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Chapter Twenty-Two
The De Riberas and
the American Civil War 1861 C.E.-1865 C.E.
As presented in earlier chapters of this family
history of the de Riberas,
that first, long-fought, civil war, “The American Revolution of 1776
C.E.-1783 C.E.,” was between Great Britain and her British American
colonies. The final outcome of that struggle dictated the future for
those American colonists fighting and dying for their freedom.
Fortunately, their efforts ultimately resulted in the creation of this
great nation the United States of America. The course of the
American Civil War, from the attack upon Fort Sumter in 1861 C.E., to
the surrender of the Confederacy at Appomattox Court House in 1865 C.E.,
would involve ever increasing bloody battles. From its beginning, the
combatants were never quite sure when or how it would end. Only a very
few truly understood the why. Today, in the 21st-Century C.E., it is clear to
historians and commentators that the Civil War of 1861 C.E.-1865 C.E.
did ultimately determine what kind of nation the USA would become. The
war would ultimately answer two fundamental questions. These had for 78
years, since the end of the American Revolutionary War, been left
unresolved. The first issue was whether the United States was a
dissolvable confederation of sovereign states, as opposed to an
indivisible nation with a supreme, sovereign national government.
Secondly, at issue was whether the nation was founded with a declaration
that all men are created with an equal right to liberty. While initially it was not stated as the
original reason for Civil War, the undercurrent of the evils of slavery
was a powerful motivating force. Its continuing as a major stumbling
block was related to the territorial expansion of the nation and those
territories which had not yet become American territories or states. At
issue was, whether they would enter the USA as free or slave states? The
implications were obvious to all. Each time a new state was granted
entry into the Union there was a possibility of upsetting the existing
delicate political balance and the retention of power. With each new
state’s entry into the Union the question had to be addressed as to
which side, pro-slavery or non-slavery, would lose or gain more
political power. During the war, being for or against the
continued existence of America as the largest slaveholding country in
the world would force many American citizens to declare their preference
and insist upon its resolution. To be sure, the Civil War began because
of ongoing, insurmountable differences between the free and slave
states. Only later, however, did the issue regarding the power of the
national government to prohibit slavery become the dominant theme of the
War. During that first civil war, Españoles,
Hispanics, and Hispanos under
the flag of España fought as Américano allies on North American soil and elsewhere against the
British. This included members of the de
Riberas, my progenitors. They were commanded by that great Spanish General Bernardo Vicente
Apolinar de Gálvez y Madrid, Vizconde de Gálvezton and Conde de Gálvez (July 23, 1746 C.E.-November 30, 1786 C.E.). The
efforts of these Españoles
helped greatly to determine the final results of that war and the
ultimate freedom of the fledgling Américano
nation. Unfortunately, it has been the failure of
American historians to give a full accounting of España’s Españoles,
Hispanics, and Hispanos and
their assistance to the Américano
cause of freedom that has led many to be ignorant of the facts of
Hispanic military participation and contributions. Fortunately, two
organizations, the “Sons” and “Daughters of the American
Revolution,” have for some time given a proper accounting of the
participation and assistance rendered by España, her ciudádanos,
and soldados during that war. Only 78 years later, by the time of the
beginning of “The America Civil War” in 1861 C.E., two key political
realities had changed the circumstances for Españoles,
Hispanics, and Hispanos living
on North American soil. Firstly, by the start of the third decade of the
19th-Century C.E., the current nation of Méjico as el Imperio Méjicano
would win its independence from España
and end the Spanish Period. In early-1821 C.E., in Méjico
proper, after Méjicano
independence was won from España,
it was decided that the new Imperio
would take territories of Nuéva
España which had
been under Spanish rule for 286 years, since 1535 C.E. The North
American Continent’s areas that would later become the Américano
were originally parts of Nuéva
España. Méjico would
retain some, but not all, of its 1821 C.E. land acquisitions. The United
States of America’s West and Southwest would be partitioned into the
states of California, New Mexico, and what are now parts of Colorado,
Utah, Wyoming, and parts of Arizona, and an already annexed Texas. Méjico’s
rule over these areas of only 25 years, from 1821 C.E. through 1846 C.E.,
had proven chaotic. Many, many Méjicano
gobernadores would rule over
these areas for the next 25 years. Political upheavals were to be routine in Méjico
City, the capital of Méjico.
