The History of Neighborhood House in Logan Heights: 
Life in Logan Heights During World War II Time 
by Maria E. Garcia, 
San Diego Free Press

OCTOBER 4, 2014 ·Part II of the Not-so-great Depression and WWII

Neighborhood House Café scene 1940’s

Sent by Dorinda Moreno 
pueblosenmovimientonorte@gmail.com 

While I lived in California . . . .
 by  Eddie Calderon
eddieaaa@hotmail.com

Click to more on the subject of the early presence of  Filipinos in San Diego and California. 

NORTHWESTERN UNITED STATES 

SOUTHWESTERN UNITED STATES   

October 18, 1915  Follower of Mexican anarchist causes train crash 

On this day in 1915, Luis De la Rosa, revolutionary and follower of the Mexican anarchist Ricardo Flores Magón, caused a train crash at Tandy's Station, eight miles north of Brownsville. The incident was one of several raids by the Floresmagonista movement formed by De la Rosa and Aniceto Pizaña. De la Rosa was also in command of a force that took part in the Norias Ranch Raid. As one newspaper noted in 1916, "De la Rosa, a large man in size, is said to have been the brains of what was known among Mexicans as the revolution of Mexicans in Texas." De la Rosa believed in direct action to correct injustices done to Hispanics on both sides of the Rio Grande. He also raised an army of 500 men whose raids and guerrilla fighting on the Mexican border of Texas were connected with the Plan of San Diego, an effort to establish an independent republic in the American Southwest. Cooperation between Mexican and American authorities stopped the guerrilla raids along the lower Rio Grande by 1919.

Day by Day  Texas State Historical Association 

8. Lazaro SANCHEZ.
9. Miguel SANCHEZ NEVADO, # 8&9 sons of  #7
10. Alonso de MIRANDA.
11. Pedro HERNANDEZ de ALMANSA.
12. Joan HERNANDEZ.
13. Cristobal SANCHEZ.
14. Joan de Frias.

Lecture on the Salinas Pueblos Jumanos 

REEVALUATION OF ARCHIVAL EVIDENCE

RELATING TO THE SALINAS PUEBLO JUMANOS

Deni J. Seymour  
October 2, 2014

(Prepared in partial fulfillment of the Office of the State Historian’s History Scholars Grant)

I have been investigating the Jumano for many years and I return to what Scholes and Mera (1940) referred to as the Jumano “problem” now and then with the goal of examining the issue anew. It is a multifaceted subject that involves a vast area, just enough documentary evidence to understand that there is an issue to be addressed, sufficient fragments of linguistic evidence to be tantalizing, and just enough archaeological evidence to be interesting. This current effort relating to this History Scholars Grant is designed to determine if we can we learn anything new from looking at this again with fresh eyes. I have thrown all the pieces into the air to see where they fall this time, with the hope of understanding some of these issues in a new way, with few preconceptions.

Why does this obscure group matter, a group that most people probably have heard little about? First of all it matters to the Jumano descendants who are interested in learning about their past.[i] The Jumano were lords of the Plains for centuries and it is a matter of politics and scholarly neglect that more is not known about them. It matters from an archaeological-anthropological perspective for understanding human behavior and how behavior is translated to on the-ground evidence. And finally, it matters from a historical perspective with respect to getting history right, telling the story as it occurred rather than repeating unfounded stories stretched by politics.

The objectives of this short paper are to convey who the Jumanos were, explore a portion of their geographic distribution, and to discuss the first historical mentions of them. The problem is complex and becomes more so when we include even later documents so this particular work focuses only on those archival sources through the 1630s period, with only tangential reference to later documents. I will discuss past views regarding whether the Jumano were mobile traders who visited the pueblos, whether they were the Puebloans themselves, or whether all the peoples referenced as Jumanos are one and the same people. Recently obtained archaeological evidence over the past decade or so has some value for contributing to this issue, as does information on the Tiwa and Piro languages. I will also examine whether new perspectives on the available archival evidence have relevance to a new discussion.  

Who Were the Jumanos?

The Jumanos were an indigenous group who were recorded by sixteenth and seventeenth Spaniards in both the Salinas Pueblo area east of the Manzano Mountains and also along the lower Rio Grande (and on the Plains). They are a poorly understood group because so little research has taken place with them as the focus, at least as compared to other groups. For this project I investigated some of the early documents that referenced this group in the Salinas Pueblo area. I was able to find, transcribe, and translate a number of documents by Oñate, Benavides, and others that related to this topic and that address the issue of the origin of this term with reference to specific peoples.

My goal has been to examine the original archival sources to reevaluate relevant statements and in doing so check key Spanish references to the Jumano in the earliest historical period. To do this I transcribed and translated original documents found at the Center for Southwest Research and Special Collections at Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico in an effort to discern what the documents really say and whether there are legitimate new interpretations. As part of this effort it has been necessary as well to review the available published literature. This allowed me to deconstruct the logic used by past historians regarding transcriptions, translations, and interpretations. This also allowed me to evaluate how these past transcriptions, translations, and interpretations compared with my new (alternative) transcriptions and translations and also how they compare with current archaeological knowledge. Many people think that since these documents have been already translated we already know what there is to know. But there is considerable confusion in the literature because of differences in opinion as to what the relevant passages say and mean. Because there are many alternate transcriptions and translations we must evaluate which have merit. We also now have other external sources by which to evaluate and enhance the documentary evidence. These include archaeology and linguistic evidence from indigenous cultural specialists.

An example of how past interpretations taken from the documents can be mistaken is provided by an example regarding the ancestral Apache. Many historians and ethnohistorians have stated that the impetus for regional culture change is the arrival of Apaches in the A.D. 1600s. Yet, the ancestral Apaches were present in the Southwest much earlier. In fact, they were here in the A.D. 1300s, judging from an abundance of archaeological evidence collected over the past two decades (Seymour 2012a, 2012b, 2013). Consequently, the logic, rationalizations, and old arguments must be deconstructed. The same is true for archival material relating to the Jumano; we must reexamine issues surrounding the Jumano in light of these new understandings because these new conceptions frame both the questions and the answers. As we learn about the past, existing documentary evidence can take on new meanings.

Most conclusions and interpretations are based on one or a few initial and very old transcriptions and translations. Many of these transcriptions were not focused on this area or were undertaken by scholars not familiar with this specific region. Errors can be easily introduced if one is not familiar with local names and geographic places. The wrong letters can be selected and so on, as entire documents are tackled rather than focusing on a specific area in the context of the whole document. When the wrong letters are selected this can have interpretive repercussions throughout the document, and especially when the spelling may have implications for language family of the people being studied and consequent connections between geographically dispersed groups. For this reason and many more, there is value in reexamining documents in relation to specific questions and by scholars with intimate local and regional knowledge. Special value is added when external sources, like archaeology and indigenous knowledge, suggest new interpretations.

Who Were the Jumanos?

So, who were the Jumanos? The Jumanos encompass a broader problem than just New Mexico. There were Jumano in the Salinas pueblo area at the Eastern margin of the Southwest, along the plains. There were Jumano in the La Junta de los Rios area of Texas and on the Plains beyond. This particular research is focused on the Jumano of the Salinas pueblo area, but it is not sensible to separate these discussions entirely.

The Salinas area Jumano pueblos are a subset of the Eastern Frontier Pueblos. This is called the Salinas area because of the nearby salines or salt lakes. These salt lakes were exploited for salt prehistorically and into the historic period where the salt was taken south for use in the mines.

Three of the Salinas pueblos are referred to as Jumano pueblos because Don Juan de Oñate and others referred to Rayados, or striped people being there. A soldier testifying before a court of inquiry in Mexico, 1601, spoke of Governor Oñate’s punitive expedition:  “His aim was to visit a pueblo of the Jumanes, which means striped Indians, those who have a stripe painted across the nose” (Hammond and Rey 1953:650). The distinction of “Jumanos” from the rest of the pueblos in the Salinas area begins with Oñate, the first European to thoroughly explore and chronicle these pueblos. This distinction between the Jumanos and other pueblos in the area continues in subsequent documentary references.

Oñate’s first mention of the Jumanos occurs in his decree (September 8, 1598, Decreto de Oñate). In this he mentions the Jumano and makes the connection between the Jumanos and Rayados. He also distinguishes Abó from the Jumano pueblos and he clearly identifies by name three pueblos as Jumano:  

Y ten los pueblos de amachin [amactrin, amactun]. attu. ale. chiu. cohun. Amaxa. Axauty. apena. abbo. acoli. tzontzi. ciyzay [uyzay]. con todos los demas pueblos De las salinas zienega y sierra que caen a aquella cordilleria del oriente derescera De los pecos…

Y ten Mas La Provinzia de mohugui y La provincia De xala y la provinzia De accoma

Y La provinzia detzuni y La provinzia de mohoce que caen desaohavanda del rrio del norte Hazia el poniente con todos sus pueblos de pataotzey quelotzey genovey llamados de las xumanas o Rayados y los a ellos circunvezinos y comarcanos
 

You have the pueblos of amachin . attu . ale . chiu . cohun . Amaxa . Axauty . apena . abbo . acoli . tzontzi . ciyzay . with all the other peoples of the Salinas Cienega and sierra that fall to the cordillera of the East by the direct road of the Pecos…

…with all its pueblos called by the Xumanas or Rayados and those adjacent and bordering: pataotzey quelotzey genovey  

In a March 2, 1599 document Oñate also distinguishes Abó from the Xumano pueblos, although past translations have left this a question: “I went in person to the provinces of Abó and the Xumanas, and to those great and famous salines in this land” (Hammond and Rey 1953:482). The text reads: “fuy en persona a la provincia de abo . ya la de los xumanas y a las grandes y famosas salinas de esta tierra que estarán de aqui como  veynte leguas a la parte de oriente.” From this one might suggest that he is saying Abó is Jumano: “I went in person to the province of Abó, already that of the Xumanas and to the large and famous Salines of this land that from here must be some twenty leagues to the east.” But it does not seem he is saying this. More likely, he is saying: “I went in to person the province of Abó, before that of the province of Xumanas and the salines.” In this instance he is using ya as an adverb, as when one place is before another place on your trip, you come to it first. This inference is supported by passages in other documents.

