Chapter Nineteen

The War of 1812

Much of the information provided here is taken for the Internet

The family history of the de Riberas is also one of a Spanish family. Given the fact that by and large the history of the North American Continent has been written by non-Spanish writers it is without a doubt skewed toward an Anglo-American and Northern European perspective. The nature of American history has been wholly deficient in its content regarding Hispanics and their contributions to the freedom in the United States of America. That includes its wars.

I would like to offer some comments on traditional American history which portrays its warrior officers, soldiers, and sailors of the 18th and 19th-Century C.E. as being almost exclusively of Anglo-American or Northern European descent. “To the victors go the spoils and the writing of history.” There is nothing wrong with this emphasis as it a reality of life. With time and the transition in populations and cultures a newer weltanschauung is brought about. Each successive wave of immigrants brings new thoughts, ideas, food, culture, historical perspective, etc. to that melding of an empire.

As this family history has taught me, each succeeding empire’s conquest brings with it a need, or want to superimpose its culture and a new weltanschauung upon the conquered. Regarding the Anglo-American empire of the United States, its cultural and historical genesis was that of England and later Britain. With expansion came other Northern European stock which melded with the majority over time. Thus, American emphasis on these two groups in writing their history. In time, Southern Europeans joined the mix, integrated, intermarried, and became Americans. This includes those of Spanish stock. These would eventually want their part of the story told.

It should be remembered that wars and those who fight them, and the lands and seas on which they are fought, are not removed from history. Rather, they continue to be a part of it. They are in fact subject to that history. Just as time passes over a geographic area, a city, or town so it does with empires and those who lead them. In the case of Louisiana, it had been held by Napoleon’s Empire Français, then el Imperio Español, and finally in 1803 C.E. the American Empire. Each contributed to its unique culture and history and none should be excluded whether by accident, ignorance, or by purpose.

What many don’t understand is that worldviews are pervasive in one’s society or culture. Thus, there is no need to speak of them. It is accepted that everyone already knows them. These views guide most of the society we are a part of. In the United States, we have lived with these American worldviews all of our lives. They comprise the system under which we operate.

There are many American worldviews. Among them are: Our time sense is futuristic; our sense of nature involves mastery; our social sense is individualistic; and our sense of the proper way of being is to value doing. These values suggest: 1) Time focuses on the future rather than the past. 2) We should be able to control nature; it is here for our use it. 3) Given human nature, you can count on people to do the right thing given the chance. 4) The individual’s wishes, needs and aspirations are more important than the groups (including the family).

It is difficult for many to understand that to be an American is not solely being of one ethnic, cultural, or racial group. Clearly, it’s more than being a native or citizen of the United States. These uniquely American worldviews are only a part of why these men and women willingly gave their lives and fortunes for its survival and growth. They didn’t make up their minds to fight and die as Whites, Blacks, Native Americans, Hispanics, or others. They did so simply for the love of country and its precious freedoms. Only in the recent past have Black Americans forced the rewriting of that history to include their progenitors, which in my estimation is the right thing to do. Due to this Northern European-centric view of American history, I felt duty bound to offer some insight into Hispanic contributions to the continued success of America and its Hispanic soldiers that fought during the War of 1812. In this vein, I would like to offer to the reader that there were those of Spanish, Hispanic, and Hispano descent who also fought in the War of 1812. This includes the de Riberas. This I state not as conjecture, but fact.

Pre-statehood settlers of Louisiana generally came from eastern Canada, France, Germany, the West Indies, Spain, and Africa. During the Revolutionary War many other immigrants arrived from the Atlantic states. After the Americans arrived, the French, Españoles, and others remained to live, have their children, and die.

In the case of the Españoles, previous to the Américanos, they had held the land as Spanish Luisiana from 1762 C.E. to 1802 C.E. Many things can happen over a fifty year period, as it did from 1762 C.E. through 1812 C.E. They came, lived, and intermarried with other groups which had settled there. The Españoles’ surnames morphed to become more like their French neighbors, later they were anglicized. Some took non-Spanish names through marriage or for other reasons. But none the less, they were still of Spanish stock. In this chapter, I will provide some of those names of the soldiers of Spanish, Hispanic, and Hispano descent that fought and died during this war.

To clarify, many of the names listed in the index provided are considered possible Spanish surnames. This is done in an effort to engage the reader in later research. Now let us move on to the war.

Twenty-nine years after the American Revolutionary War (1775th C.E.-1783 C.E.) ended, a second war, the War of 1812, would be fought. It was once again between the United States and Great Britain. The war would last from 1812 C.E. to 1815th C.E. This after Great Britain had formally recognized the sovereignty of the United States via the Treaty of Paris on September 3, 1783 C.E. Just as soldiers of Spanish, Hispanic, and Hispano descent had fought and died during the Revolutionary War, so they served once again in the cause of American freedom. There were men like Captain Francis Alpuente, 2nd Lieutenant Joseph Bosque, Jordi (George) Farragut y Mesquida, (175th5th-1817) born in Menorca, España, a distinguished American naval and military officer during the Revolutionary War. He was also the father of James Glasgow Farragut or David Farragut, a heroic leader of distinguished himself in several engagements with the British during the War of 1812 and for the Union Naval Forces during the Civil War.

The War of 1812 resulted from anger in the United States over British impressment of American sailors, British support of Native American raiding and killing on the American frontier, and all important trade issues. Military action began with the army of the United States attempting an invasion of Canada while the United Kingdom’s forces attacked southward.

The United Kingdom and the Empire Français had been involved in the Napoleonic Wars (1803 C.E.-1815th C.E.) since 1803 C.E. The wars stemmed from unresolved disputes associated with the French Revolution and its continued aggression. This series of conflicts were fought on one side by Napoleon I’s Empire Français and its allies, that continually changing coalition of European powers. Napoleon I’s challengers were led and financed by Great Britain. These five conflicts were each named after a participating coalition that fought against Napoleon; the Third Coalition (1805th C.E.), the Fourth (1806 C.E.-1807 C.E.), Fifth (1809 C.E.), Sixth (1813 C.E.), and the Seventh and final (1815th C.E.).

By 1812 C.E., the Empire Français was at its height of power and prestige. It could boast 130 departments and the rule of 70 million subjects. The Empire’s military maintained an extensive presence in Duchy of Warsaw, Germany, Italy, el Imperio Español, with Prussia and Austria as its allies. Needless to say, Britain felt threatened by Napoleon’s military successes and was becoming increasingly desperate.

To contain Napoleonic France, Britain deployed and enforced a naval blockade intended to eliminate neutral trade with France. In order to provide manpower for the war and its blockade, Britain impressed American merchant sailors into the Royal Navy by force. The United States contested these actions as illegal under international law. In addition, Britain’s political support for a Native American buffer state which was conducting ongoing raids against American frontier was seen as a hindrance to American expansion. As a result of these and other grievances, on June 18, 1812 C.E., American President James Madison signed an American declaration of war.

A war weary and increasingly embittered United Kingdom saw this declaration of war as an opportunistic ploy by the Americans to annex Canada. They quickly implemented both defensive and offensive strategies. The first engagement was the ill-fated British assault on Sacket's Harbor, New York of July 19, 1812 C.E., the American defeat at the Battle of Detroit on August 15th, 2012 C.E., the American defeat at the Battle of Queenston Heights on October 13, 1812 C.E., near Queenston, Upper Canada (the present-day province of Ontario), and the failure of the American invasion of Montreal on November 20, 1812 C.E. prevented its attempt to seize Canada.

In 1813 C.E., the Americans won control of Lake Erie and shattered the Tecumseh Confederacy.

This group of Native Americans began forming its Tecumseh Confederacy in the American Continent’s Old Northwest in the early-19th-Century. The confederation grew around the teaching of Tenskwatawa, an Indian prophet. Over several years, it came to include several thousand warriors. The brother of the prophet, Shawnee leader Tecumseh, gradually was accepted is leader by early-1808 C.E.

Next, the Royal Navy blockaded America’s East Coast. This allowed them to strike American trade at will.

After defeating the Americans at the Battle of Bladensburg on August 24, 1814 C.E, a British force occupied Washington and set fire to a number of public buildings, including the White House and the Capitol. Soon afterwards, the American army drove back further British attempts to invade the north and the mid Atlantic states. After April 1, 1814 C.E., with the abdication of Napoleon, the blockade of France was ended and the impressment of American sailors stopped. Peace negotiations were entered into in August 1814 C.E.

The Battle of New Orleans, January 1815th

Here I should state that the Americans anticipated a British attack on New Orleans. Major-General Jackson was making every effort to prepare for the British attack and to counter it. These preparations would be ongoing, as there was so much to accomplish and time was limited.