This was such a major problem for the outlying Méjicano states
and provincias that I must provide a list of the political structures
and those who took power in them during this short 25 year period. After the end of the Méjicano War of Independence in 1821 C.E., a Provisional Board of
Governing consisting of thirty-four persons was implemented. It was this
Board that decreed and signed the Declaration of Independence of
the Méjicano Empire. The
Board then appointed the “Regency” comprised of six people. Six
heads of the regents served from September 28, 1821 C.E. to April 11,
1822 C.E. These were Regent Agustín
de Iturbide (September 28, 1821 C.E.-April 11, 1822 C.E.), Regent Juan
O'Donojú (September 28, 1821 C.E.-October 8, 1821 C.E.) who died in
office. Regent Antonio Pérez Martínez
(October 8, 1821 C.E.-April 11, 1822 C.E.), Regent Manuel de la Barcéna (September 28, 1821 C.E.-April 11, 1822 C.E.),
Regent José Isidro Yañez
September 28, 1821 C.E.-April 11, 1822 C.E.), and Regent Manuel Velázquez de León (September 28, 1821 C.E.-April 11, 1822
C.E.). After the end of the Méjicano Empire of Agustín
I (Agustín de Iturbide), in 1823 C.E., the Provisional Government
of 1823 C.E.-1824 C.E. was established. It was an organization
which served as the Executive for the government of Méjico.
The organization was responsible for convening the body that created the Federal
Republic and existed from April 1, 1823 C.E. to October 10, 1824
C.E. Six Heads of State served during this period. They were Head of
State Nicolás Bravo (March
31, 1823 C.E.-October 10, 1824 C.E.), Head of State Guadalupe
Víctoria (March 31, 1823 C.E.-October 10, 1824 C.E.), Head of State
Pedro Celestino Negrete (March
31, 1823 C.E.-October 10, 1824 C.E.), Head of State Maríano
Micheleña (April 1, 1823 C.E.-October 10, 1824 C.E.) as a
Substitute Member, Head of State Miguel
Domínguez (April 1, 1823 C.E.-October 10, 1824 C.E.
as a Substitute Member, Head of State Vicente
Guerrero (April 1, 1823 C.E.-October 10, 1824 C.E. as a Substitute
Member.
Presidente
Miguel Barragán (January 28, 1835 C.E.-February 27,
1836 C.E.) was the first Presidente
of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the Liberal Party
Political Party. 18 presidentes served during this period. Barragán left office because of a serious illness. He died two days
later. Presidente José Justo Corro (February 27, 1836 C.E.-April 19,
1837 C.E.) was the second Presidente
of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the Conservative Party
Political Party. He was appointed Interim Presidente
by Congress to conclude the Presidential term. During his term, Corro enacted the Seven Laws and España recognized the Independence of Méjico. Presidente Anastácio Bustamante (April 19, 1837 C.E.-March 18,
1839 C.E.) was the third Presidente
of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the Conservative Party
Political Party. He took office as constitutional elected Presidente.
Bustamante was elected in the
elections of 1837 C.E. for an eight years term. Presidente
António López de Santa Anna (March 18, 1839 C.E.-July 10, 1839
C.E.) was the forth Presidente
of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the Liberal Party
Political Party. He was appointed interim Presidente
by the Supreme Conservative Power when Bustamante
left office to fight federalist rebellions. Presidente Nicolás Bravo (July
11, 1839 C.E.-July 19, 1839 C.E.) was the fifth
Presidente of the
Centralist Republic and was a member of the Conservative Party Political
Party. He was appointed substitute Presidente
when Santa Anna left office. Presidente
Anastácio Bustamante (July 19, 1839 C.E.-September 22, 1841 C.E.)