In the same letter Oñate (March 2, 1599) differentiates the province of Los Xumanas from that of Abbó and the Salines, saying he visited both, along with others. The list is clear that these are distinct places: “La provincia de los atziguis que es La provincia de ellas viniendo dista nueva españa…La provincia de los xumanas…La provincia de Abbo . y Las salinas…”. This also indicates that one must pass through the province of the Atziguis on the way from New Spain (also see Hammond and Rey 1953:483).

In Onate’s September 9, 1598 (Obediencia y Vasallaje) statement about Fray Francisco de San Miguel’s mission assignment there has been a fundamental difference in translation between scholars. This disagreement has entered the literature, implanting confusion where uncertainty is not warranted, and leaving nonspecialists confused. The issue is whether there are three or four pueblos being referenced: “called in their language Atzigui, Genobey, Quellotezei, and Pataotzei, together with their subjects” (Hammond and Rey 1953:345; Hodge 1910:8) versus “and also the three large pueblos of Xumanas or Rayados called in their Atzigui [e.g., Piro] language, Genobey,” etc.” (Scholes in Scholes and Mera 1940:277). The text reads: “miemo [mismo] tree [tres] pueblos grandee [grandes] Jumanas o rrayados llamados en su Lengua atzigui genobei . quelotzei . Pataotzei Con sus sujetos----”. As Scholes (Scholes and Mera 1940:277) indicated, this indicates clearly that atzigui is the language being indicated, not the name of a village.

This interpretation of the Atzigui language being referenced is reinforced in Oñate’s 1599 Account of the Journey to the Salines, the Xumanas, and the Sea when he says: “…otro dia a los jumanas. 4. leguas son Tres pueblos uno grande cómo cia y dos pequenos” or, translated, “…another day to las Jumanas, 4 leagues there are three pueblos, one of them large like Cia and two small ones.” This clearly indicates that there are three not four pueblos and so the language was in fact being referenced in the term atzigui.

In Onate’s Itinerario: Record of the March to New Mexico, October 1598 he again states that there are three Xumanos pueblos: “A seis de octubre martes partio el s. Governador y nro. Padre Comissario a las salinas de los pecos que son de muchas leguas e ynfinita sal muy linda y blanca y a los pueblos de los Xumanes o rrayados q. son tres uno muy grande y visto lo uno” or “October 6, Tuesday, Señor Governor and our Father Commissioner departed to the Salines of the Pecos that are many leagues and infinite salt, very nice and white, and the pueblos of the Xumanes or rrayados, which there are three, one very large, and visited all…”

Moreover, Atzigui is in a listing of provinces in Oñate’s March 2, 1599 letter to the viceroy: “La provincia de los atziguis que es la provincia de ellas de viniendo de la nueva espana” or “The province of the Atziguis, by which one arrives from New Spain.” He then specifically references each of several provinces: the province of the Xumanas, the province of the Teguas, the province of Abbo and the Salines. All of these are indicated as distinct places, distinct provinces.

Given these other sources it is possible to say with confidence that Oñate was saying that there were: “three large pueblos of Xumanas called in their Atzigui language: Genobey . Quelotzei . Pataotzei.” This is so certain because he adds reference to “the province of the Atziguis, by which one arrives from New Spain.” This is clearly along the Camino Real and the Rio Grande because this was the road from New Spain. Thus, we see that these Xumanas pueblos of the Salinas area were speaking the same Atzigui or Piro language as those Puebloans further south along the Rio Grande, that is, the same language as the Piros (also see Scholes and Mera 1940:283). At this time the Piros were the only Puebloan group to the south along the Camino Real and the Rio Grande until one reaches the area around La Junta de los Rios.

In the general area four provinces were distinguished by Oñate: Teguas, Abbo and the Salines, Xumanas, and Atziguis (Piro). Two of the provinces—Xumanas and Atziguis—were of the Atziguis language. Atziguis is Piro. This inference is reinforced by Oñate’s statement: “y la probincia de los a’tziguis el rio abaxo con todos sus pueblos que son…”  translated as: “and the  province of  the a’tziguis down the river [from the Tigua province], with all its pueblos, which include…” (Oñate, Vassalage of San Juan Bautista, Sept 9, 1598) This source goes on to list 41 pueblos, not the 44 indicated by Hammond and Rey (1953:346).[ii] In many instances these pueblo names are spelled much differently than originally transcribed, so this new information might be useful when reexamining linguistic evidence. Pueblos in the Atziguis province are said to include the following on one side of the river (Río Grande):  

pelguey . tuzohe . aponitze . yvnmarhein . Quiapocumqiuli . ponoe . calaati . aquiabo . hinxa . quiaguacalca . guialpo [Pilabo, Socorro] . tzelequ . pelquis . ayquizanamo . tyaza .  qualaqu . tezaanio .  

And on the other side of the river were the following pueblos:  

pencoana . quiomaqui . peixoloe . cumaque . teitezacon . peguey . ycanócan . geydol . qiaubaco . tohol . zantmachul . tercao . polooca , tzeyei . quelqulu . ategua . tzula . tzeygual . tzahan . qualahanis . pilogue . penjeacu . typama . Y ultimarte . tzenacu . el de la señalé aquel la primera población de este rreyno hacia la parte del sur y nueva espana— (Oñate, Vassalage of San Juan Bautista, September 9, 1598)    

Atzigui: A Tanonan Language

To clarify, Tiwa (Tigua) is a group of two or three related Tanoan languages spoken by the Tiwa Pueblos, and possibly Piro pueblos. The southern Tiwa language is a Tanoan language spoken at Sandia Pueblo and Isleta pueblos in New Mexico and Ysleta del Sur, Texas. Piro has generally been classified as one of the Tiwa languages, though Leap (1971) thought that Piro was not a Tanoan language.[iii]

Many scholars since Harrington’s (1909) time have stated with conviction that the Piro language is extinct. To cite just a few: “The people on the Rio Grande below the mouth of the Rio Puerco all spoke Piro, now an extinct tongue” (Hayes et al. 1981:6). “Available evidence indicates that Piro was a Tanoan language, closest to Tiwa, and now extinct” (Riegelhaupt et al. 2003). “Piro is a poorly attested, extinct Tanoan language once spoken in the more than twenty Piro Pueblos near Socorro, New Mexico” (Wikipedia 2014).  This “fact” has meant that our ability to study the relationships between the Piro-speaking Jumano pueblos of the Salinas area and the Jumanos further downriver in Texas has been limited.

Yet, despite these statements, the Piro language is not extinct. Having recently met with some Piros from the Las Cruces area I asked them if their language was actually extinct, and as expected and hoped, they said no, it was not extinct and that there was a fluent Piro speaker and that many songs are still sung in Piro, specially related to the Buffalo dance. This is an exciting development because the language of the Jumano pueblos in the Salinas area was Piro. We now have the opportunity to see if the words provided in documents relating to the Jumano in the Salinas and La Junta areas are Piro or not. This is one of the most important findings of this project and a key turning point in Jumano studies. This fact that Piro is not an extinct language means that we can now address long-standing questions that we thought were unanswerable. As a result of this project I will be undertaking a Piro language documentation project to ensure that the language is documented as it is spoken today.

I recently met with the Isleta Cultural Committee and gave the talk generated from this History Scholars Project. As a result we were able to determine that Atzigui (e.g., Piro and Piro language) means "Good People" in Tiwa and possibly in Piro. So the Atziguis were "Good People" whereas Abó is Abu and means "Poor”, presumably as in “Poor People". From this discussion we may have determined the origin of the name Jumano as well. There are a couple of words it could be, one is for “Hunt Chief” or “Hunter” (Xumahu) and after I asked the name for trader they thought of Xoum-na for “trade” or “goods,” as in “trade goods.” Xoum-ma-no in Tiwa translates to “looking for” or “hunters” (even “traders”) (personal communication verified through email with Valentino Jaramillo and the Tiwa Cultural Committee). Each of these makes sense for the origin of the name Jumano, but the last is pretty much the same word. These meanings of the word Jumano seem very likely to me and much more reasonable than some of the meanings others have suggested. This would indicate that the three Jumano Salinas area pueblos were “trade pueblos” or “hunter pueblos.” It’s also possible that a special tattoo style identified traders as such to allow them to move between territories in safety. It is also possible that this trader nation, the Jumano, was a distinct nation, as Benavides implies, made of trading specialists and hunters (cibola or bison; e.g., Cabeza de Vaca’s Cow People because they hunted bison). There is considerable interest at Isleta in pursuing this language and relationship issue and there are some people who identify themselves as Piro there. The Isleta Pueblo cultural committee has been assembling Tiwa and Piro words in a database so we agreed our efforts will dovetail nicely.  

The Language of the La Junta Jumanos

These results mean that the names of leaders, places, and objects recorded by Oñate in La Junta area can be evaluated for their association with the Piro language to determine how close they might be and if they represent the same, a similar, or an entirely different language. For example, the Jumano were also known as the Otomauco: “otros, los quales respondieron que se llamaba “amotomauco” and names of things were recorded in documents from the Gallegos Relación from the 1581-1582 Chamuscado-Rodríguez expedition to New México. For example, water, corn, beans, and arrow: “Llaman al agua “abad”, al mayz “tooy” y a los frisoles “ayaguase”. Of these people they said: “Es gente rayada y muy alegre” and “Esta gente llama a la flecha “acae”, como llaman la caña los mejicanos.”

These words can then be compared to the Piro vocabulary collected by Bartlett in 1852 (Bartlett and Hodge 1909). Bartlett collected a word list of 146 words. Regrettably only two of these collected words overlap with the words conveyed in the documentary record for the Jumano. These are water and arrow, and the words are not the same (sa-wêm and â-é versus acae and abad for arrow and water). In the brief discussions with the Tiwa speakers at Isleta it was noted that language has changed substantially over the years, so additional analysis is clearly necessary by qualified linguists and speakers.