As a part of Jackson's artillery defence of New Orleans, a marine battery would be placed on the right bank between December 3rd and January 6th. It consisted of 3 twenty-fours and 6 twelves which flanked the enemy on the left bank. The 6 twelves were distributed at the redoubts on the extreme right which were occupied by a company of the Seventh infantry, under Lieutenant Ross. The 2 sixes manned by a detachment of the Forty-fourth, under Lieutenant Marant.

The British Major General Edward Pakenham, a veteran of the Duke of Wellington's Spanish campaigns, had embarked 8,000-9,000 men on Admiral Lord Thomas Cochrane's fleet of approximately 60 vessels. They arrived off Lake Borgne on December 12, 1814 C.E.

The British decided to approach the City of New Orleans through Lake Borgne and the adjacent bayous.  Admiral Cochrane assembled a force of 42 armed longboats which departed on December 12th, charged with clearing the lake of America’s 5th gunboats and 2 small sloops of war. A force of 1,200-man force located Jones' squadron 36 hours later.  In short order, the British were able to close on the enemy, board the American vessels, and overwhelm their crews. The British victory delayed their advance giving Jackson time to improve his defenses. 

With the lake now secured, British Major General John Keane landed on Pea Island. After establishing a British garrison there, Keane and his 1,800 men pushed forward. They reached the east bank of the Mississippi River and encamped on the Lacoste Plantation. This placed the British contingent approximately nine miles south of the City of New Orleans on December 23rd.

On December 23, 1814 C.E., at half past 1 o'clock in the afternoon Major-General Jackson's New Orleans headquarters was informed that an advance guard of British forces had arrived. It was reported that they were encamped on the Villeré Plantation, nine miles below the City of New Orleans. Jackson’s reaction was one of astonishment. He was taken aback by the thought that the British had reached their destination without discovery by American forces. What made matters worse for the Americans was the fact that troops included many seasoned units of the Duke of Wellington's army. Jackson’s men would be facing some of the best soldiers in the world. What Jackson was destined to do next was to decide the fate of New Orleans, the outcome of the war, and the continued existence of America.

Later that day in the early evening, Jackson and his 2,131 men arrived north of Keane's encampment. From there, he would launch a three-pronged attack on the camp.

On the broad field where the British were encamped, soldiers had already eaten and many were asleep as darkness fell on the camp. Guards were doubled, and their officers made inspections of the parameter. At approximately seven o'clock, several officers noticed to a vessel slowly making its way down the river. The British assumed that she was one of their own cruisers, as she had made it passed the forts. After proceeding a short distance up stream, the American ship Carolina was now in position to cover the British left flank before their advance on the City of New Orleans. British sentries hailed her, but no answer was returned. Several muskets were fired, still no response.

Next, sailors on board were seen quietly fastening the sails as the vessel continued in close ashore. Then her anchor was dropped. There was movement on board and lighted matches were seen in the darkness. Finally, a shout was heard from the ship, "Give this for the honor of America." The flash and sounds from the cannons and firearms were soon followed by grapeshot and musket balls which made their way into the levee and the camp. The fire killed and wounding many British soldiers. Many struck and killed men in their sleep.

For many minutes the British were disorganization and being cut down. The Carolina’s Commander Patterson, Captain Henley, and its crew gave the British no time to reorganize, as she continued her fire across the whole field. The British soldiers ran trying to find cover. The rocketers attempted to fire their incendiary and explosive rockets on the levee at the American schooner, but failed. There was laughter heard from the sailors of the Carolina. Finally, the British officers ordered their men off the open fields to shelter under the levee. Upon reaching the levee the soldiers took up positions listening in silence to the grapeshot hitting their camp. There were shrieks heard from the wounded in the darkness. Nothing could be seen beyond a few feet.

The Carolina lessened her fire, but there was another cause for alarm. She began concentrating her fire on the British outposts. Then came volleys from small units of American soldiers, increasing their fire. It came from every part of the field into the encircled the camp. They were surrounded and attempted to break out. The Eighty-fifth and Ninety-fifth were ordered to move out from under the levee and rush the Americans, while the Fourth formed on the right bank of Villeré's Canal in front of the British headquarters. The Fourth was to act as a reserve and protect their communications with the lake.

Colonel Thornton commanded the movements of the entire British force. With the Eighty-Fifth now on the right and the Ninety-Fifth on the left, they were in position for battle. The Americans under Major-General Jackson were marched to the Rodríguez Plantation Canal, about two miles from the British camp. There, he made his base of his operations. Jackson ordered Colonel John Coffee and his 2nd Regiment of Volunteer Mounted Riflemen, composed mostly of Tennessee militiamen with the exception of one company of volunteers from Madison County, Alabama (part of an eight hundred man command), to the left. They were to advance along the edge of the swamps until they reached the boundary line between Lacoste's and Laronde's plantations. There they were to gain the British right, turn his position, sever his communications, and destroy his forces. Once there, Coffee’s forces could hear the broadside from the Carolina, the signal for the commencement of the battle. Jackson now gave the order to advance.

The America division on the right consisted of regulars, two battalions of volunteers, the artillery, and the marines. With his 1147 muskets and two six-pounders, Jackson had his men advance by heads of companies as near the river as possible.

The battle was opened by a company of the Seventh on the extreme right, making its way through the gate of Laronde's Plantation. It advanced as far as the boundary of Lacoste's Plantation where it received British fire from an outpost of 80 men of the Ninety-Fifth, where they were in a ditch under the cover of a fence near the road. A company of the Seventh on the American right, attacked forcing the British to retire. The company then occupied the abandoned area.

The reinforced British returned to regain their previously held position. Only a few yards apart the British opened with heavy fire on the American detachment. They replied for some minutes with severe and destructive fire. The American commander received a bullet in the leg. Another officer McClelland and a sergeant were killed and several other soldiers were wounded.

American artillery advanced up the road supported by the marines. It laid down a barrage of fire on the enemy's outpost. A strong force of British attacked the artillery and their heavy fire pushed the marines back. The fire wounded some of the horses and one of the artillery piece carriages made its way into a ditch. Jackson and his staff being nearby rode swiftly to save the guns, end the disorder, and rally the marines.

Meanwhile, the other companies of the Seventh advanced, formed in battalion formation on the river, and opened fire on the British. The British also reformed their strengthened lines with the Forty-Fourth forming on the left of the Seventh and joining the battle. Steady fire was kept up on both sides, as each line extended perpendicular from the river for some distance. At that point, both the British on the right side and the Americans on the left side were in danger of being outflanked and turned. The British line was by now had extending beyond the American line. A strong American force had begun to make its way at a cadence of quick time behind the old levee toward the rear of the left of the British Forty-Fourth. It was forced back when other American units came into line and formed under heavy fire.

American Major Jean Baptiste Plauche's Battalion of Orleans was wheeled into line on the left of the Forty-Fourth forcing them to give way. Major Louis D'Aquin's (Daquin) San Domingo Free Men of Color Battalion followed Plauche and opened with heavy fire on the British. Finally, the British retired under a heavy fog which came up about half past eight o'clock and resumed their original position on the boundary line of the Pierre Lacoste’s and Jacques Phillippe Villeré’s plantations.

Meantime Colonel Coffee stationed his men at the ditch which forms the boundary line of Major-General Pierre Denis de la Ronde’s (Laronde) and Lacoste’s plantations. Leaving 100 men in charge of the horses, he advanced with Captain Thomas Beale's rifles on the left. There they were deployed as widely separated as the tactical situation permitted skirting the swamp in order to make a formation for skirmishing. When Coffee reached the boundary line of Villeré’s Plantation, he believed that he had gained the enemy's right. Wheeling his column to the right, Coffee advanced with his battle front facing to the river. The riflemen then deployed throughout Villeré's Plantation and penetrated the center of the British encampment, killing many British and captured several prisoners.

Coffee’s troops soon engaged the British outposts and the British Eighty-Fifth moved forward to challenge and engage him. Both sides were accomplished sharp shooting. The Eighty-Fifth light infantry had a good reputation for how they handled their guns. The Tennesseeans, however, fired faster and with better accuracy. Secondly, the British short rifle was not equal to the American western hunter’s and Indian fighter’s long rifles. The British lost several officers, including the Brigade Major Harris, and the entire command suffered severely.

It had required heavy fighting to dislodge the British rifles, but they were beaten. Concealed behind the huts, the British had waited until the Tennesseans were in their midst. They then rushed forward and engaged them hand-to-hand. The British used their rifles as clubs ruining many fine rifles. The Tennesseeans preferred long knives and tomahawks rather than endangering their arms. They killed many British soldiers. These were found dead with heavy gashes on their forehead or deep stabs wounds on their bodies. The British fell back under Coffee's steady advance. When finally joined by reinforcements, they kept up continuous fire on the Tennesseeans until they finally reached the old levee, not far from the road. Once there, they suffered from Carolina's broadsides. Colonel Coffee unable to continue and not wanting to expose his men to the Carolina’s fire, left to join the division protecting the right.

