanted an old-fashion girl, but it meant that he would have to work harder. He carried the financial burden of the wedding for months and was deeply in debt. His father-in-law did not improve his working conditions, and his fellow Puerto Ricans started to call him a traitor. Don Feliciano got healthier and stronger, and he did not seem close to death at all. Thirty days after the wedding, and Maria gave Manolo the good news; she was pregnant and quit her job at the ranch. Her belly started jumping during the night, and he barely slept three hours each night. Her mood changes and cravings were getting to him, and he was getting tired of not being able to sleep with her every night. It was getting hectic, and Manolo was already thinking of going back to Puerto Rico, but the idea of becoming a father and his need for Maria got him through difficult times, turmoil and hardship.

The boy's birth did not come without pain. Maria's pregnancy went beyond the expected nine months. Exactly twenty-one days after Maria's nine-month of pregnancy, Manolo heard his wife shouting:
"Oh Manolo, it's the baby," cried María with thick tears in her eyes.
"What?" He shouted.
"Mi amor, I think it's him. Oh Dios mio! I can't take the pain."
"María hold on. Let me get the horses."
"Manolo. I can't wait. Busca a mama." 

After a grueling seventy-two hours of child labor, he was born. Everyone on the ranch celebrated his birth. For the Puerto Ricans, it meant hope. For the Mexicans, it was the joy of Don Feliciano's first grandson. In-spite of the physical difficulties his mother had during her pregnancy, Jose Manuel was a rather beautiful boy. He weighed eight pounds, twelve ounces and was twenty-two inches long. Manolo combined the names of two of his best friends who died on the trip from Puerto Rico three years before. He wanted an American nickname for his son, so he called him Joey. He was Maria's first and only child. Her pregnancy was so humanly unbearable that they decided not to have a second child. Don Feliciano was outraged at their decision, but Manolo reminded him that he had six other daughters who could give him more grandchildren. 

The old man was extremely proud of his grandson. Maria got healthier and went back to work on the ranch while one of the younger sisters took care of the baby. She was a dutiful wife and hardworking mother. Every day she ironed clothes washed the dishes and breast-feeded Joey, without saying a thing. But time passed, and she started getting tired of cleaning house, doing the laundry, preparing the coffee, caring for the baby and cooking rice and beans for her husband. Manolo was the moody type and often complained of not getting enough attention from his adorable Mexican girl. He was never satisfied with Maria's devotion and love. There were also arguments between Manolo and his father-in-law. Manolo argued that he was always in the middle of everything, and Don Feliciano thought his son-in-law had turned into a "sinverguenza". There were rumors about his early hour escapades to the town pubs. Even Maria's sisters felt uncomfortable with Manolo's long and tight hugs. His sister-in-law's had grown into lavishing young women, and he took advantage of every opportunity he got to get physically close to them. Their marriage had turned into a nightmare soon after Joey's birth.

Joey graduated from high school when Puerto Ricans on the Island of Puerto Rico became United States citizens in 1917. It was a big thing for Manolo. The Puerto Ricans had multiplied themselves, and the Mayor found no choice but to allow them to live near the town suburbs. Many of the original seventy had married Mexican girls from the town. Five of Don Feliciano's daughters had married Manolo's compatriots. There were differences within the two communities, but they were able to maintain a cordial friendship that went beyond the disputes over land boundaries, personal relationships and improved working conditions which never came.

Manolo had celebrated his fortieth birthday, and it was the right excuse for a new beginning. He had settled down, and his beautiful María had forgiven him for all his mishaps. There was talk about a Puerto Rican migration to New York City. According to the California newspapers, commercial ties and the trading of raw materials opened a new window of opportunities for the new Puerto Rican settlers in New York City. After the United States obtained control of the Island, more working class Puerto Ricans came to New York.

Manolo saw the events as an opportunity to escape the vigilant and watchful eye of his father-in-law. María struggled to survive in a marriage filled with false promises and a machista husband. She sought answers from within but found none. In spite of their parents' troubled relationship, Joey did well in school. He had very poor communication with his father but was everything for his mother. She protected her handsome son and made sure he did not turn out like his father. While Manolo used any excuse to start a fight with anyone, the boy stayed away from problems. His friends admired his poise and tranquility. He was often called "The Peacemaker" because he mediated in difficult situations in the neighborhood, especially the clashes between the Puerto Ricans and the Mexicans at the ranch. He was a rare combination of sorts. Born American in California of Puerto Rican and Mexican immigrants. But he grew up extremely proud of his American roots. He spoke English at school, but Spanish was the primary language in his house in the neighborhood and at church. He lived in a household where three cultures and two languages became one. There was no fuss or discussion about when to use English or Spanish. It was natural for Joey to speak English with his friends and Spanish with family. 