Nonetheless, at this stage this rudimentary comparison suggests that the language of the Lower Rio Grande is different than Piro. This suggests that the Jumanos of La Junta spoke a different language than those of the Salinas. It does not address which language was spoken, if there are similarities between the languages, or if language change might account for this. The sample size is far too small to say for sure. The words could be referencing something other than what the Spaniards thought they were indicating (e.g., cane versus arrow shaft versus weapon) and there could have been multiple appropriate or interchangeable words or even dialects. The Piro language documentation project will likely help address this.

Leader names might also help in this regard. In the Obedience of Acolocu (Quarai?) of October 12, 1598 the following includes leader names are included, some of which are spelled differently than in Hammond and Rey (1953:348): “Xaye, capitan del pueblo de paaco . acilaci capitan que dizen ser del pueblo de cuzay tegualpa capitán del pueblo de junctre . ayquian y aguin capitanes del de eso pueblo de acolocu.” If Acolocu is Quarai as has been thought, then these names should be Tiwa and so should be a different but related language to Piro. A different set of leader names comes from the Obediencia de Cueloce, October  17, 1598 which is thought to pertain to Las Humanas (aka Gran Quivira, a Kumano pueblo): “Yolha capitán que dicen ser del pueblo y jente deste pueblo de cueloce Pocaetaqui . capitan del pueblo de Jenopue. Haye capitán del pueblo de pataoce y Cheli . capitan del pueblo de abo.” Again some of these leader name spellings diverge from those published by Hammond and Rey (1953:351). In fact there are numerous minor differences between nouns and in leader names. The question becomes whether they are material or important for interpretation. Future analysis by linguists and also discussions with the Piro and Tiwa will be informative in this regard.

It is also important to point out that some Jumano descendants think that the Jumano were Nahuatl speaking (Mendoza 2012). There are words found in West Texas that do not occur throughout the rest of Texas which is the basis for this interpretation. But in reality, Nahuatl words are found throughout the Southwest in many languages and their presence probably represents borrowed words rather than an original indigenous language for the Jumano. The Tiwa had no word for “priest” and so adopted a Nahuatl word for this, according to the Cultural Committee.

Language is a key part of cultural designation in anthropology, but peoples of different indigenous language families need not represent different cultural entities. Three examples from the Southwest-Plains, provided through personal communication by linguist Willem De Reuse, include:  

1. the Plains Apaches (formerly called Kiowa-Apaches) who lived together with the Kiowas and had an identical culture, but kept their own language;  

2. some Yavapai shared their territory with the Western Apaches, and had a similar culture, but both Apaches and Yavapais kept their own languages; and  

3. the Hopi-Tewa lived together with the Hopi and are culturally very similar, but kept their own Tanoan language.  

The label Jumano, as used by the Spanish, may have been a catch-all term for hunters or traders. This would explain its widespread usage to refer to people who may have had different origins. The Jumano of the Salinas area were probably Piro-speaking (A’tzigui), until later when they were composed of different groups, when pluralism and creolization and multilingualism were the norm. The jury is still out on the Jumano of La Junta. Perhaps another History Scholars Grant will be able to address this.  

Jumano Lifestyle

There is a second issue that needs to be addressed. This regards the character of these Jumanos or the lifestyles practiced, that is, their adaptation. Documentary sources relating to the Salinas pueblos indicate both that: (a) the Puebloans themselves were Jumano and (b) the mobile visitors were Jumano, as Fray Alonso de Benavides noted, 1630s. This is consistent with the two types of adaptation recorded for the Jumano at La Junta de los Rios.[iv] Benavides stated long ago that the Jumano were mobile visitors: “Entre los pueblos los pueblos [repeated] de esta nación es uno grande que tendré tres mil almas llamado el de los xumanas por venir a el esta nación muchas veces a tratar y contratar.” Translated this states: “Among the pueblos of this [Tompiro] nation is a large one that must have three thousand souls called the Xumanas for this nation comes many times [often] to trade [tratar, deal, enter in relations] and contract [contratar, confer, negotiate, hire, barter].” In my mind, this issue is clearly addressed by this passage. Benavides was very clear in his intent.

So what’s wrong with Benavides’ clear statement? Why is it that scholars have not believed him? A good example of this skepticism is conveyed in the following quote:  

“In none of the accounts are the Jumanos of the plains identified in any way with Jumanos of the pueblos, except in Benavides's derivation of the word for these ordinary pueblo Indians. The plains Jumanos were well known as traders, and the Pueblo de las Humanas…had the reputation of a special trading relationship with the people from the buffalo plains. But Benavides's information is not as wholly acceptable as it seems, for from the early days of the establishment of the colony, the plainsmen bringing products of the hunt to the eastern pueblos are clearly identified with Apaches” (emphasis added; Hayes et al. 1981:5).  

While well reasoned, this logic is based on faulty assumptions. Hayes et al. (1981) erred in assuming that:  (a) only one type of group traded with pueblos, (b) all pueblos traded with same type of people, (c) trade relationships did not change over time, and (d) a labeled group (Jumano) can’t have two ways of life. In fact, the apparent discrepancies are nonexistent if we change our assumptions to be consistent with current understandings and new external evidence.

There are many such misunderstanding that have resulted in misinterpretations. Another of these is found in the logic of Scholes’ argument which is also faulty:  

“In 1630 Benavides mentioned a “pueblo of Xumanas,” in which he had founded a mission dedicated to San Isidro. Hodge regarded these settlements as mere temporary habitations of the Jumanos who had come in from the plains. In recent years new documentary materials have been made available, which show clearly that the “pueblo” to which Benavides referred was a permanently occupied site”  (Scholes in Scholes and Mera 1940:276).  

The question is, why must it be “either, or”? There was a pueblo AND there were mobile group encampments. Benavides mentions both and there is archaeological evidence for both.    

Archaeological Evidence

Archaeological evidence of Benavides’ mobile traders has been found at several pueblos but the largest site is near Tabirá or Pueblo Blanco (LA 51) where around 30 mobile group structures have been identified not far from the pueblo (Seymour 2014, 2015, 2016). The structures are typical of mobile groups throughout the Southwest, consisting of curvilinear, improvised rock ringed structures on the slope among naturally outcropping building materials (Seymour 2009, 2013, 2014a). Interestingly a radiocarbon sample returned the date in the A.D. 1200s, which is consistent with the pottery that indicates use between the A.D. 1200s and 1700s (Seymour 2014a).

Additional archaeological evidence is found in the El Paso area where rock art and other artifacts support a historic record that has the Jumano moving there from Las Humanas in the Salinas area after 1672 (Hayes et al. 1981:8; Scholes in Scholes and Mera 1940:283-284). The striped body in one figure may represent a tattooed or painted Jumano and the other seems to show what I interpret as the distinctive haircut and hair ornaments described for the Jumano (and the Manso) (see Seymour 2014b).

Juan Saebeta, a known Jumano trader was born at Gran Quivira which supports the notion (but does not prove) that Jumanos may have settled at the pueblo. Sabeata (Xaviata) was born after 1630 at or near Las Humanas, thought to be the pueblo now called Gran Quivira (Hickerson 1994:107). Yet, he could have been born in the pueblo, (b) at the mobile group locus, or (c) in a nearby location. This was recorded in Las Humanas/ Parral birth/baptismal records.

We have archaeological evidence of a distinction between settled peoples and mobile Jumano in the Salinas area. The question remains whether the settled people were: (a) Jumano who spoke Piro, (b) a mixed group, or (c) did the Puebloans just receive Jumano traders?

To make matters more complex, still another division within the region was the separation of the “Jumanos pueblos” of the Xumano Province from the others—even from Abó and Tenabó, as Hayes and others (1981) pointed out.

But what does it mean to be a Xumano pueblo? Scholars have observed distinctions between (a) settled Jumano pueblos and (b) settled Puebloans of other types in this specific area. These distinctions have been described in comparing Abó (Tompiro or Tiwa pueblos) and Gran Quivira (Xumana Pueblo). This is not the place to go into those distinctions but suffice it to say that historians and archaeologists have correlated Oñate’s three Jumano pueblos to three specific ruins. These have produced archeological material relevant to the period: The presence of the ruins of two churches at Gran Quivira identifies that site as the historic Las Humanas (Kubler 1939). A ruin at the east end of the Mesa Jumanes, known locally as Pueblo Blanco, is inferred to be the historic Tabirá and the ruins of a small church have been found there (Stubbs 1959). The third is considered to be Pueblo Pardo. These are thought to be Oñate’s Xumanas pueblos within his Xumanas Province.  

Earlier References to the Salinas Area

It’s important to insert here that Oñate was not the first to record pueblos in this Salinas area east of the Manzanos during the historic period. It’s just that he was the first to reference Jumano pueblos in the area. For example, in 1582, the Jumano pueblos were likely included with the 11 pueblos Espejo noted in the Maguas Province, but the Jumano were not distinguished:   

En este paraje dho tubimas noticia a como a las orla otra provincia que por la parte de oriente esta dos jornadas desta provira a q se llamade los maguas y de xando el cual en la provi^a dicha me partí para ella con dos compañeros donde llegue en dos días en la qual halle honze pu^os y en ellos Gran cantidad de gente que me parece aoría mas de quarenta mill animas entre hombres y mugeres y ninos aquí no alcanzan Rio ni tienen arroyos que corren y fuetes de que se sirven Tienen mucho maíz y gallinas de la tierra y bastimentos y otros cosas como en la provincia dicha an se le esta en mucha abundancia esta provy^a confinó con las bacas que llaman de Cibola y andan bestidos de los cueros de las dichas bacas . y de mantas de algodón y gamucas y gobiernan se como las provincias dhas acatáis–  tienen ydolos en que adoran como los demás referidos. 
 