Finding the fog too thick, Jackson’s right column fell back to its original position and Colonel Coffee soon followed it back to a position near the old levee. There, the battle commenced again with sporadic American fire on the British regulars and outposts. Next, the British Ninety-Fifth advanced toward the British right awaiting the Ninety-Third Highlanders who were expected to reach camp at any time. Under the assumption that men sighted wearing the Highland frock were of the Ninety-Third, Major Mitchell advanced, calling out, "Are those the Ninety-Third?"  "Of course," shouted Coffee's Tennesseeans who were in hunting shirts, which in the dark had been mistaken for frocks. Mitchell then moved forward within a few feet of the men. The American Captain Donaldson stepped in front informing Mitchell, "You are my Prisoner." The Major's sword was requested while a half a dozen long rifles were trained on him. The Major surrendered along with several other prisoners and was marched off by the Tennesseeans.

The movement of Coffee's brigade to the right also had its problems. Just before receiving an order to retire, Colonel Coffee would experience a failure. During Colonel Coffee’s last charge, the left of his line which included 200 Tennesseeans and Beal's Rifles became separated from troops under Coffee's immediate command. The British understood the mistake and immediately went into it with a strong line of troops which stood between Coffee and his separated troops. The mistaken Americans heard the British and assumed them to be Colonel Coffee's men. They were soon hailed by the British to stop and report. The American commanders, Dyer and Gibson, advanced and called out that they were the Second Division of Tennesseeans. With no answer, the Americans retired toward the swamp. As they did, the British opened a fire on them and charged forward. The Americans retreated about fifty yards halted and return fire. The British were checked by the fire and the Tennesseeans succeeded in reaching Colonel Coffee. But a portion of the troops were not as lucky. On the extreme left of the Tennesseeans had been Beale's Rifles, extending for some distance across Lacoste's Plantation and into Villeré's field.

These men had been fighting singly or in small squads and had penetrated the center of the British encampment. Their tactics had been so effective that British believed them to be an entire regiment. The British pursued the Americans planning to cut them off. The Rifles separated and attempted escape. One party retreated in the direction of the swamp and had almost reached it. As they moved forward they saw a line of men advancing from the swamp toward them and concluded from the dress of the men that they were Colonel Coffee's "Hunters." Eagerly pressing forward, they calling out, "Where's the first division?"  "Here they are," was the thick broad Scottish accented reply. As the charging line closed in on the Americans, they surrendered, became prisoners, and were taken down the bayou to the British fleet. The British boasted of their achievements on December 23rd.

By December 24th, the Treaty of Ghent which brought peace to the warring parties was signed. Unfortunately, it would be some time before news of the peace reached America. British forces unaware that a treaty had been signed launched an invasion of Louisiana.

By the evening of December27th, Major-General Jackson had a better understanding of the British military preparations with which they planned to overwhelm him that next day. Jackson at his quarters began to plan how to resist and defeat Pakenham’s battle plan. One can imagine how this American general felt preparing to face the greatest army in the world.

When the British began their advance, Jackson had only the two six-pounders placed at the levee, the same ones that made a narrow escape on the night of the December the 23rd. During the night of the 27th, in order to command the road a twelve-pounder howitzer was placed. Shortly thereafter, a twenty-four-pounder was positioned on the left of the twelve-pounder. Another twenty-four-pounder was set in place on the levee while under British battery fire on the morning of the 28th. These and the Louisiana battery were a formidable American artillery compliment.

The American infantry was also strengthened. The First Regiment of Louisiana militia was positioned on the right of the lines. The Second Regiment reinforced the extremity of the left to ensure a safe and reliable battle response. Meantime, Major General William Carroll had marched his poorly armed men, many carrying discarded guns and shotguns for shooting wildfowl, to Canal Rodríguez. Once there, he put them to work on entrenchments on the extreme left.

Jackson by now had a force of over 4,000 men. His twenty artillery pieces had been established in strong positions in a very short period of time. Major-General, Sir Edward Michael Pakenham GCB, the commander of the British North American army had at least 8,000 veteran soldiers, well-armed, and well-equipped. They had been supplied with all the necessary modern implements of war.

By daybreak of December 28th, there was a mist that veiled the countryside. Soon, the Louisiana winter mist melted away. Now, the morning of December 28th was bright, clear, and temperate. The air was fresh and slightly frosty.

In the early-morning, Jackson more confident and satisfied when he saw several straggling bands of Baratarians. The Baratarians had run all the way from the Fort Saint John on the path from Lake Borqne and Lake Pontchartrain, where they had been stationed since their release from prison. The stragglers were under the immediate command of Captain Dominique Yeox or Yeou, and Captain Bluche or Belluche who were to take charge of one of the twenty-four-pounders. Dominique You was a privateer, a Pirate, and now a soldier for the Americans' during the War of 1812. Born in France, Dominique had made his way to New Orleans in the early 1800's C.E. Their ultimate leader was the Pirate Jean Lafitte whose base at Barataria Bay was used in the early 19th-Century C.E. by the pirates, privateers, and smugglers. The Baratarians were followed by two other parties of sailors of the crew of the Carolina. They had been ordered to man the howitzer on the right and the other twenty-four-pounder, on the left of Plauche's battalion.

Major-General Jackson watched enemy movement from his headquarters window. It has been reported that he had an expression of stern determination. With his boundless courage, he communicated to his staff fearless confidence in an American success. Jackson had divided his army into two divisions. The troops from the right to the left of the Forty-Fourth were under the command of acting Brigadier General Colonel Ross. The troops left of the line, were under Major-General Carroll and Brigadier General (Colonel) Coffee.

Both armies stood at the ready. Rapid movement could be seen in both camps. It wasn’t long before Jackson was made aware of British intentions.

If Jackson was confident, the British were supremely confident. Pickets were soon called up.  Drums beats could be heard and the blast of bugles rang out. As the British army moved forward, Major-General Pakenham, his staff, and a guard comprised of the Fourteenth Dragoons rode in the center of the line in order to command a view of both advancing columns. The first column under General Samuel Gibbs was made up of the Fourth, the Twenty-First, Forty-Fourth, and one Black Corps which stayed close to the wood and swamp on the right with the Ninety-Fifth Rifles. A party of skirmishers and light infantry, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Rennie had been detached from General Gibbs' column. Its orders were to turn the American left and gain the rear of their encampment.

From the first column, the British extended their skirmishing order across the plain and met the right of Lieutenant-General John Keane, 1st Baron Keane, GCB, GCH’s second column. He had been promoted to Major-General in command of the British 3rd brigade. The second column consisted of the Eighty-Fifth, the Ninety-Fifth, and one Black Corps. Keane kept his column as close to the levee as possible, under the protection of Bayou Bienvenu and the Chalmette battlefield headquarters of Hind's troops. British artillery had preceded the second column on the main road. Through his field glass, Lieutenant-General Keane could see several large cannon emplacements on Jackson's lines which completely covering his column.

American advance scouts immediately harassed the British columns with fire and shouting defiantly at them. As they did, the sloop, USS Louisiana, weighed anchor and floated down stream. It anchored in a commanding position of the road giving it the whole field of fire in front of the American lines.

Jackson prepared and waiting, the British came forward in a solid, compact, and orderly column, as if on parade ground. They arrived under the cover of a shower of rockets and continual artillery fire from their in front and their batteries at the levee. On they came, not reacting to the incessant American fire being poured into their ranks from the moment they were visible. As they got nearer, they were under simultaneous bombardment by the batteries of Morris and the Baratarians, and a terrible broadside from the USS Louisiana. These swept the field hitting the British column’s line. The effective, destructive fire was kept up. More than eight hundred shots alone were fired by the USS Louisiana with deadly effect. Each single discharge could wound or kill fifteen men.

Under incessant American fire, the British had to retreat. The battalions were ordered to deploy into line and seek a cover in the ditches. Keane's column in particular had withstood much. Once in the ditches, they were concealed in the rushes which grew on the banks of the canal. Unfortunately, their artillery could not be removed or covered and the American artillery concentrated on the British battery. Two field pieces advanced on the road and levee near to the American lines were destroyed and the gunners killed. Keane's column had been broken by American artillery.