was the sixth Presidente of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the
Conservative Party Political Party. He reassumed the presidency. Presidente
Francisco Javier Echeverría (September 22, 1841 C.E.-October
10, 1841 C.E.) was the seventh Presidente
of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the Conservative Party
Political Party. Echeverría
was appointed interim Presidente
when Bustamante left office to fight a rebellion headed by José Maríano Epífanio Paredes y Arrillaga,
Santa Anna, and Gabriel
València. He resigned after the triumph of the rebellion. Presidente
António López de Santa Anna (October 10, 1841 C.E.-October 26,
1842 C.E.) was the eighth Presidente of the
Centralist Republic and was a member of the Liberal Party Political
Party. He was appointed provisional Presidente
by Junta de Representantes de los
Departamentos (Board of Representatives of the Departments). Presidente
Nicolás Bravo (October 26, 1842 C.E.-March 4, 1843 C.E.) was
the ninth Presidente of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the
Conservative Party Political Party. He was appointed substitute Presidente
by Santa Anna when he left office. Presidente António López de
Santa Anna (March 4, 1843 C.E.-October 4, 1843 C.E.) was the tenth
Presidente of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the
Liberal Party Political Party. He reassumed the presidency as
provisional Presidente. Next,
was Presidente
José Valentín Raimundo Canalizo Bocadillo
(October 4, 1843 C.E.-June 4, 1844 C.E.) he was the eleventh Presidente of the
Centralist Republic and member of the Conservative Party Political
Party. He was appointed interim Presidente
by Santa Anna when he left
office. Presidente
António López de Santa Anna (June 4, 1844 C.E.-September 12,
1844 C.E.) was the twelfth Presidente of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the
Liberal Party Political Party. He reassumed the presidency after being
elected constitutional Presidente
by Congress on January 2, 1844 C.E. Presidente
José Joaquín de Herrera (September 12, 1844 C.E.-September 21,
1844 C.E.) was the thirteenth Presidente of
the Centralist Republic and member of the Liberal Party Political Party.
He was appointed substitute Presidente
by Congress to replace the interim Presidente
José Valentín Raimundo Canalizo Bocadillo.
He was followed by Presidente José Valentín Raimundo Canalizo Bocadillo
(September 21, 1844 C.E.-December 6, 1844 C.E.) was the fourteenth Presidente of
the Centralist Republic and member of the Conservative Party Political
Party. He assumed the presidency as interim Presidente.
Presidente
José Joaquín de Herrera (December 6, 1844 C.E.-December 30,
1845 C.E.) was the fifteenth Presidente
of the Centralist Republic and was a member of the Liberal Party
Political Party. He was appointed interim, and after, constitutional Presidente
by Senate after Canalizo
was arrested for trying to dissolve the Congress. Presidente Maríano Paredes (December
31, 1845 C.E.-July 28, 1846 C.E.) was the sixteenth
Presidente of the
Centralist Republic and member of the Conservative Party Political
Party. He assumed office via a coup against De
Herrera. On June 12th, Paredes
was appointed interim Presidente.
His vice Presidente was Nicolás Bravo. Presidente Nicolás
Bravo (July 28, 1846 C.E.-August 4, 1846 C.E.) was the seventeenth
Presidente of the Centralist Republic and member of the Conservative
Party Political Party. He took office when Paredes left the presidency to fight the Américanos during the Méjicano-Américano
War. Bravo was deposed by a
federalist rebellion led by José
Maríano Salas and Valentín Gómez Farías.
José
Maríano Salas (August 5, 1846 C.E.-December 23, 1846 C.E.) was
the eighteenth Presidente of the Centralist Republic and member of the Conservative
Party Political Party. He assumed office as provisional Presidente
after the triumph of the federalist rebellion (Plan de
la Ciudadela). Salas put
in force the Constitution of 1824 on August 22nd. He served
both as last Presidente of the
Centralist Republic and first of the Second Federal Republic. The appointed leaders and gobernadores, servants of the Méjicanos,
were to be democratically minded and capable. Unfortunately, many proved
to be inefficient, ineffective, incompetent, and tyrannical. The
majority of the appointees for these areas were those born in Méjico
proper. A few of the appointments were Hispanics and Hispanos born in what would become the future Américano West and Southwest. During this same Méjicano Period, there would be several local rebellions throughout
the territories. Here it should be said that anyone who has read
the aforementioned can easily see why the Méjicano Period was one of great difficulty, confusion, and utter
frustration for those residents of the Méjicano
states and provincias. In 1846 C.E., a second important event occurred
in Nuevo Méjico
changing life for my progenitors, the de
Riberas and other Hispanics on the North American Continent. The Américanos
arrived in force, taking the same territories which had earlier been
under el Imperio Español,
those of Nuéva España in North
America. After being ruled by two previous powers, España and Méjico, now
the Américanos were in
control. Upon the arrival of the Américanos,
the Españoles, Hispanics, and
Hispanos didn't entirely
welcome them. But they did little to resist. Despite the lack of
resistance, the Españoles,
Hispanics, and Hispano Nuevo Méjicanos found little acceptance from the people of that
great power. Still my forefathers became loyal and proud Américanos.
José Luís Ribera, my great-great-grandfather and his wife Isabel
María Martín (by that time spelled as Martínez),
went about their lives working their twelve hundred acre ranch/farm at Pecos.