…we heard news of another bordering province that is two days’ travel to the east that proved to be called Las Maguas… I left for it with two companions where I arrived in two days, in which I found eleven pueblos and in them a large number of people who now seem to me more than forty thousand souls between men and women and children. Here they cannot reach the river nor do they have running streams and springs from which they can make use. They have much corn and hens of the earth [turkeys] and supplies and other things in great abundance as in the above mentioned province. This province is bordered by the cows they call Cibola and they dress in the leather of the above mentioned cows and cotton blankets and tanned deer hides. And they govern like those already observed provinces. They have idols that they worship like those already mentioned.  

Judging from the number of pueblos referenced, it is likely that Espejo was including Tiwa, Tompiro, and Xumanas pueblos in the Maguas Province. Earlier explorers too visited this area or referenced it but Oñate was the first to distinguish the Jumanos.  

Jumano: One Thing or Many?

The Jumanos were both in the Salinas pueblo area east of the Manzanos and also in the La Junta de los Rios area and elsewhere on the plains and hill country. This broad geographic distribution prompts the question as to whether the Jumanos were really a single entity. To address this we must examine who the Jumanos of La Junta de los Rios were. Documentary evidence may provide some clues but this project did not get into this as far as is necessary to resolve this further. Nonetheless, what little evidence I did examine indicates that at La Junta de los Rios the Jumanos were both mobile and settled (Seymour 2003). In some accounts a distinction was made between the settled Patarabueyes and the mobile Jumanos, but in other documents it seems that the both settled and mobile Jumanos were been mentioned.

Interestingly, there is archaeological evidence in the La Junta de Los Rios Jumano area for both mobile and sedentary populations. Charles Kelley (1986) excavated several sites including the Millington and Loma Alta sites that are thought to represent the historic Patarabueye/Otomoacos. These adobe walled compounds match the historic descriptions. Robert Mallouf (1987, 1990, 1992, 1995, 1999) has identified and excavated Cielo complex sites that likely represent  mobile Jumanos.

In 1582 members of the Espejo expedition mentioned Otomoacos, Jumanos, and Patarabuyes in this area and in doing so clearly mentioned two distinct ways of life: “están poblados indios de esta nación en espacio de doce jornadas y algunos de los tienen casas de acutea y otras viven en jacales de paja” or “Indians of this nation are settled in the space of twelve days travel [along the river] and some of them have flat-roofed houses and others live in straw huts.”[v]

Espejo’s chronicler, Luxan, tells us the basis for the name Patarabueyes:  

este nombre de los Patarabueyes fue compuesto Por los soldados quando prendió la xente de esta propia ranchería . Mateo Gonzalez caudillo  por el capitán de las  minas de Santa barbará . Juan de Cubia porque la propia nación de estos que lamaon [llamaron] Patarabueyes le llaman, yotomoacos

This name of the Patarabueyes was composed (given to them/made up by) by soldiers when leader Mateo Gonzalez, for the captain of the mines of Santa Barbara, Juan de Cubia, took people of this same ranchería, because the nation itself that they called Patarabueyes is called, Yotomoacos.  

Espejo clearly tells us who these people were and equated the Patarabueyes with the Jumanos, and as noted, the Patarabueyes were equated to the Otomoacos above:  

Acavados de salir de esta nación entramos en otra q se llama de los xumanas que por otro nombre, los llaman los españoles los patarabueyes en que parecía avia mucha gente y con pueblos formados Grandes en que bimos cinco pu^es, con más de diez mill yndios y casas de acutea bajas y con buena traza de pu^es y la gente de esta nación está Rayada en los Rostros y el gente crecida tienen maíz y calabacas y caza de pie y buelo y frisoles y pescados . de muchas maneras . de dos rrios caudalosos que es el uno que desen derechamente del norte y endtra en el río de los conchos que éste será como la mitad de Guadalquibi 
 

We left this nation we entered another one that is called the Xumanas who the Spaniards also call by another name the Patarabueyes. It seemed that there were many people with large nicely formed villages in which we saw five pueblos, with more than ten thousand Indians and low flat-roofed houses and nicely laid out pueblos. And the people of this nation are striped in the face and are large people. They have corn and squash, and game animals and birds and beans and many varieties of fish from two deep rivers…  

So Luxan and Espejo recorded the names of two groups: Otomoacos (aka Patarabueyes and Xumanas) and the Abriaches. Linguists suggest these are Hispanicized names for these people. Consequently they have no interpretive value with respect to reconstructing identity through language. On the other hand if they were recording Otomano (Ottoman, Turk) they may have been suggesting that they looked like Turks, much like was the case with The Turk, a nonlocal Indian captured by Pecos Puebloans, who led Coronado onto the Plains.

Luxan also recorded the names of three leaders in the Patarabueyes villages they visited. These have been transcribed very differently by different researchers and my transcriptions also differ from those of past scholars: Bay Sibiye, Casica Moya, and Q. Briese. These of course are phonetic renderings of the actual names. It seems that the middle name references Cacique Moya and so may not have much interpretive value either, other than representing a Hispanicized rendering of Headman Moya.[vi] Further linguist analysis and Piro and Tiwa input may shed some light on these names.  

La Junta Versus Eastern Frontier Pueblos

Still, this does not address the question as to whether the Eastern Frontier Puebloans and mobile Jumanos were the same as those at La Junta. As we proceed with the new Piro and Tiwa language investigations we may be able to address part of this question. The Salinas pueblo area is probably a parallel situation to La Junta where both sedentary farmers and mobile traders were ethnically Jumano, if Jumano is an ethnic identifier rather than a profession or way of life (Seymour 2003).

A very important questions remains, and this is, were the Jumano in these distinct areas the same people or where they simply hunters or traders with striped noses? The Jumano at La Junta were mobile, as they were in the Salinas area. These mobile people were probably the same in both areas, but in each case the settled people they visited were probably different. The Jumanos visited Piro peoples in the Salinas area and the Jumanos visited Patarabuyes or Otomacaous in La Junta. In addition, some Jumano may have settled in these cosmopolitan places, after all they were trading centers and places of intercultural interaction.  

Future Studies

This leaves many questions unanswered because this is such a complex problem with so little data available. One of these questions is whether the Suma and Jumano are related and whether they are one and the same people.  If the answer is yes, there are additional documentary data that apply and therefore the equation changes. Pat Beckett thinks there is a relationship between these historically referenced groups and Dave Snow thinks there is not. Some time ago I suggested that there was a relationship, stating that:  

the localized nomads were probably subdivisions of the Jumano and that some of the more settled groups incorporated Jumano individuals into their societies.  The picture is emerging that the Jumano were to the Manso, Suma, Jano, and Jocome (and perhaps Chiso, Jumile, Concho, and others) what the Apache were to the Chiricahua, Mescalero, Natagé, Lipan, Lipiyan, Llanero, and Gileño. Just as the historically referenced Pima, Gila Pima, Soba, Sobaípuri, and Pápago were all of Piman stock, so too were the southern nomads of Jumano stock (Seymour 2003).   

This remains a question and right now it seems to be a matter of which evidence is emphasized. We will soon have the opportunity to move beyond this impasse.

Another question for another day is whether the residents of the Jumano Province (e.g., Salinas) pueblos are also Jumanos, partially Jumanos, or whether they were just the visiting Jumanos. The current evidence seems to suggest that these pueblos were probably partially composed of settled Jumanos and the visitors were mobile Jumanos.  These were the trading pueblos (e.g., Xoum-ma-no pueblos) who received traders and trade goods (e.g., Xoum-na).

Another problem that needs resolution but will require more fieldwork and consideration of the documents more deeply relates to the league distances between known places. When comparing actual distances (as the crow flies) between known places to distances recorded in 1598 and then in the mid 1600s we see that there are some discrepancies. For example the distance between Abó and San Buenaventura/Gran Quivira/Las Humanas is now 7 leagues but was recorded as 4 leagues in 1598 (Oñate 1599, Account of the Journey to the Salines, the Xumanas, and the Sea). Also the distances recorded between Abó and Quarai are significantly different (10 leagues in the mid 1600s versus 4 leagues now; Scholes and Mera 1940:284) suggesting that Quarai is not the place being referenced each time or that the location changed. Some of these differences might be accounted for by different routes, estimations by travelers, the Spaniards may have been confused about names, they took a route that was not direct, the actual villages being referenced might have moved, or the places being referenced by these names may have changed. There are a number of pueblos in the Chupadera Mesa area that should be examined to check for evidence of use during this time period.

For the archaeologist these league differences are critical. When attempting to locate a historically referenced place on the ground these critical distinctions become apparent and problematic. It’s possible that these references to differences in distance between places represent reference to mobile rancherías of Jumano visitors. The different league distances in all likelihood may also suggest either the pueblos changed or that the encampments were moving.  

To Conclude

Archival documents still provide a rich source of interpretive inspiration. They still retain value; they are not all used up. Past translators were looking at entire documents and since they were not focusing on one area their efforts were too broad brush and errors were made. In analysis of archival documents spellings and translations are thought to be meaningful and an awful lot has been read into them. Closer inspection reveals that there are some differences from the original early transcriptions and translations. The question is, are these differences meaningful and important?

In many instances, the answer is no. Sometimes these differences represent just meaningless variations in a document, between documents, between chroniclers, or through time.  It’s important to remember that the Spaniards were not obsessed with consistency in spelling, as we are today.  Moreover, they were sounding out many of these words they heard and so we are seeing often poor phonetic renderings from what they heard. Many inaccuracies have been introduced.

Fortunately, in many instances, the answer is yes; the differences do have significance.  Some of the differences are visible at a general level, at the same scale at which archeologists can discern differences, rather than the types of differences we might register if we were observing them in person today.