The British General Samuel Gibbs’ column on the right approached the American lines. In Gibbs’ view, the American entrenchment works could be easily taken. After all, they consisted only of a low mound of earth with a narrow ditch in front. Gibbs halted his main column and sent skirmishers forward. He then sent another detachment into the woods to take the American outposts. They advanced to a position behind Carroll and his Tennesseeans. The Americans sent two hundred Tennesseeans into the swamp to get behind the British and then flank to the right and cut them off from the main body. They came under the heavy British fire from soldiers positioned behind a fence and concealed by grass and weeds. The American Colonel and five men were killed by the fire. Several others were wounded. They quickly retired behind American the lines. The Americans lost nine men killed and eight wounded. The British loss was nearly two hundred killed and wounded.

One focus of Major-General Jackson's preparations for the great Battle of New Orleans was his artillery force. It would eventually grow to an artillery force to twenty-five pieces. Initially, Jackson's artillery of various caliber consisted of 16 pieces. In relation to his small a force of infantry the proportion of artillery to soldiers was quite large. There were 4 sixes (including those in the redoubt), 3 twelves, 2 eighteens, 3 twenty-fours, 1 thirty-two, 1 six-inch howitzer and, 1 small brass cannonade. There was also 1 mortar unable to be used until a French veteran named Lefebre was found. It did not prove to be a very effective weapon. The heaviest of Jackson’s artillery was placed on the right, to resist British batteries and repel troop advances in that quarter.

At the redoubt tents were pitched. On the extreme right, thirty of Beale's Rifles were stationed between Humphrey's battery and the river. From their left, the Seventh Infantry extended to Battery No. 3 and covered Humphrey's and Morris' guns. They also protected the powder magazine what was built on January 1st. The regiment had a compliment of 430 under the Creole, Major Peire.

A company of the Carbineers were stationed between Yeou's and Bluche's two guns of Battery No. 3. Some of Plauche's Battalion of Orleans numbering 289 men and Lacoste's Battalion of Free men of Color compliment of 280 soldiers were assigned to fill the gap between batteries No. 3 to No. 4, where Crawley's thirty-two were covering.  15th0 soldiers of Daquin's Battalion of free men of color, and 240 soldiers of Captain Baker’s Forty-fourth extended to Perry's battery No. 5th. Two-thirds of the length of the remaining line was guarded by Carroll's command which consisted of 600 soldiers under Colonel Slaughter, and additional 400 under Major Harrison, who were of Major General Thomas' Kentucky division (twenty-two hundred and fifty for whom weapons had been obtained. These would later be reinforced on the January 7th, by 1,000 Kentuckians under General Adair.

On the right of Lieutenant Spott’s and Chaveau’s Battery No. 7, 5th00 marines had been stationed under Lieutenant Bellevue. The extreme left was held by Coffee's command of 5th00 men who were required to remain in the water. These had only floating logs with which to get quickly to the trees should the need arise. Ogden's 5th0 horse troops were stationed near headquarters, with 30 of Cauveau's men near him. Hines' squadron of 15th0 men was encamped on Delery's plantation in the rear. Near Pierna's canal a detachment of Colonel Young's regiment of Louisiana militia were also in place at the rear. Their assignment was to prevent the British from making their way into the encampment from that direction and to prevent anyone from leaving the lines. American outposts were established out five hundred yards toward the front.

Jackson's entire force on the left bank of the river consisted of 4,000 men. However, his lines were held by only 3,200 troops. Less than 800 were regular troops. The majority of these were fresh recruits commanded by young officers.

By January the 6th, Jackson understood that the British intended to cross the river. The question was, would they concentrate their force on the weak American defenses on the right bank?  Or, would they advance simultaneously on both banks? Colonel John R. Grimes, Jackson’s aid, was sent across the river to gather information. He was to observe and report on the movements of the enemy at Villeré's and General Morgan’s American defenses. Grimes recognized quickly that the British were preparing to send a detachment across the river. He then advised Morgan to march his force under cover of the levee and take positions opposite Villeré's. When the British approached in boats, they were to open fire on them. Instead, Morgan stationed an advance unit of 120 militia armed only with fowling pieces and musket cartridges on Mayhew's Canal, in front of his own position.

Other precautionary American defense arrangements were made. Jackson had another entrenchment placed a mile and a half in the rear. There, he posted all those not well-armed or able-bodied. The men in of this line were armed with only spades and pickaxes. Should the British succeed in breaking through his main works, Jackson would drive forward with his mounted force. Under their protection, he could fall back to this second line. A third line was also established nearer the city, which his men commenced work on.

On the night of the January 7th, all along the American lines men were cleaning their weapons pieces, preparing cartridges, and generally preparing for battle. The outposts had been placed and forward scouts were watching British camp movement. They could hear battle preparation and the noise of workmen reconstructing redoubts near the remains of the Chalmette building, the plantation home of Colonel Denis de La Ronde's half-brother, Ignace Martin de Lino (175th5th C.E.-1815th C.E.). It had been burned and largely destroyed by invading forces on January 1st.

On the British side, on the evening of the January 7th, re-enforcements arrived with fresh a supplies and provisions. The soldiers packed their knapsacks, polished their weapons, and filled cartridge boxes. These soldiers were now ready to storm Jackson's lines. Then they slept. Some of the Americans in Jackson's army camp were anxious, though many of the soldiers were by now Veterans and had confidence in their Andrew Jackson.

That same night of January the 7th, American Commodore Patterson proceeded down the right bank of the river to a point opposite the British. The Americans could hear in the enemy's camp men pulling and dragging boats and the splash of boats that were going into the river. They could also see a long line of British soldiers drawn up on the levee by camp fires. The Americans soon made their way to Patterson's battery. On their return, they observed General Morgan’s contingent in a very weak and insecure position. Morgan's entire force consisted of 812 poorly armed militiamen. On his left, he had two six-pounders, manned by Louisiana militia and a twelve-pounder under the navy. After at time, Captain Abraham Shepherd Jr. who had served with a company in the Ohio Militia was ordered to cross the river, inform Jackson, and request reinforcements for Morgan.

Also, on the night of January 7th, the British placed two batteries in the center of the field and near the road on the ruins of Chalmette's Plantation home. From that position the artillery could maintain continuous fire during and after the advance of the American storming parties.

The older more experienced British commanders were said to be gloomy and despondent. Some openly expressing that their chances of success were poor. One of them, Colonel Mullens was to lead the advance storming party. The younger officers had no doubt of their success. They speculated on the prospect of accumulating fortunes from where they would be quartered in the City of New Orleans. Soon, these same British officers moved men to the bank of the river, organized them, and waited for the boats to ferry across the river. As they were dragging the boats through the water, the British excavated canals began to cave-in. The sailors then began dragging the boats through mud. As a result, they were only able to launch one-fourth of the boats needed.

As boats arrived, the Commanding officer Thornton ordered his regiment, a division of sailors, and a company of marines, to board the boats. This compliment of 700 men then cast off from the left bank of the Mississippi River. The River’s current at a rate of five miles an hour swept the barges a mile and a half, downstream just as the light from the eastern sky began to come up.

It is necessary at this at this juncture that some British historians have claimed that Andrew Jackson had an army of 12,000 to 30,000 men. I put forward one report of January, 8, 1815th C.E., in which it stated that the American force on the left bank of the river was 5th,045th. Major Harrison's Kentucky battalion was not included in that estimate.

On January 8, 1815th C.E., British General Edward Pakenham and his Army of 8,000 soldiers would attack Major-General Andrew Jackson's defenses in the areas surrounding New Orleans. It was to be the greatest battle ever to be fought on the American Continent up to that time.

Captain Abraham Shepherd Jr. had re-crossed the Mississippi River and arrived at Jackson's headquarters about at one o'clock on the morning of the January the 8th. There, Shepherd gave his name and informed Major-General Jackson that the main thrust British was to be made on the right bank. Further, he stated that Morgan required more troops. The General ordered the officer to return and tell General Morgan that he was mistaken. The main British attack would be made on the left side, and he had no men to spare. After one o'clock, Jackson ordered his men be ready, the enemy would attacking soon.

Captain Shepherd then re-crossed the river and delivered Jackson’s reply to Morgan. However, without informing Morgan, Jackson sent a detachment of 5th00 poorly armed Kentuckians to the lines on the right bank. These were delayed in crossing the river. Once there, they were placed under the command of Colonel Davis and some received some old muskets from the naval arsenal. Only 260 of them were armed, some with pebbles instead of flints in their locks. The Kentuckians next hurried forward to join Morgan without rest or food. After an exhausting march of five, or six miles, they arrived at Morgan's lines and were ordered forward to an advanced position already occupied by Americans. They quickly formed on Tessier's left and in a few moments the British appeared.

Very early on the morning of January the 8th, Major-General Pakenham left from his headquarters to Villeré’s mansion at the mouth of the canal. Once there, he discovered the delay in transporting Thompson's detachment across the river. Had he known before, he would have countermanded the order to advance on the left bank which was to follow that on the right as ordered earlier. Pakenham adhered to the order.