It was right after Joey's high school graduation in 1920 that Manolo broke the good news. He was moving his family to New York City, end of story, no discussions. It was like a bombshell to Maria's family. Don Feliciano put up a fight, but it was Manolo's word that mattered, as always, but Joey was excited because he had read about the Puerto Rican migration up East and was interested in seeing new people. Moreover, his father convinced him about the better career opportunities he would find in New York City. Since he was in grade school, he had grown up wanting to make a difference, and this was not the place for him to fulfill his dream.

They arrived in New York City in the leafless autumn of 1923. The leaves had fallen off the trees faster than usual, leaving a winter touch to an early autumn. Thanks to a cousin who had moved from Puerto Rico a few years before, he rented a small apartment on 110th street off Third Avenue in Manhattan. It was in a block of two-story tenements with brick fronts. The apartment was a two-room second floor walk-up. It had a bedroom, a kitchen-living room and a bathroom. Joey complained about sleeping in the living room, but his father guaranteed that they would move into a better place soon. Maria was silent but felt she was living in a fish tank. She was prohibited from leaving the apartment and talking to her neighbors. It was too dangerous according to her husband, and she spent endless hours looking out the window and cleaning the apartment for the one-hundredth time. Every time she argued with Manolo about New York, he reminded her of the better opportunities that existed for Joey. She kept silent and held on to the love that she had for the family.

Manolo bought books for Joey, not many but enough to spark his son's interest. As his interest grew, his father continued to buy more books for him. The boy enjoyed reading late into the night and encountered an imaginary world that took him away from his parents' everyday differences. The atmosphere at home was not always warm and the American and British classics provided him with comfort and sudden relief. 

Joey found a job at a small cigar shop and was introduced to a group of recently arrived Puerto Rican workers from the Island who worked rolling tobaccos and read books and talked politics. They taught him the trade, and he learned fast. His co-workers had practically turned the working area into a university. One of them posed as a reader who read to them for one half hour in the morning and one half hour in the afternoon. A lot of stuff they talked about was surreal to him, but he found their conversations amusing. They often tried to drag him into the reader-response sessions about whether or not Puerto Rico should become a United States state, an independent republic or stay as a territory of the United States of America, but Joey could care less. He was an American, he told them, and they politely laughed at his reaction. They claimed he was a new breed. They called him The Rican. It was a combination of United States of America, Puerto Rico and Mexico, they said. He decided to accept the nickname, which his half-brothers baptized him with. They were right, he thought. After all, there was something about them that attracted him to them.

Manolo found a job in an Italian restaurant earning a dollar and fifteen cents a day. He washed dishes, mopped the floors, cleaned the bathrooms and did everything he was ordered to do in the restaurant. He sometimes worked twelve hours a day but got paid for eight. For his overtime hours, Manolo's boss provided him with leftover meals, which María and Joey devoured during the cold, freezing and hungry winters of the 1920's. 

It was during the hot and humid summer of 1925 that Joey fell in love. She was Italian and the daughter of Manolo's boss, the owner of five of New York City's finest restaurants strategically positioned throughout the city. One day, Joey came by to leave a message from his mother when he saw her for the first time. She looked like an Italian Goddess from Greek mythology. She had light green radiant eyes and long bold black hair. Her legs were sensuously perfect, and her waist seemed like a road with smooth and silky curves. Her eyes were deeply expressive but had a profound sadness to them. She was attracted to him immediately. Joey was twenty-two and had never had a girlfriend before. He was about six-feet tall and his tan looking skin had flourished during the summer. His eyebrows were lined up perfectly, and he had a smile that lit up the sky wherever he was at the time. She had graduated from high school two years before and helped her father take care of the family business. She seemed out of reach for Joey, but he won her over with his warm heart and supernatural smile.

Rose's father was strongly against the relationship, and he threatened to fire Manolo. He liked him but never imagined his daughter married to a son of a Puerto Rican. He advised Manolo to tell his son to stay away or else. He was outraged. He immediately confronted Joey. He needed the job, he argued, and Joey promised his father that he would stay away. But they met secretly. They were madly in love and decided to see each other against their parent's will.