So what can we say now? We can say quite a bit and what we can say now has the potential to reorient Jumano studies in a way that might be especially productive. First we can say that the Pueblo residents of the Salinas area were sedentary agriculturalists while others (Jumano) were mobile traders (as at La Junta). Second, the residents of the Salinas pueblos were likely multi-lingual and multi-ethnic (Seymour 2003). After all, these pueblos were trading centers, foci of inter-cultural interaction and activity, and they were cultural thoroughfares. Traders would have had to be multilingual to be effective. The documents indicate that the farming Xumano Puebloans spoke A’tzigui, which was the Piro language. These A’tzigui-speaking pueblos seem to have spoken a different language than was spoken among pueblos at La Junta de los Rios, but this is still unresolved. It is possible that the languages were mutually intelligible. It is also possible that there was a gradation across the vast region where the Piro and Tiwa languages were related and Piro was related to the adjacent language and by the time one arrives at La Junta the language was different enough that those in the Tiwa and Piro areas could not speak that dialect.

There is no conclusive evidence of what the mobile Jumano spoke, although they were likely multilingual. What is clear is that we see both mobile and sedentary populations in the archaeological record (and not just ancestral Apache). Benavides was correct in that mobile Jumano visited sedentary (Piro Puebloan) residents in Salinas area, as at La Junta. Mobile group structures near Tabirá probably represent several groups, but many of these were very likely mobile Jumano traders. It’s important to note the anthropological fact that traders often had fictive kin relations with trading partners or intermarried to further economic enterprises. Traders probably lived at Salinas or had families there. So both Jumano and Piro likely lived there. This was probably a given, a non issue at the time because it was so commonly known (Seymour 2003).

Clearly much additional work remains to be done, but now we have new conceptualizations deriving from the archaeological and documentary records from which to ask fresh questions. When coupled with indigenous knowledge relating to languages, places, and practices we are likely to make considerable headway in the coming years.

Sent by   Jerry  Javier Lujan    jerry_javier_lujan@hotmail.com 

TEXAS

Texas Tejanos - A Revolution Remembered - 1835-1836
PERFORMANCES

For more information, go to: 
http://www.texastejano.com/programs/texas-tejanos-a-revolution-remembered-1835-1836/

Texas State Hispanic Genealogy/History Conf., McAllen, TX

Source:  Day by Day, Texas State Historical Association
On This Day . . . 

October 8th, 1926, the Witte Memorial Museum opened in San Antonio. The museum was largely the brainchild of Ellen D. Schulz Quillin, who helped start the San Antonio Museum Association and raised $5,000 to purchase Henry Philemon Attwater's collection of natural history specimens. She initially stored the collection at Main Avenue High School, where she was a science teacher, but successfully petitioned the city for a site and funds for a museum to showcase the collection and others like it. The building was constructed with public funds and a $65,000 bequest to the city from local businessman Alfred G. Witte, who stipulated that a museum be built in Brackenridge Park in memory of his parents. The facility was known as the Witte Memorial Museum until 1984, when the name was simplified to Witte Museum. The San Antonio Museum of Art, which opened with much fanfare in 1981 in a former brewery, was originally an outgrowth of the Witte.

August 28th, 1767 -- Hugo Oconór becomes ad interim governor of Texas
Born in 1732, Oconór was an Irishman who attained the rank of major of a volunteer regiment in the Spanish army. His vermilion hair inspired frontier Indians to nickname him the “Red Captain.” After service in Cuba and Mexico City, he worked as inspector general of the eastern Provincias Internas in 1765 and investigated the conflict between Texas governor Ángel de Martos y Navarrete and presidio commander Rafael Martínez Pacheco. After the removal of Navarrete, Oconór’s service as governor ad interim won the admiration of soldiers and citizens alike. He reinforced San Antonio against Apache raids and brought order to the frontier. He returned to Mexico in 1770, and throughout the next decade, as he commanded various offices, he focused on repelling the Apaches farther west. Oconór was governor and captain general of Yucatan at the time of his death in 1779.

Jo Emma's Guerra family tree by Gilberto Quezada 

Jose  Dionisio Guerra buried in Los Ojuelos

Hello Mimi,

One day for the sake of satisfying our intellectual curiosity, JoEmma and I wanted to know where her maternal great-grandfather on her grandmother's side, Macedonio Guerra, lived in Laredo in 1914, when he and his family moved from Nuevo Laredo to Laredo to escape the turmoils of the Mexican Revolution. Well, according to the 1920 U.S. Census, he lived at 716 Matamoros Street. Then we checked the Sanborn Fire Maps on the Internet and found that the house was located on the north side of the plaza de la Escuela Amarilla, between Santa Ursula Avenue to the west and San Dario Avenue to the east. 

And, regrettably, that section where the house once stood has been destroyed when IH 35 was extended all the way to the Río Grande. In our personal library, we found a detailed description of the house and a black and white photograph in a book entitled, Urban Archaeology: A Culture History Of A Mexican-American Barrio in Laredo, Webb County, Texas, published in two volumes in 1986 by the State Department of Highways and Public Transportation, Highway Design Division Publications in Archaeology. 

JoEmma's maternal grandmother, Blasita, the only daughter and child of Macedonio Guerra and Blasa Guerra, married Francisco Casso and he was the brother of Raúl Casso, who married Arnulfa Guerra, the youngest sister of Macedonio and Matías Guerra. So, Francisco Casso is JoEmma's maternal grandfather. And, the oldest child of Francisco Casso and Blasita Guerra was Ana María Casso, who was JoEmma's mother, she passed away two years ago this coming November 7, 2014, at the age of 88 in Laredo, Texas. Matías Guerra, Interim Governor and Governor of Tamaulipas during the early part of the 20th Century, is related to JoEmma on her maternal side of the Guerra family. She also has photographs of Matías and his siblings when they were young, middle-age, and older. A total of nine children were born to José Cayetano Guerra and María Javiera Saénz and they were all born in Ciudad Mier and lived in Cd. Mier. 

Matías and his younger brother, Macedonio, who was Presidente Municipal of Nuevo Laredo in 1908 and 1909, started a wholesale grocery business in Nuevo Laredo known as "M. Guerra y Hnos." The business was located on the north side of the Mercado, at the corner of Guerrero and Beldén. Macedonio Guerra, as I mentioned above, married Blasa Guerra on October 17, 1892 in San Agustín Church in Laredo, Texas, and they had one daughter, Blasita, who is JoEmma's maternal grandmother. This would make Macedonio a great grandfather and Matías a great-grand uncle of JoEmma. Matías and Macedonio Guerra moved their business to Laredo in 1914, 

Now, Blasa Guerra was the youngest daughter of José Dionisio Guerra and his wife, Francisca Zapata. His father was José Ignacio Guerra Cuéllar and he was Jo Emma's great-great-great-grandfather. The children of José Dionisio Guerra and his wife, Francisco Zapata are in chronological order, from the eldest to the youngest:
Juan Nepomuceno; Manuela; Julian; Josefa; María del Refugio; Petra; Francisco; Feliz; Amada; Blasa .

The youngest one, Blasa, was born in el Rancho Los Ojuelos, and she married Macedonio Guerra. According to Jo Emma's mother, Macedonio would bring merchandise to a general store in Los Ojuelos and that is where he met his future wife, Blasa Guerra, who was Jo Emma's great-grandmother. Jo Emma and I have visited Los Ojuelos about three times, and we also went to see the cemetery, which is located across Farm Road 649, and not too far from Mirando City. We knew that Dionisio was buried in Los Ojuelos, but he was not in the family cemetery. Our dogged tenacity paid off when we found his boveda (vault), nestled peacefully among the South Texas brush country and not too far from the ruins of the general store.  

We found these two books in our personal library to be very informative: Los Guerra de Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, y Texas, 1602-1900, (Third Edition) translated and edited by José Felipe De La Peña. And the other one is by Carmen Perry, she was the archivist for the Laredo Archives at St. Mary's University, and is titled, San José de Palafox: "The Impossible Dream" by the Río Grande. She was the translator and editor and her book was published by St. Mary's University Press in 1971. When her book came out, I was a graduate student working with her, and Miss Perry invited me to her book signing event, which took place in the Special Collections Room, located on the third floor of the library. She gave me an inscribed copy, dated March 23, 1971.

May God bless you always. 
Gilberto Quezada 
jgilbertoquezada@yahoo.com 

Dear Sons, Brothers, Sister, Salinas Relatives and De la Rosa Relatives,

Yesterday, my wife Sally and I were treated to a memorable evening by Art and Cecilia (de la Rosa). Sosa. Present also at the gathering was Bob de la Rosa and wife, Mary de la Rosa Palomares & husband, and Solis descendents of Tia Lucinda Salinas Solis, Mary and Juanita Correra.

As you can tell Bernarda, or Bernardina is Saldivar, and she is the mother of Guadalupe de la Rosa. And Bernardina is a relative of Epifanio Saldivar, the husband of Guadalupe de la Rosa. I will track that down to see how they are related.

Through the graciousness of the De La Rosa families, I am attaching a photo of my and most of your great great grandparents. Also am including a photo of the primary relatives present at the gathering, which they agreed could be published at Somos Primos and Ancestry.com. These are my kind of folks! Enjoy!

I am going to update the family tree in Ancestry.com with the additional names they provided.

God Bless you and yours.
Sinceramente
Dad, Brother, & relative...
Refugio and Sally Fernandez
cnsfernandez1943@sbcglobal.net  

http://www.somosprimos.com/sp2013/spoct13/spoct13.htm  
DNA information on the Fernandez 

"El Tartamudo"
By Henry A. Garcia, Jr.
curbeloconnections@gmail.com
For Los Bexaenos Genealogical Historical Society

In simple explanations, my spring and summer nights were spent on a blanket and pillow near the front screen door, wishing and hoping for a slight breeze to cool the otherwise warm nights.

Although it was cramped quarters, in the winter months, I took that blanket and pillow and slept in the bath tub. Other than the middle-of-the-night visits by my fellow family members, I didn't feel any resentment or displeasure of being poor in a "less home" environment. In fact, I was so poor I couldn't afford any dreams about better times-perish the thought of dreaming about my own room and bed.

Born and raised in a small South Texas town, I too slept on the floor, but it wasn't based on the fact that I was homeless. The truth of the matter, it was because it was a simple case of having "less home" space for sleeping accommodations for our large family. 