They and their children tried to understand this new Anglo-American
world rushing in upon them. By 1848 C.E.’s annexation of New Mexico by
the United States, having lost family in the Méjicano-Américano
War of 1846 C.E. through 1848 C.E., they wanted only to forget their
pain and move on with their lives. Here it should be said that the position of
these Españoles, Hispanics,
and Hispanos living in the Américano West
and Southwest remained unclear. They prided themselves in being Españoles,
yet they were seen by the Américanos
simply as Méjicanos. They
would always mourn the passing of el
Imperio Español. As for the recently arrived Méjicanos,
the old Spanish families had always held them in contempt. After a brief
period of Méjicano piracy,
the Españoles of Nuevo Méjico were glad to see them go. The years 1821 C.E. through 1861 C.E., had
changed everything for the Hispanics now living in the Américano West
and Southwest. During that period, the old Spanish families were forced
to choose sides and allegiances twice, once for España or Méjico in 1821
C.E. Then a choice had to be made second time in 1846 C.E., for the
Méjicanos or the Américanos. By 1861 C.E., they now had to make a third choice. This
time it was for or against Northern Américanos
and Southern Américanos. The Américanos
of the South had chosen a new path, to leave the Union. The Américanos
of the North had chosen to uphold the Union, by military force if
necessary. Though life for the de
Ribera's of Pecos, New
Mexico would still continue on as it always had, this latest crisis, the
“American Civil War” had begun. They had no choice, but to make a
choice. Were they for the North or South? The vast majority of the de
Riberas chose the North. The poignant nature of the American Civil War
is an accepted reality. By the second decade of the 21st-Century C.E.,
much has been written of those Civil War battles and the brave men and
women who fought them. Their leaders, strategies, tactics, and outcomes
have become easy prey for those who thrive on controversy.
Unfortunately, the real heroes, the individual soldiers in the trenches,
have been pushed aside by the tidal waves of the failures of war. Little
is known of these soldiers, only their honor and bravery is not in
question. Their love of nation and their giving of themselves for their
chosen cause, these things cannot be belittled. How they acquitted
themselves on those fields of battle of long ago, remains a thing of
argument due to those who wish to impugn their integrity. For those of
us who count these heroic men as our ancestors, they are more than
volunteers who fought those battles of long ago. They carried with them
our family's honor and the dignity that accompanied it. In this chapter on the American Civil War, I
will again discuss my progenitors, the de
Riberas, and the other Españoles,
Hispanics, and Hispanos and
the part they played in Américano
liberty during that war. To be sure, this war is considered the central
event in America's historical past and of the greatest importance to
Americans. Unfortunately, in this family history I can only provide a
series of summaries of the highlights of that bloody period in American
history. Given the complexity, nature, and size of the content to be
discussed in Chapter Twenty-Two - The de Riberas and The American Civil War April
12, 1861 C.E.-May 9, 1865 C.E., one cannot possibly hope to
address all of the War’s political, economic, social, and military
aspects. Therefore, I’ve attempted to incorporate only a few of these
conditions which occurred before and during the war. To a far lesser
degree, I provide a broad, but limited view of the military conflict
itself. I do this through narratives and timelines. In addition, information is provided regarding
the circumstances and conditions of this war as the historical backdrop
for those who fought it, particularly the Hispanics. I identify a few of
the many Hispanics from outside of, and across the nation, and more
specifically those Hispanos of
New Mexico who served, including the de
Riberas. Within this chapter I will use the State of
Virginia as a case in point of ongoing political disunity. Her citizens
were torn by the nation’s pending political division, to North and
South. There would be many political activities to stave off that final
agonizing decision. From January, 1861 C.E. through October 24, 1861 C.E.,
Virginia would attempt to find that solution. Even after the
people of Virginia approved the Ordinance of Secession on May 23,
1861 C.E., she continued to
agonize. With their First and Second Wheeling Conventions, Virginians
debated the issue of the state’s division. By October 24, 1861 C.E.,
Virginia would be halved when the State of West Virginia was created and
those of the separating counties affirmed their allegiance to the USA by
voting for the creation of that new state. As the nation became more divided by political and moral beliefs, war was
being thrust upon it. Then of course there was the While this
contested war was not begun with a specific policy to free the slaves,
it would end that crude way of life. Slavery with all of its inherent
ugliness, cruelty, and evil would become a thing of the past.
Unfortunately, its hiddean nature
would leave its stain Prelude
to War: Méjico’s
independence, in 1821 C.E., had ushered in a new era of commerce along
the Santa Fé Trail. This
changed forever the course of New Mexico's history. As the Santa
Fé Trail opened to international trade, Juan
Ribera's son, José Luís,
my Great-Grandfather, would see his father's world fade from memory.