British troops formed advancing lines some distance in front of the pickets, about four hundred or five hundred yards from the American lines. There they remained waiting to hear firing on the other side of the river. They couldn’t hear a sound across the calm surface of the Mississippi.  Soon, a thick fog covered the army and they were unable to see in front or to the rear. Through the hours, they had still not a sound from Thornton’s men.

Unknown to them at the time, Thornton had not even landed his troops. With Thornton’s contingent unavailable, the British officers had no choice. They began to form their column to advance. As the mist and fog began to break, the American flag at the center of Jackson's lines could be seen. The dark mound protecting the Americans also became faintly visible. On the American side, they could finally see a faint red line several hundred yards in front and discharged their heavy gun.

As the fog began to lift, the entire British line was revealed. It stretched across two-thirds of the plain. A Congreve rocket went up near the river and then another on the right, near the swamp. With these signals, the British long line restructured. The American gunners had just brought their artillery to bear on the British line and now they changed their position and deployed into columns of companies.

The British General Samuel Gibbs had formed his column for attack and advanced toward the woods to gain cover. The Forty-Fourth at his front was followed by the Twenty-First and Fourth. The column passed the redoubt on the extreme right of the British, near the swamp, where the men of the Forty-Fourth were ordered to pack the ladders and fascines, those rough bundles of brushwood and other materials to be used for making a path across uneven or wet terrain around the American fortifications.

The American batteries of Spotts' Number 6, Garrique's Number 7, and the Howitzer at Number 8, began bombardment of the column. The Forty-Fourth with the rest of the column moved quickly past the redoubt. They next marched front toward the American lines, advancing steadily in compact columns. Gibbs advanced toward the woods for cover by the swamp but couldn’t evade the fire from the American batteries. His lines soon felt the destructive effect of the rounds and grapeshot shot pouring into them, losing ladders and fascines.

Major-General Pakenham during his advance soon became aware that the Forty-Fourth had not brought ladders and fascines. He called to Colonel Mullens to move to the rear, proceed to the redoubt, get ladders and fascines, and return as soon as possible to his regiment. The order caused disorder in the column and delayed its advance.

While waiting for the Forty-Fourth, the column was left exposed to the terrible fire from the American batteries. Gibbs then ordered his men forward with the Twenty-First, and Fourth. With rocketers covering their front, that solid, compact column made its way forward. The fire from the American batteries hit them with terrible results. It cut through lanes of the column from front to back and left huge gaps in their flanks. The British ranks were quickly being filled by more red coats, as the column continued its advance toward Spott's long eighteen and Chaveau’s six at No. 9.

The Americans were ready and waiting. Carroll's troops were in place, with guns sighted. The Kentuckians stood behind in two lines, ready to take the place of Tennesseeans immediately after their weapons were discharged. This made four lines at this part of the entrenchment. The American frontiersmen and veterans stood cool, firm, and steady. All of the American batteries on the line, including the marine battery on the right bank, joined those on the left in firing into that British column. The British army was by now confused and staggering as it approached within two hundred yards of the American ditch.

The Americans calmly and deliberately commenced firing on the left of the Forty-Fourth, their bullets tearing through the lines of the British columns. There were no pauses or intervals, fire was ceaseless. The four lines of fire, two Tennesseeans and two Kentuckians, poured their fire into the columns of soldiers cutting them down. The British column’s head and flanks soon fell apart under the merciless fire.

Finally, Pakenham his men carrying ladders and fascines made their way to the head of a detachment of the Forty-Fourth. He led the column forward advancing as far as possible before most of his regimental officers were slaughtered. Without having enough officers to command the badly damaged troops, the Twenty-First, the Fourth, and the Forty-Fourth were all disabled. It was then that the column began breaking into two detachments. Some pushed forward toward the ditch while the majority fell back to the rear and to the swamp. The entire front was now cleared.

The British soon reformed, rallied from the ditch, and began to advance again. At that point, General Keane’s British reserves arrived and wheeled their line into column behind the Ninety-Third.  The column then pushed forward. The 900 Highlanders made their way across the field, with their heavy, solid, massive front of 100 men. It was then that they began taking concentrated fire from the Americans which poured into their ranks. As the Ninety-Third rushed forward, the American Major-General Carroll's muskets swept the field.

It was then that, Pakenham riding his horse seemed to have no use of his right arm; in his left hand he held his cap. The sound of firing from the Americans big guns could now be heard. Its shelling killed or wounded nearly all who were near him. Members of the Ninety-Third saw Pakenham and his horse of fall. A grapeshot shot had struck the Major-General in the thigh and passed through his horse, killing it. As the Major-General rolled from the saddle, he was caught by a British Captain. As the Captain and others were raising Pakenham, another ball struck him in the groin. This produced immediate paralysis. The dying Major-General was carried to the rear and laid in the shade of a live-oak, beyond the reach of the American artillery. Within minutes, he was dead.

British General Samuel Gibbs soon followed Pakenham, after his fall. The badly wounded officer was also taken to the rear. There he lingered for many hours in horrible pain until the next day, January the 9th, when he died. Lieutenant-General John Keane was badly wounded from a shot through the neck. He too was carried off the field of battle. At this point in the battle, there were no more field officers to command the broken column. Some of the British troops attempted to climb over the low American earthen work fortification, but it was too slippery. They fell while climbing the entrenchment and rolled into the trench. There they stayed under its protection from the American fire. The remainder of that bloodied, broken, disorganized, and panic stricken column retired. Each of its regiments left two-thirds of its men dead or wounded on the field. The Ninety-Third, which began with 900 men and 25th officers, had only 130 soldiers 9 officers left. It rapidly left the field. The other regiments experienced the same fate. The Twenty-First lost 5th00 men.

All that was left was a shattered British column. It regrouped and marched forward slowly and cautiously into battle. It was joined by an advance guard of the reserve which had only marched up to cover the broken column of the two other brigades’ retreat. Within twenty-five minutes, the main British attack force was repelled its two brigades nearly destroyed.

On their left they had some success. General Keane's brigade consisting of 1,000 men crept up suddenly on the American outpost and reached the redoubt. American gunner positions had almost complete artillery command of the road. A countering American advance guard fell back from the left and hurried back into their lines. Unfortunately, the retiring Americans became mixed in with the pursuing British. Now, because the British were so close to the retreating American guard, the American batteries could not open up on them. Finally, the Americans reached the redoubt and made it over the embankment. Unfortunately, the British followed them inside the defenses and began engaging in a hand-to-hand combat with the American soldiers taking the redoubt for a very short time. Their hard fought gains were soon lost, as they could not hold the redoubt for very long.

The American Seventh Infantry began to direct its fire on the interior of the redoubt forcing the British to disengage and retreat. The detachment left in two columns. One took the road and the other marched along the river under cover of the levee. The American Seventh Infantry and the batteries concentrated heavy destructive fire into the column on the road. The British on the river bank were protected from the American fire by the levee. The Americans on the right bank of the river soon caught them with volleys of grapeshot which left the river bank with the many dead and wounded. While the terrible slaughter of the British on the extreme right and left of the American lines was occurring, the center had remained without action.

At eight o'clock, only two hours after the action had begun, musket fire ceased. Orders were passed down the lines to cease firing but the artillery kept up their fire at intervals. Jackson and his staff now passed slowly down the lines halting about the center of each command. He addressed its commander and men with words of praise and grateful commendation. As he passed, the band struck up "Hail, Columbia," and the entire line burst into loud and prolonged hurrahs to the Major-General.

After a short time, the euphoria left the Americans. As the smoke came up from the field and the air cleared it was replaced with pity and horror. The once bright British column with its long red lines which had occupied the field had disappeared. There were now only hundreds of British wounded, dying, and dead scattered on the field crying out in agony. Some were crawling or being dragged by their shattered limbs over the muddy plains. The scattered clusters of the bodies of the killed and disabled could be seen for a quarter of a mile to the front of the American ditch. The American commanders using telescopes could see General Lambert’s reserves, that faint red line, far in the rear. These were the only enemy troops not wounded and alive on the visible in the field. For two hundred yards, the space in front of General Carroll's position was literally covered with the dead. The center of the column had fallen in their tracks. In some places, entire British platoons lay dead from the same artillery blast.

There they were in their bright uniforms, clean shaven, contrasted by the strange look of the ragged Americans soldiers with their long hair, and untidy clothes. Earlier before the battle, the British had laughed at them, calling them “Dirty Shirts.” By now, they were crowding the American parapet surveying the terrible destruction. In the ditch, there were over 40 dead and at least 100 wounded. At the edge of the woods, British soldiers were hiding under the brush and in the trees, many slightly wounded or unable to reach the rear.