In fact, I was so poor I couldn't afford any dreams about better times-perish the thought of dreaming about my own room and bed.

I remember the school days back in Refugio and my regimented routine of breakfast (tortillas and flour gravy). I put on the same clothes I had worn the day before and walked five blocks (in all kinds of weather) to the elementary section of the combined structure of its attached middle and high school areas.

I remember my first day in the first grade at school. The Anglo first graders had their own classroom. The Hispanics were across the hall in their own segregated room. The African-Americans were in their own schools across the tracks. Mrs. Roberts, an Anglo lady with a harsh voice and with a profound opinion on why we, or even why she was there. The Hispanics were grouped together, not based on their knowledge nor on whether or not they understood
the English language, but rather because of our surnames and seemingly, the color of our skins. In a very sound and demanding voice, Mrs. Roberts cites that "No Mescan will be spoken in her class!" The condescending tone of her voice caused my comrades to start whimpering and crying for their mothers. I proceeded to exit my little chair / desk, and I walked up to my friends and playmates and tried to calm and lessen their "opening day" fears. As I talked to them in both Spanish and English-which the majority of them could speak and understand-I didn't notice Mrs. Roberts getting out from behind her desk, secure a ruler in her hand, and walk silently behind me. 

After a while, the elementary principle knocked on the door,and Mrs. Roberts let go of her choking grip of my shirt. She retreated to the door to open it. All the while, my screaming and fearful friends backed away from the door and headed to the windows, trying to jump out of the half-opened windows.

The rest of that experience is somewhat hazy in my mind, but later at recess, I did get a group opinion from my friends, "If you, who could speak better English than us, was getting spanked, what
was their fate with the teacher?" Some how, we all survived the rest of the semester with a new, gentler teacher.

An accident from a bicycle wreck, at the age of nine, caused me to start stuttering. It seemed like I had been always warned from my mother, "Do not ride on the handle bars of a bicycle." Well, as things happen, I did. One of my pants' leg got caught in the spokes, and I went head first into the payment. Mi amigo and co-conspirator, Omar Gonzales, saw my face and acknowledged that my left cheekbone was bleeding and turning purple!

 I ran home which was at least 5 blocks from our mishap. Exhausted from the panic run, I entered the front door and saw my mother. She looked, screamed, and asked and answered at the same time, "What happened? I bet you fell off a bicycle!" My mother was not only a great, thoughtful person, but now she was a psychic.

At that point, I started stammering my reply. From that day, and throughout the next 30 plus years, I became the "tartamudo." I was teased into fights as a kid, teenager, and early adult life. I was always the one who my classmates wanted to read my English
stories in class; used as a "push toy" by the football players; and harassed on part-time jobs I held in high school and beyond.

While initially, I didn't like the attention that my speech, or rather lack of, was causing, I soon worked it to my advantage. I started laughing at myself and enjoying the friendships and comradely reactions of my fellow band members, softball players
and government workers.

After high school, I was selected for a four year apprentice program at Kelly APB. On that first day at the base, they had all the apprentices line up and shuffle their way to an awaiting group of shop supervisors at a table. As you approached the seated first supervisor at the table, he would ask for your name.

"What's your name boy?" he bellowed. Undeterred by his brashness, I answered, "Sir, my name is H-HHenry Garcia." The second boss had a list of names with assignments and locations.

Without looking up at me, he asked me, "Is that spelled with one H or two?" The roar of their laughter defused the situation. My fellow "newcomers" joined in the revelry. Being used to the jovial results after all of those years of mental conditioning in school, work, and band, I joined them in laughing at myself.

The second boss then barked to boss number three, who was escorting the "newbies" to their work areas, "Take Mr. Garda to the engine receiving area. Let him work back there with Mr. Jennings." Building 329 was a very large building, with many mechanics working in both disassembly and reassembling areas. 

As I walked behind boss number three, we went out the back. There was a R4360 Reciprocating Engine Container being lowered by a giant hoist line. A tall-at least 6' 10"-black man was using the remote control box lowering the encased engine onto the platform floor. A quick gesture by boss number three to Mr. Jennings was done and an even quicker introduction was given. He then walked away back into the building. Mr. Jennings gave me a swift look over, and then he motioned for me to join him as he started using a Pneumatic wrench to loosen up the container bolts and nuts. He had a difficult time with one of its
attaching nuts! He turned around and instructed me to get a crescent wrench from his tool box. 

Since my dad was a car mechanic, I definitely knew what the tool looked like. Feeling pleased with myself, I hurried over to Mr. Jennings and said, "H-h-here it is." 

He released the Pneumatic tool, which had an
overhead air hose connected to it, and reached for my collar. Slowly, he raised my five-foot nine-inch body up to where we were staring eyeball to eyeball.

Hanging high in the air with my feet dangling loosely in the air, he dramatically asked me, "Boy, a-r-re you m-m-making f-f-fun of me?"

I responded without too much a forethought, "No s-s-ir, W-we aare in the s-same b-b-oat."

About the same time as our verbal exchange, bosses number one, two, and three, plus a small gathering of veteran mechanics were out on the ramp watching and waiting for our encounter. They were all laughing so loud, that Mr. Jennings turned us both around and
realized why I was sent back there to help him. It seems like the bosses couldn't get anyone else to help him, and they wanted to see his reaction. 

Lowering me very carefully and positioning me by his
left side, he encircled my head with his left arm and retorted back to the still laughing crowd, "T-t-his is m-m-my boy, and no b-b-body bb- better m-mess with m-m-y boy."

The Tejano Origins of Pan de Campo 
Demonstrated by Emiliano "Nano" Calderon, M.A.
Texas State Historical Commission

Friends of Casa Navarro  228 South Laredo Street, San Antonio | TX | 78207 
www.visitcasanavarro.com | www.thc.state.tx.us

Mullins, Marion Day
Bibliography of Mullins, Marion Day, alphabetically ordered
<< < 1 > >>
Marriage record of Washington County, Tennessee, 1787-1840
Grammer, Norma Rutledge Mullins, Marion Day 
Publisher: Genealogical Pub. Co
ISBN10: 0806305649 ISBN13: 9780806305646 DDC: 929/.3768/97 LCC: W3
Republic of Texas: poll lists for 1846
Mullins, Marion Day 
Publisher: Genealogical Pub. Co
ISBN10: 0806305983 ISBN13: 9780806305981 DDC: 929/.3764 LCC: M84
The first census of Texas, 1829-1836: to which are added, Texas citizenship lists, 1821-1845, and other early records of the Republic of Texas
Mullins, Marion Day 
Publisher: National Genealogical Society
ISBN10: 0915156229 ISBN13: 9780915156221 DDC: 929/1/072073 
Sent by John Inclan  

MIDDLE AMERICA

https://fbcdn-sphotos-h-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-xpa1/v/t1.0-9/167058_
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54C6E4CB&__gda__=1421932586_a65d4e4cec6f31ce83dfcdac4653918c 

EAST COAST 

Photo by Terri Newmans, courtesy of Florida Living History, Inc.

[Editor Mimi: Note: Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mose is located in what had been Spanish Florida. The settlement was primarily composed of former slaves who had escaped from British plantations and received religious sanctuary in Spanish Florida. It offered them a refuge within which they could maintain family ties. Information, extracted from "Fort Mose" by Jame Landers, published by St. Augustine Historical Society, 1991.]

Admission to this heritage Event is free of charge to the public. There is a Museum admission fee of $2.00 per adult; children, age 5 and younger, are free.

Financial support for this Event is provided, in part, by the Florida Humanities Council ( www.flahum.org/ ), the
state affiliate of the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Founded in St. Augustine, Florida, in 2009, Florida Living History, Inc. (FLH), is a community based, non-profit 501(c)(3) organization of volunteers dedicated to educating the public about Florida's colonial and territorial history, using living-history programs, demonstrations, and recreated portrayals of significant historical events.  FLH's numerous heritage Events are funded solely through corporate/private donations, FLH fund-raising, and state/national grants. No local public funds are utilized.

FLH supports educational initiatives that promote a greater understanding and appreciation of Florida's, and
America’s, rich and diverse heritage. 

AFRICAN-AMERICAN

Confederate pomp amid burial of slave's daughter
Confederate pomp amid burial of slave's daughter
By Martha Waggoner IGH, N.C. (AP)

Now imagine being dragged into war. Because they were enslaved, they were forced to deal with the horrors of war.

African-Born Population in U.S. Roughly Doubled Every Decade Since 1970, 
Census Bureau Reports 

This brief is one of several focusing on the foreign-born population from world regions of birth. Previous reports include “The Foreign Born from Asia: 2011” and “The Foreign Born from Latin America and the Caribbean: 2010.” In addition, supplemental tables are now available for the African-born population by metropolitan statistical area. Below are highlights of the geographic distribution of the African-born population from the brief: 

INDIGENOUS

 Palo Alto College Native American/Hispanic Heritage Month Celebration 2014

Day by Day, Texas State Historical Association 
 tshaonline@tshaonline.org  

History, especially Indigenous history, is still a site of struggle in academia, in public education, and in the popular national imaginary. The narrative conventions of U.S. history often create convenient niches for the so-called “Indian Wars” under the umbrella of a “history of the West.” Past atrocities safely remain in the distant past, perhaps unfortunate, but nonetheless in the past. Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz’s An Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States derails this narrative. She contends that the genocidal history of the U.S. against Indigenous peoples was not only foundational to bring the nation into existence but required to export it as a global project in the twenty-first century. Indigenous peoples, perhaps the first and longest standing enemies of U.S. empire, remain central to this history of the U.S. and its future.

Conveniently absent from these narratives is over three centuries of colonial warfare waged against Indigenous peoples. “Commonly referred to as the most extreme demographic disaster—framed as natural—in human history,” Dunbar-Ortiz writes, “it was rarely called genocide.” (40)

Revered U.S. presidents from Andrew Jackson to Abraham Lincoln also washed their hands in Indigenous blood. Jackson’s genocidal Muskogee war won him his political career. As president from 1829-1837, he won support from landless, poor settlers to whom he promised land by implementing removal policies for many of the “Five Civilized Tribes” (Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, Chickasaw, and Seminole) in the South. Killing and hating Indians was not only politically profitable, it was a requirement for office after Jackson.