Little did Rose know that her father had promised her hand in matrimony to the son of the wealthiest Italian in New York City. Everything had been arranged. Mario Capone, Rose's father had lost most of the family money in a gone wrong financial deal with a bootlegger in Long Island. This partnership deal would stabilize the family financial outreach and put an end to his worries. Someone had to pay the price in the family. It seemed that Rosa was falling into an abyss, and Joey dived right into it.

They planned to elope because Mr. Capone would never approve the relationship, and they loved each other too much to break up. They met secretly in parks. They had few options, but they wanted to marry, live together and have a family. Mario Capone, the Italian entrepreneur, was well known in Manhattan. He was an icon to the Italians in Hell's Kitchen. Although he was extremely powerful, he had risen from a very humble background. His father and brothers had all worked for New York Central railroad. But young Mario wanted better and as a child worked in a restaurant and became the owner's apprentice. The owner had no children and treated Mario as one of his own. Right at the turn of the twentieth century, the owner and his wife were assassinated by Italian mobsters, and twenty-year old Mario found himself in front of the restaurant. He hired his brothers and transformed the place into one of New York's best restaurant. He bought another restaurant near Yankee Stadium and made good contacts within the Bronx Bomber organization. Many of the pinstripe regulars dined at Capone's. From there, he continued networking and opened three more restaurants. But the many city regulations and the fame and fortune way of life of Mr. Capone had made him make financial arrangements with loan sharks and bootleggers, and his once stable empire had fallen in economic disarray.

After their relationship blossomed, Mr. Capone broke the news to Rose. He had promised her to the son of the wealthy Louie Righetti. Louie Jr. was the sole heir of the Righetti fortune. Rose was in shock but kept quiet. Her relationship with Joey did not exist in her father's mind. She was never allowed to have a say or a word in her father's decisions, especially since Capone had vehemently disapproved of her previous relationship and had sent her on a two-year exile in Italy. She loved Joey but had to obey her father.

Joey was flabbergasted when Rose shared the news. He tried to convince her to go to California. They could begin a new life there, he argued. But she did not want to leave her life in New York City. She loved him, but there had to be other alternatives. He had become an excellent cigar roller and had been trained and ready to start a new business. It was the opportunity that his father had mentioned, and this was the right time. The trade of his half brothers from the Island had found a space in his heart. When his half-breed brothers from the Island observed his determination to learn the trade, they reminded him of his Puerto Rican roots. It was in his blood, they said. Joey laughed but became more and more thoughtful about their claims.

It was unreal to him. Joey's Puerto Rico was all in telegrams about deaths in the family, newspaper stories about the U.S. invasion of the new New York migrants and stories he heard from Manolo about a great-uncle and a farm in a nightmarish mountain that his father never forgot. It was a fantasy island to him. The more his co-workers spoke about the place, the more he developed in experiencing it. Now that Rose was deep in his heart, he dwindled with moving to the Caribbean Island. It was an option and a new beginning.

California was his birthplace and the land of his upbringing, and he had left friends and family behind, but he felt like there was a piece of him still missing. Maria knew about her son's relationship and was supportive. She wanted to help her son escape to her father's ranch and wrote him a letter:

Don Feliciano's reply came three weeks later. He never liked Manolo and loved his daughter, but he did want any daughter of his leaving her husband, but he was willing to help Joey escape from New York. Maria read the letter with tears in her eyes. There was no escape for her. Joey received the news with mixed emotions. He wanted to go, but he knew how much his mother had suffered. He was uncertain and indecisive. He had witnessed the daily shouting and verbal abuses of his father. He stayed quiet out of respect towards his father, but he also felt he had gone too far.

Rose was hanging on a thread. She was formally committed to marry a man she did not love, but she was torn between obeying her father and loving Joey. It was too much for her to handle. The wedding was in six months, and Louie Jr. already wanted more than kisses and hugs. Rose was living a daily emotional battle. Her soul-searching dilemma had turned her into an extraordinary gorgeous woman.

It was during the course of these events in his life that Joey met Prof. Carlos Cintrón. Due to his enhanced interest in books, he had been taking a course on American and English literature in the public library at Lexington Avenue. His love for literature had developed immeasurably, and he wanted to read more about William Shakespeare, John Milton and Edgar Allan Poe. The Professor as his students called him was a non-traditional teacher who transformed literature into a reality that went beyond ordinary situations. His students loved him, but his peers disliked his freestyle way of teaching the classics. The Professor felt he was ahead of his time, but every time he was in his presence, Joey received an inner peace that he had not experienced before. It was this peace that in a one on one conference with the Professor, Joey was able to have an encounter with the Spirit. After several weeks of internal introspection and more conversations with the Professor, Joey decided to make drastic decisions that would help him move on with his life without regrets, knowing that he had received the inner strength and courage to make them.