From every quarter of the plain, one could see the contortions the wounded, crippled, and disfigured. All could hear their cries for help and water. These scenes of bloodshed, death, desolation, and suffering left the American lines in silence. Only pity and sympathy were felt. The once arrogant British troops had been reduced to helplessness and misery. Only their suffering and desolation surrounded them. Their obvious distress moved the Americans to leave from their positions with their canteens in hand to give them water and render assistance to the wounded. The wounded received prompt attention from Jackson's medical staff. Many of the Americans soldiers carried the disabled on their backs into the camps.

While the American freemen of color were attempting to lend aid, some of the British soldiers in the ditch fired on them. They claimed that they did not understanding the language of the freemen of color and feared that that they would murder or rob them. These atrocities caused considerable excitement in the American lines, as these killed and wounded Americans were unarmed while acting as Good Samaritans. They had been attending the wounded and trying to relieve their distress. More American casualties were suffered after the battle, than during it.

About noon on the January the 8th, several of the Major-General’s men from advance parties at some distance from the front of the lines, reported an approaching contingent from the British camp bearing a white flag. The party advanced to the levee within three hundred yards of Jackson's lines. Jackson ordered officers to meet the British party and receive its message. The Americans received a written communication, and returned to Jackson at his headquarters at Macarte's. The message requested an armistice to bury the dead was accepted by the Americans. The British General John Lambert later asked until 10 o'clock on the 9th to reconsider the proposition. This was granted.

Some of the Americans wandered over the field after their great victory in pursuit of lawful trophies, mementoes. General Keane had claimed Pakenham’s field glasses and his elegant sword. Afterwards they were returned by the order of Jackson. Gibbs’ and Keane’s trumpets were also picked from the field, and became the property of Coffee's brigade. Thousands of arms were gathered by the Americans from the field.

Jackson's wounded in front of line had all been brought into his camp, and provided for. British prisoners and wounded were formed into detachments or placed in carts to be sent to New Orleans.  Next, the men in his lines were ordered to resume their positions, stand to arms, and make ready for another attack.

Some distance in the rear of Jackson's lines the adult population of New Orleans had gathered earlier to observe the progress of the battle. They could be heard far to the rear and even in the city. Once the guns ceased firing, they became quiet or silent.

Throughout New Orleans, the whole population went into the streets with joy, hurrahs, salutes, and the waving of ladies’ handkerchiefs. The military force of the city and its veterans assembled with a drum and fife and paraded through the streets. News of Jackson's triumph made its way rapidly throughout the land while the Major-General was rejoicing in the American camp. While the Americans were celebrating their victory the British were preparing another assault.

As stated earlier, before the major battle Major-General Andrew Jackson’s Adjutant General, David Bannister Morgan, had been sent with about 400 poorly armed volunteers to the west bank of the Mississippi to block any possible flanking maneuver by the British.

The British force under Colonel William Thornton had left early in the morning to cross over to the west bank of the Mississippi, assault the American batteries, and turn their guns on Jackson's line. Thornton came ashore a mile further down the stream from where the Forty-Third had calculated that he would cross. The Mississippi’s strong current had delayed his crossing until half past four in the afternoon. His men were just forming into columns when the rockets ascended from the other bank announcing the beginning of the attack in that quarter. In the bows of each of his three gun-boats, there were carronades those short, smoothbore, cast iron cannons to cover his flank.

Colonel Thornton’s men marched rapidly forward up the road until they reached Adjutant General Morgan's advanced position. Thornton then divided his force and moved a detachment of the Eighty-Fifth against Tessier's position. He held the road against the Americans with the remainder of his regiment. Tessier’s compliment being on the extreme right had been unable to reach the road before the British occupied it. Upon Thornton’s advance, his carronades opened fire on the Americans. The Eighty-Fifth then charged Tessier's position forcing them to retire into the swamps. They were unable to reach their camp in the rear for many hours.

With his main body, consisting of the Eighty-Fifth, sailors, and marines Thornton continued pushing forward. He quickly routed Colonel Davis' detachment and following closely behind them. The Kentuckians’ retreat was disorganized and fell back on Morgan's lines. The General rode out and met with Colonel Davis. He directed him to form his men within his lines on the right of Tessier’s Louisiana militia. Davis and about 100 men obeyed the order.

This 100 man detachment had been covering the American lines of three or four hundred yards. They had been stationed some distance apart, so it appeared to the British that they were of a line of elite fighters or sentinels stationed to defend a small ditch and parapet rather than part of a larger force. The remainder of the 5th00 men Jackson had ordered across the river had not surrendered. Though American Adjutant General Morgan commanding Colonel Davis had not received necessary reinforcements with which he could have been able to maintain the position at the small ditch and parapet, he stood fast. Instead of 600 men, he would then have had nearly 1,000 men and three pieces of artillery.

Adjutant General Morgan and his command kept their posts and prepared to repel the British. Colonel Thornton gained the open field in front of Morgan's defenses. He extended the Eighty-Fifth to cover the entire field. Thornton’s sailors were formed in columns on the road and his marines under Major Adair were kept in reserve. Thornton began to advance steadily on Morgan's lines with Lieutenant Colonel Gibbons in command the Eighty-Fifth and Captain Money commanding the sailors.

The bugler sounded the charge as Major Mitchell’s artillery sent aloft a shower of rockets. With these signals the British rushed forward, receiving a lethal discharge of grapeshot from the American’s (Philibert) twelve-pounder, and two sixes under adjutant John Nixon of the First Louisiana Militia. The artillery fire caused the sailors to pull back. The fire from the batteries continued and wounded and killed several sailors including Captain Money. Seeing the damage inflicted on the British, the Americans began to hurrah and fire their artillery pieces more rapidly.

As Thornton and the Eighty-Fifth rushed forward after seeing the hesitation of his sailors, they came under musket fire from Morgan's lines but succeeded in getting a storming party toward the center of Morgan's line and strengthening it with a division of the Eighty-Fifth. Two other divisions of the Eighty-Fifth advanced against Morgan's center and Colonel Davis' position his extreme right. Thornton now occupied the entire front of the American lines, while the Fifty-Third’s batteries opened up on the of Morgan's extreme left with their short, smoothbore, cast iron cannons.  Thornton began closing on Davis' command. The Kentuckians feared that they were about to be hemmed in between the British compliments. One had penetrated their center and the other their extreme right. The Americans fired one volley and then abandoned their position. This began their confused fallback toward a road at the rear.

Adjutant General Morgan moved his troops to the right and called out to Colonel Davis to hold. Davis’ reply was that it was impossible because his men were panic-stricken and moving quickly and in disorder from the right toward the roads. Morgan followed after them on horseback and tried to rally them. As he did, a shower of rockets fell on the soldiers causing alarm and scattering them. Some ran as fast as they could toward Morgan's left. In the chaos, the Louisiana militia kept up volleys fire on the advancing British, discharging eight with savage effect. But, the American right was being stressed and the British moved to quickly overrun the Louisiana troops. The American battery having discharged its last cartridge of the remaining twelve, were forced to abandon their position after spiking their guns and pushing them into the river. They retired under British fire and in disorder.

At Morgan's rear, Patterson's battery on the levee which had been constructed in daylight under continuing British fire in front of Jackson's position grew concerned. Upon seeing that Morgan's line had been compromised, Patterson wheeled his guns around in order to command the road. He could see Colonel Davis' men running toward a battery to cover the British advance. Patterson then realized that his battery was about to be overrun. He had his guns spiked, the powder thrown into the river, and then abandoned his position. He, his 30 men, and the Louisiana militia left marching along the road until they reached the USS Louisiana, which had been moved about three hundred yards behind Patterson's battery. Once reaching her, the crew was unable to get launched. Patterson’s command halted and succeeded in having her towed out into the stream beyond British reach of the enemy. Finally, the Louisiana militia regrouped at Casselard's and formed on Boisgeveau's Canal. They were prepared to make a stand there. But the British never reached this position.

The British advanced and reached Patterson's battery. At that point, they believed that all was well on the other side of the river. Soon, Colonel Dickson of the artillery arrived from General Lambert with devastating intelligence about the British disasters on the left bank. Prior to Dickson's arrival, Adjutant General Thornton bad been reinforced by several companies of sailors and marines feeling strong and confident. Dickson informed him that it could not be held and made his way to General Lambert to report this. As a result, orders were sent to Thornton commanding him to retire from that position, recross the river, and join the main body. Awaiting various orders Thornton’s command had lost the greater part of the day.

Colonel Thornton began his retirement initiating a covering movement which advanced toward the American position. As they were retiring, the British troops set fire to the several saw mills in his rear and destroyed ammunition and stores which he had captured. His rear guard pressed by an advance contingent of Americans, continued to fire upon them. Darkness had fallen by the time Thornton succeeded in crossing the river.