Born in 1811 C.E., José Luís
had met many of the Méjicanos,
Frenchmen, and Américanos who
came to trade, and in some cases, marry Hispano
women. Twenty-seven years later, by 1848 C.E., the Nuevo
Méjicanos, including the de
Riberas, would rejoin the world in their latest reincarnation as Américano citizens. Thirteen years later, in 1861 C.E., they would
participate if it’s Civil War. Here, I should state, by 1829 C.E., the Méjicanos
had freely given up slavery. It is also safe to say that to some degree
the Américanos of this period did feel superior to, and more
progressive than, those “cruel Españoles.”
Why? Anglo-Americans and Northern European nations had for some time
accepted as truth that the “cruel Españoles”
were guilty of excesses as portrayed in the “Black Legend” and
mistreatment of the “Noble Savage.” Relative to the Amerindians and
Blacks, by this time, the Españoles
had been driven from what had been the Spanish Américas
and their Castas System
taken with them. Those Hispanics and Hispanos
that had displaced them no longer allowed enslavement. It is true that
the Españoles had taken
Amerindian lands through expulsion. They had also brought over Black
slaves from Africa to work their Nuevo
Mundo encomiendas. But 32
years earlier, in 1829 C.E., before the start of the bloody American
Civil War in 1861 C.E., the Méjicanos
had already freely given up slavery.
In addition, after the end of the American
Civil War, the Nuevo Méjicanos
would free their Peónes. This
they would do while the same system spread into America as a replacement
for slavery, especially in the South. That system would take the forms
of sharecropping and tenant farming. There would also remain outright
indebted servitude which had become a long-standing staple of the
American economy. On March 2, 1836 C.E.,
Texas had broken away from Méjico
and become an independent republic. After this, whenever Méjicanos ceased retaliation against the Texans, they would anger
the Méjicanos with some
belligerent event. For example, in September of 1836 C.E. they voted to
be annexed to the United States, which did not happen for another nine
years. Three months later, they voted to include existing parts of four Méjicano states into their Republic. Then they urged their sea
captains to commit piracy on Méjicano
vessels. In the interim, they continued ethnic insults of all sorts in
their newspapers upon the Méjicanos,
even calling them “an imbecile nation” and an “abject race,”
that was easier to kill than tolerate. At this juncture, it is important to understand
the impact of non-Spanish Europeans upon what had once been España’s
Nuéva España. Therefore, we
need a case study and that is the Méjicano
provincia of California. To put this in its proper perspective, the non-Indian
population of California in 1846 C.E. was less than 8,000. The Indian
population of California that same year was 150,000. We shall use this
as an example and reminder of the wholesale displacement of Hispanics
and Amerindians throughout the future Américano
West and Southwest. By 1848 C.E., two years after the Américano
invasion of California, the number of migrants to California between
1848 C.E. and 1854 C.E. were more than 300,000. That same year, the
Chinese population in California was 7. If one compares the number of
migrants to California to the 1846 C.E., non-Indian population (Hispano
and other Europeans) which was less than 8,000, the two-year increase is
mind boggling. In short, it was the domination by non-Californios of California. With the end of the Méjicano-Américano War and the signing of the 1848 C.E. Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo, American Manifest Destiny had triumphed. By then, Texas had
become a part of the Union. The huge land mass taken by the Américanos
would provide for the eventual territorial expansion of the nation as
the states of New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, California, and others. The
areas would also provide for the population growth of its new citizens.
It would, however, not be without problems. A major impediment to
orderly growth of the nation into these newly added lands remained the
“Slavery” issue. There was also the ongoing raiding, stealing
and killing of settlers by the native Amerindians in what is today’s
American West and Southwest. The presence and continual harassment of
European settlers by marauding Indians had for centuries slowed down the
northward expansion of the Españoles
and Méjicanos. They had proven themselves the most capable of guerrillas.