Three months before the scheduled wedding, Joey decided to talk to Mr. Capone. He had found the necessary strength to confront the situation personally. Thanks to the Professor's guidance, he had learned that this was all part of a process, and there was no way that he should deviate from the path. There was no coincidence in wanting to make a difference in people's lives and in connecting with the Puerto Ricans from the Island.

Winters in New York City were chillingly frightening. The roaring twenties had frozen the solar system in 1927. Although there was a warm stint at times, it seemed like an eternity before the mild and warm weather found its place between the hard brick homes and cold sidewalks. While Joey fluttered down the street towards his meeting with Capone, he felt the wind running into every cell of his body. The Professor's divine intervention was a determining factor in his final decision. He never told him what to do, but the process itself led him to decide the road to freedom. His mentor had spoken to him about a higher purpose in life, and he was looking forward to a life with a profound sense of meaning and direction. 

After a long walk to Capone's, Joey breathed in and out and softly went in through the restaurant's front revolving door. He immediately spotted Mr. Capone in the lobby entrance and he gently and bravely interrupted his conversation with one of his employees.

"Mr. Capone, I'd like a few minutes of your valuable time." "There is no need for a conversation. I am very busy right now and have made myself clear to your father." He quickly replied. "Please Mr. Capone, leave my father out of this. I believe that I am capable of deciding what to do with my life."
"So you say, you haven't decided wisely so far. You were told to stay away from Rose, and you haven't."

At this point, Capone pointed and carefully walked towards a small table in the back of the restaurant while Joey followed. Two of his associates accompanied them along the way. The brief walk to the table caught the attention of everyone at Capone's.

"Mr. Capone, I have decided to put my priorities in order." "What does that have to do with my daughter?" "Well, your precious daughter is a priority for me."

News through the restaurant traveled fast, and Rose's heart sank to her feet when she heard that he was speaking to her father. He had once mentioned talking to her father, but this caught her by surprise.

"You know Joey, you have a lot of guts coming into my restaurant. I own your father and your family. I don't know where you got the courage to see me. Personally, I got nothing against you, but I won't allow anyone interfere in my plans to marry Rose to Louie Jr."

At this precise moment, one of his tailored dressed employees said something to him in his ear.

"We have to finish this conversation later. I have more serious business to take care of right now."
"Hear me out, please. I deeply love Rose, but I don't want to cause you or your family any problem. That's why I have decided to stop seeing your daughter, and she's free to marry Righetti. I wanted to tell you personally."  Capone forced a smile, stood up, shook his hand and left abruptly.

A day later, Rose and Joey met for the last time. Three of Capone's associates observed the couple at a distance. She was as beautiful as ever. He made it brief and simple. She was free to marry Righetti Jr., and he was going to move to the Island of Puerto Rico. She kept quiet and did not look at him throughout the ten-minute monologue. They hugged and parted their ways.
Joey spoke with his father about his decision, but Manolo was against his son's desires. He wanted to encounter his roots, visit the Rio Blanco Hills and meet some of his father's relatives. It was necessary. He would come back, but he did not know when.

Maria was devastated the day Joey left to Puerto Rico. His co-workers had arranged for someone to pick him up at the San Juan dock. He wanted to take her with him, but she did not want to be in his way. A month after her son left, she found the courage within herself and left Manolo and moved in with a sister in New Jersey who had also moved up East. She was still a young woman and wanted to begin a new life. 

Manolo cursed the day she was born when he read her farewell letter. He had been away partying for the weekend and could care less anyway.

SPAIN

Books Recommended in the Center for Basque Studies Newsletter
Fall 2005, Number 72

INTERNATIONAL 

López-Baralt, Mercedes

Kohut, Karl; Mackenbach, Werner (eds.)

Para decir al Otro. Literatura y antropología en nuestra América.

Acercamiento interdisciplinario y comparativo a las letras hispanoamericanas examinando el diálogo entre literatura y antropología: la "traducción" de culturas como tradición literaria y la literatura como "creación" cultural. 506 p., Más información

Literaturas centroamericanas hoy.
Desde la dolorosa cintura de América.

Más de una veintena de especialistas conforman una imagen multifacética de las literaturas centroamericanas contemporáneas contextualizándolas histórica y socioculturalmente. 
374 p., Más información

ARCHAEOLOGY