SEPHARDIC

CALL FOR PAPERS, 25 Annual Conference, 2015
Society for Crypto-Judaic Studies
Information in article below.

Day of Wrath, Full Movie 

Film on the Spanish Inquisition
 and the Mendoza Family. 

Description: Ruy De Mendoza (Christopher Lambert) is Sheriff of a Spanish town during the time of the Inquisition. Noblemen found butchered, only for the corpses to vanish shortly afterwards and the crime scenes cleaned up. As Ruy investigates, he finds that even the widows of the murdered men deny anything occurred. Obsessed with uncovering the truth, Ruy finds himself in a conspiracy that threatens his own life and that of his family. 

If you connect to the Onate/Zaldivar family, they married into the Mendoza family of Zacatecasm, my maternal ancestors.


Johnny Inclan

Brief Jewish History Timeline

About 1450 BC -  The Israelite Exodus from Egypt, recounted in the Bible, tells of the oppression of the Israelites as slaves in Egypt, their flight from the country led by Moses and their journey through the wilderness before eventually settling in the "Promised Land".

587 BC – the First Temple was destroyed by the Babylonians. King Solomon built the First Temple in Jerusalem as a monument  to God and as a permanent home for the Ark of the Covenant. 

349 BC – 70 CE -The Second Holy Temple stood in Jerusalem for 420 years . Unlike the period of the First Temple, when the Jews were for the most part autonomous, for the vast majority of the Second Temple era the Jews were subject to foreign rule: by the Persians, the Greeks, and eventually the Romans.

By the beginning of the first century AD, Jews had spread from their homeland in Judaea across the Mediterranean and there were major Jewish communities in Syria, Egypt, and Greece. Practicing a very different religion from that of their neighbors, they were often unpopular.

The Roman historian Suetonius states that Emperor Claudius expelled all the Jews from Rome in 49 CE “because they were constantly rioting at the instigation of Chrestus.”

When Christianity was brought to Rome, there were approximately thirteen synagogues in the city; some were open to the teachings of the Christians regarding Jesus Christ (called “Chrestus” by Suetonius), while others fought against those teachings. This tension led to a clash between the synagogues that was so serious that Claudius responded by forcing all 40‑50,000 Jews to leave the city.  

The Jews expelled by Claudius included not only practitioners of Judaism, but also Jewish Christians. St. Luke tells us that Ss. Aquila and Priscilla went to Corinth (where they met St. Paul) because they were among the Jews expelled by Claudius (Acts 18:2).

In Germany, Jewish settlers founded the Ashkenazi Jewish community in the Early (5th to 10th centuries CE) and High Middle Ages (c.1000-1299 CE). The community prospered under King Charemagne,  but suffered during the Crusades. Accusations of well poisoning during the Black Death (1346–1353) led to mass slaughter of German Jews, and their fleeing in large numbers to Poland.

There has been a Jewish presence in France since at least the early Middle Ages.  In 1096, during the First Crusade,  thousands of Jews were killed by the crusaders.  In April 1182, the king of France, Philip Augustus, ordered the edict of expulsion. Today, France has the largest Jewish population in Europe and the third largest Jewish population in the world

1290 - King Edward I issued an edict expelling all Jews from England. The expulsion edict remained in force for the rest of the  Middle Ages. The edict was not an isolated incident, but the culmination of over 200 years of increased persecution. Oliver Cromwell permitted the Jews to return to England in 1657, over 350 years since their banishment by Edward I, in exchange for finance.

1492 – Spanish Jews once constituted one of the largest and most prosperous  Jewish communities under Muslim and Christian rule, before they, together with resident Muslims, were forced to convert to Catholicism, be expelled, or be killed when Spain became united under the Catholic Monarchs King Fernando II of Aragon and Queen Isabella of Castile. That same year, Christopher Columbus sailed and founded the New Would.

On 5 December 1496, King Manuel of Portugal signed the decree of expulsion of the Jews and Muslims to take effect by the end of October of the next year.

Since the Canary Islands were taken over by Spain after the Expulsion of 1492, the first Jewish immigrants to the Canary Islands were Conversos from Spain and Portugal seeking refuge from the Inquisition and persecution. The first Converso settlers came with their families and continued to follow a traditional life. The Conversos from southern Spain were the first Europeans to join the small local population. As elsewhere in the Spanish and Portuguese world, here too the Converso settlers were followed by the Inquisition. The Inquisition began to operate in 1504. Evidence given in a trial held by the Inquisition in 1520 tells of a Jewish community in one of the islands which had a synagogue and shoḥet. In 1502 the inquisitor-general, Francisco Diego Deza, summoned a number of Conversos from the islands before the tribunal in Seville; others were tried by the tribunal of Córdoba. The first auto-da-fé in the Canaries was held in 1526. Later the Inquisition relaxed its activities, but they were revived as a result of the plague of 1523–32. Among those burned at the stake were Alvar González of Castello Branco, the moving spirit of the Palma Converso community, and Pedro González, a royal official who left Spain in 1492, but later became a nominal convert to Christianity. The tribunal resumed its activities in 1568 when Diego Ortiz de Fuñez, formerly prosecutor in the tribunal of Toledo, arrived in the Canaries. In 1524 a movement to leave for Ereẓ Israel stirred the Converso community and some set off despite the dangers involved; one family reached its destination. Lucien Wolf based his study of the Converso community in the Canaries on the basis of 76 volumes of Inquisition records which were sold to a private individual in 1900. Since that time these volumes have disappeared. Wolf published the material in regesta in English with useful notes. Beinart discovered a few more trial reports in Spain. The material suggests that the Converso community maintained strong links with London.

In 1517 and 1518 Diego de Velazquez, the governor of Cuba, sent out expeditions headed by Francisco Hernández de Córdoba and Juan de Grijalba that explored the coasts of Yucatán and the Gulf of Mexico. Velázquez commissioned Hernan Cortez,  to outfit an expedition to investigate their tales of great wealth in the area. Spending his own fortune and a portion of Velázquez’s, Cortés left Havana in November 1518, following a break in relations with Velázquez. Cortés landed in Mexico and then freed himself from Velázquez’s overlordship by founding the city of Veracruz and establishing a town council (cabildo) that in turn empowered him to conquer Mexico in the name of Charles I, King of Spain.

Judaism in Mexico began in 1519 with the arrival of “Marranos” or “Crypto-Jews,” those forcibly converted to Catholicism due to the Spanish Inquisition. Over the colonial period, a number came to Mexico despite persecutions in the late 16th and mid 17th centuries. However, most Conversos eventually assimilated into Mexican society with no immigration of practicing Jews allowed into the country until the 19th century. Religious freedom was established in the second half of that century and around that time, Jews began immigrating to Mexico from Europe and later from the crumbling Ottoman Empire and what is now Syria continuing into the first half of the 20th century.

Today, most Jews in Mexico are descendants of this immigration and still divided by ethnic origin, principally Yiddish speaking Ashkenazim and Ladino speaking Sephardim. It is an insular community with its own religious, social and cultural institutions, mostly in Mexico City. 

Note: The Inquisition that was establish in the Spanish colonies during the 16th and 17th centuries prompted a migration of Mexican crypto-Jews to the outer-most fringes of New Spain, which included northern New Mexico, (first settled in 1598) Colorado and Texas, (settled in 1690).  

Remnants of Crypto-Jews Among Hispanic Americans by Gloria Golden

Judaism, In Memory and Spirit, 500 Years After the Spanish And Portuguese Inquisitions
What Remnants of Judaism Remain?
by Gloria Golden

Many people are unaware that Sephardic Jews were forced to convert to Christianity or leave their homes forever. To remain in Spain and practice their religion might result in torture or being burned alive. So as to save their lives, Jews transformed themselves, and inevitably, conversions occurred. Jews who converted and accepted Christianity were the conversos, whereas the Sephardim who converted and practiced Judaism in secret were the crypto-Jews. That was 1492 (The Edict of Expulsion was signed.) and rather than convert, a huge proportion of Spain’s Jewish population left Spain and settled in various parts of the world such as North Africa and Italy. Many Jews went to Portugal where they were eventually forced to convert. These Jews were known as the anusim, meaning the forced ones.

Coincidentally, the year 1492 also marked the beginning of Columbus’ voyage to the New World. There are many who believe Columbus had Jewish ancestry for he associated with Jews and sailed to the New World with Sephardim among his crew. According to Professor Seymour Liebman, "The Spanish throne divided its New World colonies into viceroyalties. The first two were Mexico [New Spain] and Peru [New Castile}. . . . Mexico consisted of what is now the southwestern United States, all of Mexico and Central America, the Spanish islands in the Caribbean . . . [and] the Philippines."¹

Reports of Jews residing in the New World led to the establishment of Inquisition centers in Mexico, Peru, and Cartagena, Colombia.² The need for secrecy was extremely important as conversos were constantly observed for evidence of practicing Jewish rituals. Judaizing would result in punishment or torture. Therefore, many conversos, in order to escape the scrutiny of the Inquisition, settled in areas of northern New Mexico, near Colorado.

My interviews with descendants of conversos uncovered Jewish practices, often combined with those of the Catholic Church. Although many were unaware of their ancestry, others were informed of their Jewish heritage by family members. Their lineage from Spain was of utmost importance and a great source of pride.

A particular name or ritual does not indicate a Sephardic heritage, and one must listen carefully to the stories that were told within their families. Some descendants of Jews heard references to a Jewish heritage as they were growing up. Others remembered Jewish practices such as ritual slaughter, slaughtering animals according to Jewish law. Jewish law forbids the consumption of blood, and draining all the blood of the slaughtered animal is necessary. Jewish burial practices were often another indication of a possible connection to the Jews from Spain or Portugal. Jewish burials must take place soon after the occurrence of death, preferably within twenty-four hours. The sum total of the oral histories inform us how descendants of conversos brought vestiges of Judaism into the twenty-first century

A need for secrecy still exists within many Hispanic communities where conversos still hear the voices of their ancestors telling them, "No, do not tell." One feels their emotion and a profound respect for those who came before them.