After the signing of the 1848 C.E. treaty which ended the Méjicano-Américano
War, the United States began its takeover of the West and Southwest and
troops began arriving in great numbers. The masters of survival, the Apaches,
were wary of them. Soon, the Apaches
became enemies of the Anglo-American soldiers and settlers. The American
General George Crook had campaigned against the Apaches
as well as against many other Indian tribes. He singled out the as the
Apache as "tigers of the human species." By 1849 C.E., the “Apache Wars” had begun. These were a series of ongoing
armed conflicts between the United States Army and
various Apache nations
which were fought in the American Southwest between 1849 C.E.
and 1886 C.E., though minor hostilities remained a problem until as late
as 1924 C.E. Earlier, when Méjico
ceded the lands to the Américanos,
with the new territories they inherited the existing conflicts between
settlers and Apache groups. This warfare would continued as more United States
citizens moved into what were traditional Apache
lands to raise their livestock and crops and to mine minerals. During the 1850s C.E., there had been
occasional attacks by the Apaches
and other marauded Indians on Anglo-Americans traveling the Santa Fé Trail and Butterfield Southern Route. Up until this time,
their raiding had generally been focused on Méjico.
Unfortunately, the mishandling by the US Army of an incident involving
the Apache provided the spark
for a 35 year period of Apache
unrest. With these “Apache
Wars,” it shifted the geographic pattern of attacks from Méjico
to American territories. This was no easy matter for the Américano military to address. The lands were vast, their resources
limited, and the enemy cunning and difficult to catch and defeat. This
ongoing pattern of raiding would only increase with time, even during
the American Civil War. Meanwhile in California, the first census taken
was in 1850 C.E., the same year California became a state. By then,
California’s non-Indian population, which included Hispanos and other Europeans, was 92,597, 8% were Female and 92% were Male. Of
the non-Indian population, 25,000
were Hispanic. This still made the problem with Hispanic displacement
and domination by Anglo-Americans a one-sided win, and not for the
Hispanics. One can only suggest that by this date the “Gold Rush”
was having a lessened population impact, but still strong. In California, our population case study
provides us with an interesting picture. The Indian population of
California by 1852 C.E. was down to 11,794, from an 1846 C.E. high of
150,000. In a 6 year period, the Native population had been decimated.
American Manifest Destiny was having its desired effects. That same year, 1852 C.E., in California there
was a total of 11,794 Chinese, of which only 7 were women. This is an
astounding jump for 1848 C.E.’s, population of 7. Like the Indians,
this Chinese increase was also seen by the Anglo-Americans as
problematic. With the
Méjicano-Américano War
having ended five years earlier in 1848 C.E., and the resulting Treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo also
behind the militarily powerful and prosperous American nation, all signs
seemed to point to a confident future. This was particularly so with the start
of the Gadsden Purchase (1853 C.E.-1854 C.E.) or Treaty negotiations in
1853 C.E. The expansion of the USA’s New Mexico Territory appeared
imminent. More Méjicano land was to be demanded. On April 25, 1854
C.E., the successful finalization of the Gadsden Purchase agreement
between the United States of America and Méjico
was completed. An agreeable U.S. Senate
had ratified the revised Treaty. Through the Treaty, the USA
agreed to pay Méjico $10
million for another 29,670 square mile section of Méjico.
The purchase would bring about many challenges for the Federal
government. The land would later become a part of both the states of
Arizona and New Mexico. On August 29, 1856 C.E., a conference was
convened in Tucson for
the purpose of requesting the organization of a separate USA
“Territory of Arizona.” During
the conference, proposals were put forth for a division of the existing
USA New Mexico Territory for use as the USA Territory of Arizona. It was
to be located in the southern half of the then Territory of New Mexico.
Today’s east-west scheme was not the first proposal (north-south) put
forth for division of the Arizona Territory. The 256 conferees also
elected Nathan P. Cooke as the territorial delegate to the US
Congress and signed and issued a petition to the US Congress. Southerners perceptions of New Mexico were
largely due to the exhortations of the New Mexico by a delegate to the
US Congress who contributed to pro-slavery rhetoric in Washington. One
observer noted, “…Otero
has let it be known that if New Mexico expects any favors from
Washington, a slave code would be a wise move.” In 1857 C.E. and in
1859 C.E., New Mexico passed legislation legalizing and protecting
slavery, “An Act Providing for Protection of Slave Property in this
Territory.” By January 1857 C.E., the bill for the
organization of the Territory of Arizona was introduced into the US
House of Representatives, but the proposal was defeated on the grounds
that the population of the proposed territory was not yet large enough.