Jackson was now concerned about the events that occurred on the right bank. He began reorganizing his forces in preparation to cross the river and support Morgan. That force was placed under the command of the Frenchman, General Hubert. Unfortunately the American militia officers were not inclined to serve under Hubert. Their lack of zeal caused delays.

The British having accepted the proposal early on the morning of the 9th and hostilities were to cease on the left bank where the dead lay unburied until 12 o'clock on the 9th. An armistice line was established about three hundred yards from the American entrenchments. Of more than 6,000 men engaged in the attack on Jackson's line the British losses on the left bank of the Mississippi were at least 2,600 injured and or out of action. Of these, 700 were killed, 1,400 wounded, and 5th00 taken prisoner.

Troop detachments from both camps were stationed a few feet apart to carry out the burial of the dead. The dead bodies were moved by the Americans to the lines and received by the British. They were then taken to a designated spot on Bayou Bienvenu which had established as the cemetery of "the Army of Louisiana." The bodies of British officers were first delivered to them and later carried to their headquarters. The officers were buried by torch light at night in Villeré's garden. Others were prepared to be returned to England. The remaining dead, including hundreds of officers and men, were buried in the rear of Bienvenu's Plantation. The spot is today, occupied by a grove of stunted cypress.

With the major battle of New Orleans having been fought and the dead buried, a silence settled over the field. The British had withdrawn and now occupied every house within miles along the river and tended to their wounded. However, the larger conflict continued.

At 12:00 a.m. on January 9, 1815th, a British Royal naval squadron was sited when they moved up the stream approaching Fort Saint Philip positioned at the bend of the Mississippi River. It is a masonry fort originally founded by the French. It was constructed in the 18th-Century C.E., during the period of Spanish control of Louisiana. It’s located on the eastern bank of the Mississippi River, about 40 miles upriver from its mouth in Plaquemines Parish, Louisiana.  The Fort was surrendered to the United States in 1803 C.E. as part of the Louisiana Purchase.

The Fort was strategic because it was positioned on the bank where the river makes a bend. Sailing ships coming up would have to tack into the wind against the current, hug the shore, and when they did the vessels came within range of the Fort’s guns. The Fort had in place 29 twenty-four-pound cannons, 2 thirty-two-pound cannons established in the defensive curtain wall of the fort, level with the river, and 2 howitzers, 1 eight-inch and 1 5th.5th-inch. 1 thirteen-inch mortar and 1 six-pound cannon were also used. Some of its guns faced the river and land guns were placed to protect it from any approach from the back side of the Fort. There were also two extended batteries on either side. The area of a fort is surrounded by a curtain wall, with or without towers. The fort’s outermost walls together with their integrated bastions and wall towers make up the main defensive line enclosing the site. Some designs of forts, had curtain walls fronted by a ditch to make assault difficult.

Beyond the ditch additional outworks such as ravelins, a triangular fortification or detached outwork, was located in front of the inner works of a fortress (the curtain walls and bastions) were added to protect the curtain walls from direct cannonading. Its magazine was completely disguised, and several smaller ones established in various places.

The British flotilla was made up of a sloop-of-war HMS Herald, a brig-of-war HMS Thistle, a schooner HMS Pigmy, and HMS Aetna and HMS Volcano the two bomb vessels. The British bomb vessels were specialized ships designed for bombarding fixed positions on land. A bomb vessel’s primary armament was not cannons (they did carry a few cannons for self-defence) but mortars. They were built as full rigged ships with three masts and carried two mortars. They were mounted forward near the bow, with one placed between each neighboring pair of masts and elevated to a high angle. The vessels employed explosive shells or bombs (carcasses) rather than solid shot. The squadron also supported armed longboats, armed barges, launches, and armed gigs. Armed longboats were used for transporting an attacking force. Sometime called an English Navy "barge," it was used by fleet officers and to transport the ship's marines into battle. These attacking longboats were frequently over 10 feet wide, had five pairs of oars, and accommodated more than 15th persons.

The British squadron then formed a battle line and began preparations for bombardment and siege. The Americans immediately lit the Fort's furnace for hot shot, those burning red cannonballs that could have a devastating effect against the British warships. British naval preparations for bombardment continued.

An American guard boat quickly reported the British flotillas’ arrival to the Fort. The American Major, Walter H. Overton, was prepared for them. Fort Saint Philip had been under construction for some months, before Jackson visited it earlier in December of 1814. Jackson had understood its importance and had given orders to expand and strengthen it. The fortification was placed on the left bank of the Mississippi River standing at the bend of the River with a long sweep above and below it. The Fort was surrounded by an impenetrable morass of muddy, boggy ground on the lower side by the Bayou Mardi Gras.

Several detachments of troops had been dispatched to reinforce its existing garrison. The garrison held two companies of United States artillery, with 117 men under Captains Wolstoncroft, Murray, and Walsh. The Seventh Infantry consisted of two companies, with 163 men under Captains Brontin and Waide. Lagan's Louisiana Volunteers had 5th4 men and Listeau's free men of color had a compliment of 30. In all, there were 366. To these, the crew of gunboat No. 8, which had been hauled into the bayou, must be added. The entire force consisted of 406 men was under Major Walter H. Overton, an officer of the rifle corps. He had wisely had established a guard below to watch and report on British approaches.

The American gunboat Captain Cunningham and his sailors took command of the Thirty-Second. Captain Walsh took command the right position. Captain Wolstoncroft commanded the center and Captain Murray deployed on the left. The infantry tender Brontin was stationed in the rear of the curtain wall to support the batteries.

By 1:00 PM, the American signal station was abandoned and partially burned leaving nothing for a British shore party. The soldiers then retreated back their fort. The signal station was occupied by the British.

At about 3:00 PM on January the 9th, the British the bomb vessels approached within a mile and a half of the Fort and opened fired on it. They also sent a number of their cannon carrying longboats forward to ascertain Fort Saint Philip’s strength. Two of the Fort's batteries were within range of at least one of the longboats carrying an 8 to 24 pound gun mounted at its bow fired a salvo hitting the Fort. The American armed response quickly forced the British to abandon their efforts. The British quickly realized that they should fire their broadsides at greater distances. The flotilla then retired beyond the range of the Fort's guns. The British then turned broadside toward it and anchored behind a point of land, approximately 3,960 yards from the American fort.

After running up their flags, the British commenced bombardment of the Fort at about 3:30 PM. The firing continued at a rate of one projectile every two minutes with little effect. Firing lasted all day and night of January 9th. Fortunately, due to the rains during most of the battle, the ground was soaked. A large number of British cannonballs and shells slammed into the ground and became buried. Also, many failed to explode. Those that exploded underground had little or no effect on the American troops on the surface above. Amazingly, during this first day of battle the Americans would have no casualties.

That night, the British reconnoitered in small boats. Later, British armed boats returned in force, firing several rounds of grapeshot and cast-iron or steel spherical balls without explosive charge called, round shot at short-range into the fort. The American infantry returned small arms fire at close-range on British targets sitting in their boats. The Americans did not fire their heavy weapons, believing this to be a British trick to distract their gunners and to get the British fleet passed the Fort. Saint Philip’s riverside strength had forced the larger squadron vessels to stay out of range. In the end, the British failed to distract the Americans. The British had gathered valuable intelligence about Fort Saint Philip’s artillery strength on the riverside while reconnoitering. While their boats withdrew on the night of January 9th, the British continued long-range bombardment of the Fort.

Meanwhile, by the night of the 9th the Americans at the major battle site were positioned at their lines on the right bank.

During January 10th and 11th, the bombardment and siege of Fort Saint Philip continued, with the British occasionally moving their boats closer to gain better firing position on the Americans.

By the early morning of the 10th, at the main battle site, Patterson’s American artillery battery was moved to a more advantageous position. Little British boat fire had been returned by the Fort and its effects were negligible. By daybreak, Patterson began firing on British outposts. Soon, all American batteries resumed firing at every possible British target. Still, British sentinels and outposts remained.

One British advance bombardment began at 12:00 PM, and lasted for two hours. A second, bombardment began at sundown and continued for two hours.

Little of significance occurred at the main battle site until the 11th. On that day, the distant rumbling of artillery could be heard far down the river. Now the average soldier was aware that the expected attack on Fort Saint Philip was in progress.

On January 11th, shrapnel struck Fort Saint Philip’s flag post. It was taken down, repaired, and replaced on the flag pole one hour after lowering. This possibly made the British think the Americans were surrendering. British longboats then moved forward again and attacked at 12:00 a.m. and a second time at sunset. That evening’s bombardment hit the Fort's storehouse. The real powder magazines escaped damage with the exception of the main magazine. It suffered minor damage but did not explode. When the American batteries fired on the British longboat advances most shots landed short. The pattern of longboat attacks would continue throughout the siege.