My belief is that this painful chapter in Jewish history must be brought to the attention of people throughout the world. Many citizens within the Hispanic community will discover that they’re part of this story and will assist in documenting the history of the Sephardim.

Sephardic Resources Compiled by John D. Inclan

Free online:
Casa de Cabrera en Cordoba: obra genealogica historica, dedicada a el señor ...
Escrito por Francisco Ruano,Joannes Ribadas

http://books.google.es/books?id=iM0WAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=
es&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false 

Casa de Cabrera en Cordoba: obra genealogica historica ...
books.google.es/books/about/Casa_de_Cabrera_en_Cordoba... Cached
Casa de Cabrera en Cordoba: ... Obispo Orden de Alcantara Orden de Calatrava Orden de Santiago otorgo padre Pedro Fernandez Pedro Ponce Perez Ponce de Cabrera Ponce ...

Mimi,
Open this online book and on page 149 down to 156 you will find Dona Ines de Cabrera-y-Aguayo married to Lope de Sousa-y-Mesa, Governor of the Canary Islands. He is the son of Juan Alfonso-de-Sousa, Lord of Ravales and Isabel Fernandez-de-Mesa.
Their son, Juan-Alonso Sosa-de-Cabrera marries in Mexico to Ana Estrada-de-la-Caballeria
This family have several ROYAL connections.

Casa de Cabrera (Córdoba) - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre
es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Casa_de_Cabrera_(Córdoba) Cached
La Casa de Cabrera de Córdoba es una casa nobiliaria española que procede de la Casa de Ponce de León.
This family are the ancestors of Ponce de Leon of Florida, the Sousa/Sosa family of the Canary Islands, and the late Princess Diana of Wales

The Sousa/Sosa family marry into the Estrada, Onate/Saldivar family of Zacatecas,
the Sanchez de la Barrera family of Laredo, and in turn, the Sanchez, Cavazos, and Canales family of Reynosa and the lower Rio Grande families of Texas. My ancestors
http://kehillatisrael.net/docs/learning/sephardim.html 

sephardic_surnames
sephardic_surnamesScribd is the world's largest social reading and publishing site. 
View on www.scribd.com Preview by Yahoo 

Sephardic Horizons
Sephardic HorizonsVolume 4, Issue 3 Summer 2014 Editor's Note Judith Roumani From East to Farther East: The Jewish Experience in Kaifeng, China Tiberiu Weisz Medieval Iberian L... 
View on sephardichorizons.org  Preview by Yahoo 

Book on Luis de Carvajal includes map of family tree

MINISTERIO DE EDUCACIÓN, CULTURA Y DEPORTE - Portal de Archivos Españoles
MINISTERIO DE EDUCACIÓN, CULTURA Y DEPORTE ...PARES Portal de Archivos Españoles Presentación Búsqueda Sencilla Búsqueda Avanzada Inventario Dinámico Monográficos Recursos © Ministerio de Educación, C... 
View on pares.mcu.es  Preview by Yahoo 

http://onlinebooks.library.upenn.edu/ 
Catalogue of a collection of original manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands : and now in the possession of the Marquess of Bute ... / prepared under the direction of John, Third Marquess of Bute, by W. de Gray Birch.
The Online Books Page: Titles: Catalogue of a collection of original manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands : and now in the possession of the Marquess of Bute ... / prepared under the direction of John, Third Marquess of Bute, by W. de Gray Birch. 
Author: Birch, Walter de Gray, 1842-1924 
Note: Edinburgh ; London : William Blackwood and Sons, 1903 

Link: page images at HathiTrust; US access only 
No stable link: This is an uncurated book entry from our extended bookshelves, readable online now but without a stable link here. You should not bookmark this page, but you can request that we add this book to our curated collection, which has stable links. 

Libro de Sandoval
Libro de Sandoval Entre otros asuntos, este captulo incluye el corto y delicioso relato de la concesin al lugar de Sandoval de la Reina del Ttulo de Villa y de cmo se llev a cabo la... 
View on www.sandovaldelarein... Preview by Yahoo 

www.sandovaldelareina.com/castellano/arte/literatura/... Cached
Primer libro sobre Sandoval. Título: Sandoval de la Reina y sus Fundadores La familia de los Sandovales . Autor: Cirilo García Pérez Burgos, año 2000

Mimi, I used this book for my Sandoval Line. It did connect to New Spain. I was unable to connect to the Sandoval family of Monterrey. I'm missing about 100 years of Spanish/Mexican records.  This site does connect to the Spanish Bookstore.

Catalogue Of A Collection Of Original Manuscripts Formerly Belonging To The Holy Office Of The Inquisition In The Canary Islands V1: 1499-1693 (1903) (Hardcover) 
by W. De Gray Birch (Author) 
http://www.amazon.com/forum/ref=cm_cd_olp?_encoding=UTF8&asin=1436547296 

CALL FOR PAPERS
2015, the 25th Annual Conference
Society for Crypto-Judaic Studies

ARCHAEOLOGY

Asian cave paintings rewrite the history of art

Ancient Oregon caves may upend understanding of humans in the Americas
By Courtney Sherwood

Jenkins said the test findings provide "significant new information regarding the timing and spread of the first settlers in the Americas," suggesting an ancient human population reached what is now the United States at the end of the last Ice Age.

Introduction to article- 
The Hobbit turns 10: a Find that rewrote human history. 
By Pallab Ghosh, Science correspondent  BBC Newsby


It's a far cry from the old view of a linear progression from knuckle-dragging ape-like creatures to upright modern people.  Prof Roberts says the discovery of a completely different species of human on the Indonesian Island of Flores that lived until relatively recently, 
"put paid to this cozy status quo in one fell swoop".  

Very well done video of the life and career of  well known Mexican engineer  El Homenaje a Don Luis Herrera Gonzalez.  The video starts out with his family history in Chihuahua.  Voice-over a series of photos in addition to interviews of friends and family members.http://youtu.be/wBxVId_49Dg 
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wBxVId_49Dg&feature=youtu.be 
Sent by Carolina Gomez Barrio carolinatomkinson@aol.com  

Sent by Jose M. Pena  JMPENA@aol.com

La Apertura del Sendero Histórico de la Batalla de la Angostura

Registro eclesiástico de la defunción del Señor don José Díaz

Registro eclesiástico de la defunción del General de División Francisco Murguía López de Lara

Landfill Harmonic Orchestra, 
Cateura, Paraguay

The world generates about a billion tons of garbage a year. Those who live with it and from it are the poor – like the people of Cateura, Paraguay. And here they are transforming it into beauty. Landfill Harmonic follows the Orchestra as it takes its inspiring spectacle of trash-into-music around the world. Follow the lives of a garbage picker, a music teacher and a group of children from a Paraguayan slum that out of necessity started creating instruments entirely out of garbage. Landfill Harmonic is a beautiful story about the transformative power of music, which also highlights two vital issues of our times: poverty and waste pollution.

Chávez got to know these kids and their families over 8 years ago while working on a waste recycling project at the landfill of Cateura.

Guatemalan entrepreneurs make urban living a community project 
by Anna-Claire Bevan 
(Latina Lista)

First Peoples Human Rights Coalition 
firstpeoplesrights@earthlink.net 


Shaman Davi Kopenawa at an assembly of the the Hutukara Associação Yanomami . 
Credit: Courtesy Luciano Padrã/Cafod

Brazil’s “Dalai Lama of the Rainforest” Faces Death Threats
http://www.ipsnews.net/2014/08/brazils-dalai-lama-of-the-rainforest-faces-death-threats/  
By Fabiola Ortiz

JULY, 2014 -  April Holloway 
New discoveries confirm astronomical knowledge of Incas at Machu Picchu by April Holloway

http://www.ancient-origins.net/news-history-archaeology/new-discoveries-confirm-astronomical-knowledge
-incas-machu-picchu-001846#sthash.iv9mPKPE.dpuf 
Sent by John Inclan fromgalveston@yahoo.com 

About 110,000 children and teens are employed in Peru as domestic workers, according to figures from the International Labor Organization released Wednesday by the Dutch foundation Terre des Hommes.  Among Latin American countries, Peru trails only Brazil in the incidence of minors working as domestics.  

The ILO data shows that 79 percent of children working in Peruvian households are female, while 74 percent are between the ages of 12 and 17. Most young domestic workers come from Peru’s Andean highlands and are employed in coastal cities. Youth migration from highlands to the coast is mostly concentrated on Lima, where 40.9 percent of minors working as domestics come from the desperately poor region of Huancavelica.

The Fuente Magna Bowl was found near the world-renowned Titicaca Lake in Bolivia. (Shutterstock)

Fuente Magna, the Controversial Rosetta Stone of the Americas
By April Holloway, October 2, 2014

The Fuente Magna Bowl was found to have two types of scripts engraved on the inside. (Courtesy of Bernardo Biados’s research team)

Antiguo Acueducto del Río Piedras

The Foreign Born from Latin America and the Caribbean: 2010
September 2011   Report Number: ACSBR/10-15
Yesenia D. Acosta and G. Patricia de la Cruz 

Over half (53 percent) of all foreign-born U.S. residents in 2010 were from Latin America. Another 28 percent were from Asia. The next largest world region-of-birth group, the foreign born from Europe, represented 12 percent of all foreign born—less than half the size of the foreign born from Asia. About 4 percent of the foreign born were born in Africa and 3 percent were from other regions, including Oceania and Northern America. The single largest country-of-birth group was from Mexico (29 percent of all foreign born).

Link to the PDF copy of the report: http://census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/
publications/2011/acs/acsbr10-15.pdf  
Last Revised: December 11, 2013
Sent by Roberto R. Calderón, Ph.D.  beto@unt.edu 
Historia Chicana [Historia]