In addition, the proposed creation of the Territory of Arizona was
considered controversial in part because of the perception that the New
Mexico Territory was under the influence of Southern pro-slavery
sympathizers. These were highly desirous of expanding slavery into
the American Southwest. Later, a similar proposal would be defeated in
the Senate. The second proposal resulted from concerns regarding
the effectiveness of the territorial government in Santa
Fé and its ability to successfully administer the newly acquired
southern portions of the territory. Both issues were reasons found to
put off the Territory of Arizona issue until a more advantageous time. The New Mexico territorial legislature adopted
a resolution in February 1858 C.E. in favor of the creation of the
Arizona Territory. The geographic configuration was to be a north-south
border along the 109th meridian. There was also a stipulation that
all the Indians of New Mexico would be removed to northern Arizona. By 1860 C.E., only 12 years after annexation,
California’s non-Indian population stood at 379,994. This was a 410 percent increase over 1850 C.E. Of this group, fewer than
50,000 were Hispanics. Indian Population of California in 1860 C.E. was
30,000, down from a high of 150,000. Once again, the Hispanic and
Amerindians displacement by Anglo-Americans continued on course. Although most of California's railroads started
off as shortline railroads, the period from 1860 C.E. to 1903
C.E. saw a series of railroad mergers and acquisitions that
led to the creation of four major inter-state railroads servicing the
state (the Southern Pacific Railroad, Union Pacific Railroad, Santa
Fé Railroad and Western Pacific Railroad). Each of these
railroads controlled one and Southern Pacific controlled two of the
transcontinental railroads which linked California with states farther
east. Within twelve short years, the technological
integration of this once sleepy Méjicano
provincia of California was racing ahead. The movement of people, freight, and
other merchandise could now be accomplished more efficiently and
effectively. The Americanization of the 50,000 Méjicanos/Californios
left in the state would be easier with the vast new number of arrivals
from other American states and other European nations.
In April 1860 C.E., impatient for US Congress
to act, a convention of thirty-one delegates met in what is today’s Tucson,
Arizona and adopted a constitution for a provisional Arizona territorial
government of the area south of 34 degrees north. The delegates
elected Mr. Lewis Owings as provisional governor. Due to the
small number of inhabitants in the proposed territory, the US Congress
continued to refuse to recognize any proceedings from any of the
conventions being held in this area. This entire area would play a role
in the American Civil War’s “Trans-Mississippi Theater.” As
both the Confederate and Union (USA) governments claimed
ownership and territorial rights over it, battles there were inevitable. On November 6, 1860 C.E.,
Abraham Lincoln the man of the hour was elected president of the
USA. This one man, now president, became
the embodiment of evil for the pro-slavers of the southern states. The
United States of America’s political and governmental rupture and its
division had begun. It started with the seceding of South Carolina on
December 20, 1860 C.E. Later,
it would join itself to the Confederate States of America. More
than ten thousand military actions and battles of various types and
sizes would be fought during the American Civil War. A very small
percentage of these were as large as those fought at Gettysburg or
Vicksburg. Most were considered relatively small affairs, with many of
these simply forgotten. The
following listing by State shows where most of these events took place.
Civil War Sites: ·
Fort
Sumter, South Carolina ·
Fort
Pickens, Florida ·
First
Manassas, Virginia ·
Wilson's
Creek, Missouri ·
Fort
Donelson, Tennessee ·
Pea
Ridge, Arkansas ·
Glorieta
Pass, New Mexico ·
Shiloh,
Tennessee ·
Fort
Pulaski, Georgia ·
Seven
Days' Battles, Virginia ·
Mechanicsville,
Virginia ·
Gaines'
Mill, Virginia ·
Malvern
Hill, Virginia ·
Second
Manassas, Virginia ·
Harpers
Ferry, West Virginia ·
Antietam,
Maryland ·
Fredericksburg,
Virginia ·
Stones
River, Tennessee ·
Chancellorsville,
Virginia ·
Gettysburg,
Pennsylvania ·
Arkansas
Post, Arkansas ·
Vicksburg,
Mississippi ·
Chickamauga,
Georgia ·
Chattanooga,
Tennessee ·
Kennesaw
Mountain, Georgia ·
Brices
Cross Roads, Mississippi ·
Tupelo,
Mississippi ·
The
Wilderness, Virginia ·
Spotsylvania
Court House, Virginia ·
Cold
Harbor, Virginia ·
Petersburg,
Virginia ·
Monocacy,
Maryland ·
Fort
Stevens, District of Columbia ·
Appomattox
Court House, Virginia Lesser
operations took place along the coasts, inland waterways, and the
isolated trans-Mississippi areas. Also, for the purpose The Civil War
military theater of operations structure and the conducting of its
campaigns would be divided into two principal (1)
The Eastern Theater
was roughly comprised of the area east of the Appalachians in the
vicinity of the rival capitals the (2)
The Western Theater
seen primarily as located between the western slope of the Appalachians