On January 12th, 13th and 14th, the British kept up continual fire. Many of their shells burst above and beyond the Fort. During bombardments, the soldiers in the Fort were busily working to repair damage and strengthen its fortifications. To add to these difficulties, heavy rains fell daily and the interior of the Fort was beginning to flood, its soldiers were left wet and almost freezing.

After the battle of the gunboats, a group of American citizens from New Orleans were sent to aid and assist the American wounded. They were soon captured and detained. During their detention, they were treated badly. Their clothes and other property were taken and they were not allowed to see their wounded countrymen. The Americans were also compelled to work on the British the fleet boats. Finally, after the British had been repulsed, they were released on

January 12th.

Upon the arrival of the released American citizens of New Orleans at the American camp, Jackson allowed a retaliatory expedition to be organized to attack British boats. It left Bayou Saint John on four boats with a carronade on each of their bows. The expedition made its way to the Fort Petites Coquilles where the expedition was reinforced by two additional boats. Next, the expedition moved cautiously along the shoals of Lake Borgne toward the Rigolets.

By the 13th of January, the Fort received shells and other ammunition from New Orleans. Its batteries immediately resumed fire. After several shells had gone over a British bomb vessel, one shell finally hit its mark creating confusion on board.

After several days of the Siege of Fort Saint Philip, the British accepted that their weapons had not been effective during the first few days of battle. On January 14th, they changed fuses to have all artillery projectiles explode over the Fort. This would shower the garrison with pieces of burning hot metal. These shards efficiently killed and wounded soldiers and damaged several of the Fort's gun carriages. They also silenced the two American 32 pounders, but only for an hour. That night, several British rounds struck and damaged the blacksmith's shop.

By the night of January 15thth, the Fort’s garrison had constructed better defenses around their batteries and reinforced the powder magazines. The American batteries remained confident and fired upon one of the British bomb vessels once it came into range. It was damaged by an American cannonball, putting the ship out of action for a short while.

On the morning of the 16th, the interior of the Fort was flooded from almost constant rain and most of the garrison's tents were damaged from shell fragments.

That same day a supply boat which carried ammunition and fuses arrived at the Fort from New Orleans. This cheered the Americans, who were now better prepared and able for defense when the battle began.

On the 17th the British began firing on the Fort with more effectiveness. The fighting continued during the night of the January 17th.

It should be noted that after the battle of January the 8th, British General, John Lambert, arrived at the conclusion that the British had failed. Even worse, many of his men were deserting daily. Given the circumstances, he then made the decision to withdrawal of the army. Evacuation by boats impossible, as there were not enough boats with which to retire his troops. He couldn’t divide the army safely with the Americans emboldened by recent victories. Therefore, he directed his engineers to extend the road along the bayou, through the swamp to the lake shore. This was a very difficult task, which took working parties nine days, until January the 17th.

Having completed this road, the wounded, except those who could not be removed, all civil officers, contractors, and surveyors, together with all the field artillery, stores, etc., were placed in available boats and dispatched to the fleet. General Lambert then had the large ship guns spiked, their cordages broken, and left on the field.

The British had been bombarding continuously from January 9th through 18th. During that period, they fire one thousand shells. Seventy tons of iron and twenty thousand pounds of gunpowder were expended. At least one hundred shells fell inside the Fort, damaging the shops and stores. Many more shells damaged areas around the Fort.

Just before daylight on the 18th, the British placed several shells into Fort Saint Philip's parapet wall, that low protective wall or railing along the edge to protect a platform, roof, or bridge. One burst went through a ditch and into the center fortification which built at an angle to the line of a wall for defensive firing in several directions. This was their farewell shot. At early dawn, their ships were seen with all sail set descending the river. The American garrison gave three cheers and fired a volley of salute to the enemy. There was no further bombardment on the Americans for the remainder of the day.

By the night of January the 18th, the British infantry was now all that was left to evacuate. Camp fires were lighted and the pickets were stationed in the usual fashion, until ordered to retire. The entire army formed silently and cautiously into column with the engineer, sappers and miners at the front and they proceeded for some distance along the bayou. The pickets had already been directed to abandon the encampment and meet up with the main column. When they reached the bayou, they were ordered to form with the column as a rear guard. In darkness the army marched silently trying to make no sounds. They marched all night and reached the shores of Lake Borgne at daybreak. There they drew up on its banks. They were now sixty miles from the fleet, there to wait until the ships arrived.

The British withdrew their landing force and on January 19, 1815th, abandoning their efforts to destroy the Fort. The squadron sailed away in search of an alternate waterway to the City of New Orleans. Once the British learned of their defeat at the City, the Royal Navy canceled their search. They then moved to reinforce their defeated army.

On the 20th of January, the New Orleans Citizen’s Retaliation Expedition came upon a large barge full of British soldiers on their way from the Bayou Bienvenu on their way to the British Naval squadron. The Americans immediately closed on the boats commenced a carronade on the barge. The 37 British soldiers of the Fourteenth Dragoons, on board threw their arms into the lake and quickly surrendered.

The prisoners were conducted to the American camp at Chef Menteur Pass, that narrow natural waterway which, along with the Rigolets, connects Lake Pontchartrain and Lake Borgne in New Orleans, Louisiana. The Expedition then made another sortie and captured several more boats, a schooner and 63 prisoners. Due to heavy winds and rough currents their boats soon became separated and the schooner unmanageable. They decided to set fire to the schooner. When they did, the fire attracted British boats which began approaching the Americans. When they landed near the mouth of the Rigolets, the British tried to cut them off by landing a party just ahead of them. The Expedition’s 20 men opened upon them from the high reeds and after three volleys the British retreated. There were many more British attempts to capture them. American soldiers were sent to Fort La Petites Coquilles for reinforcements which had been built earlier by the French to protect Lake Pontchartrain from invasion. The Americans who were left guarding the prisoners were forced to retire and discharged some of their captives. They made their way La Petites Coquilles and arrived safely with 22 prisoners.

The failed, retreating British army remained on the shores of Lake Borgne until January the 29th, when they embarked and reached the fleet.

After failing to take the fortifications on the East Bank of the Mississippi, the British army was broken. With that failure, the Battle of New Orleans became an American victory. The British campaign suffered high casualties. 291 men were dead, 1262 wounded, and 484 captured or missing.

The American garrison at Fort Saint Philip had endured ten days of bombardment from the British Royal Navy. American casualties were only 13 men dead, 39 wounded, and 19 missing. It was seen as a great victory by the armed forces of the United States. Andrew Jackson became a national hero which would eventually propel him into the presidency. America had seen the final attempt to invade Louisiana.

As can be seen from the previous narrative, the American historical information about the War of 1812 and the Battle of New Orleans has been written from and almost completely Anglo American point of view. This was due to the Americans of the time being led by Anglo and Northern Europeans, therefore, their surnames figure prominently in the narratives.

It is not totally unknown to find with each successive generation of Americans a request for the clarification of earlier historical narratives to rightly reflect their participation in the American experience. As we all know, love and pride in America is not an exclusively Northern European sentiment. The vast majority of this nation’s citizens enjoy the celebration of her greatness, honor, and martial successes. It is at this juncture that I will introduce just three of the de Riberas who fought in the War of 1812:

·       Rivera, Joseph Private

·       Riveras, Joseph Private in the 3rd Reg't. (de la Ronde's), La. Mil. (Orig. under Rivera, Joseph)

·       Rivero, Cristóval Private in Captain Hubbard's Mounted Co., La. Militia

There was nothing special or extraordinary about these three men. They simply joined their fellow Americans and fought for the freedom and honor of their nation. They were willing to fight and die for that most cherished American ideal, freedom. There had been Hispanics of earlier times who had done the same, particular during the American Revolution thousands fought against the British under the Great Spanish General, Bernardo Vicente Apolinar de Gálvez y Madrid, Vizconde de Gálvezton and Conde de Gálvez (July 23, 1746 C.E.-November 30, 1786 C.E.). These too gave their all to the cause of the American dream.

In the following listing, I’ve attempted to provide those names of other Hispanics that fought during this war. Some of these surnames, although not clearly Spanish/Hispanic in origin, should be researched further by interested parties as it is thought that they may be of Hispanic stock.

In addition, European and New World immigrants from the empires of France, Great Britain, el Imperio Español, and the United States of America brought with them their own surnames. Many of these Europeans and New World peoples intermarried and the resulting children inherited those surnames. These also entered into relationships and intermarried with Spanish Criollos, French Creoles, and other European combinations with Native Americans, Blacks, and others. Many of these changed or adjusted their surnames to closely approximate each successive Empire’s influx of administrators, soldiers, and citizens. The result of which complicates the identification of Spanish/Hispanic surnames.