and the Mississippi River. (3)
Trans-Mississippi Theater
involved military operations west of the Mississippi River. Our
major emphasis will be here in (4)
Pacific Coast Theater
included the states and territories bordering the Pacific Ocean. The
Eastern Theater of the war
The Eastern Theater of that war is where it would all
begin. In the East, the cry from Union Army
headquarters was "On to In
the early months of the Civil War, the major strategy of the
Confederates was defensive in nature. This was to challenge and Western Theater The Western Theater was very different from the Eastern Theater. When
the Civil War began in 1861 C.E., the Confederacy had Trans-Mississippi
Theater For the purpose of this family history, our
emphasis will involve those regions and battles most related to Españoles,
Hispanics, and Hispanos, and
those persons descended from Spanish
settlers throughout what is today the United States of America. In
particular, it will deal with the Trans-Mississippi War Theater
of operations, the American West and
Southwest, the Hispanic culture, Hispanic society, and military
issues. Major military operations west of the Mississippi
River were considered part of “The Trans-Mississippi Theater”
of the American Civil War (1861 C.E.-1865 C.E.). Activity in this theater
in 1861 C.E. was dominated largely by the dispute over the
status of the border state of Missouri. Allies of the Confederacy,
the Missouri State Guard, won important victories. These were the Battle
of Wilson's Creek and the First Battle of Lexington. Some
minor campaigns have been omitted. A very few of the 75 major battles
fought in this theater are described. For the purpose of this
chapter and the de Ribera
family history, later we will concentrate the majority of our efforts
upon two American Civil War battles which took place in the The Trans-Mississippi
Theater. My progenitors, the de
Ribera’s, participated in both of these battles.
The first is “The Battle of Valverde.”
The second engagement was at “The Battle of Glorieta Pass.” At the time, it was the USA Territory of New
Mexico. Valverde was fought about 29 miles south
of Socorro. Glorieta was fought a few miles east of Santa Fé. During that war, these would have been
considered of little consequence. Today, however, many historians
believe these battles were of great importance. Some believe that these
engagements were responsible for the Union’s not to have another,
larger CSA military front in the far Southwest and West. In fact, the
men who fought at Valverde and at Glorieta
ended the Confederacy's military aims for the capture the Southwest and
West (New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and California). These Union
soldiers protected the people of the regions and saved the vast
resources of those areas from falling into CSA hands. José
Luís Ribera's nephew, Gómesindo Rivera (Ribera) was one of those Union troops who fell
on the battlefield in 1862 C.E. He died at the hands of Confederate
soldiers. He gave his life, an American life, for his beloved United
States of America. He died there to preserve a Union he knew little
about. Like his forefathers, Gómesindo
fought for his beloved Nuevo
Méjico and her people against the invader. His forbearers had stood
against the Indians, British, French, Méjicanos,
Texans, and Américanos to
keep the high mountains safe for its people. He and many others of the
old Spanish Nuevo Méjicano bloodlines fought and died at Valverde on the 21st of February 1862 C.E. and Glorieta on the 28th of March 1862 C.E. Writing of the Civil War period has been
limited almost exclusively to the East, North, and South areas of the
continent. The War’s history and military actions in the American
Southwest and West have remained relatively unexplored. Here, it must be
said that that majority of historians and students of history do not
fully understand the American Civil War’s implications for the USA’s
Territory of New Mexico. That is to say, unless they are familiar with
New Mexico’s history, its cultural heritage, and the various peoples
that lived there they cannot be knowledgeable of the pertinent Hispano
subject matter. As for New Mexico, one might have the
impression that the Nuevo Méjicanos
had never volunteered for military duty before and during the Civil
War. This has led a few to suspect that this might be due to the Hispanos
being considered untrustworthy or untried. While these considerations
are interesting, they are simply not true. In fact, Hispano
Nuevo Méjicano enlistment could be seen to some degree as a great
experiment, almost as that of the controversial use of Black troops in
the eastern states. One must consider the situation in the American
Southwest of the period. Américano
experience in the region before the Civil War had only lasted 14 years,
from 1846 C.E. through 1861 C.E. Its inhabitants did not share the same
cultural, political, and religious points of view as those existing in
the “mainstream” United States. It should also be said that Nuevo
Méjicanos did not have
extensive experience with the arguments over American Negro slavery,
issues of State’s Rights, and the implications of economics as they
existed east of the Mississippi River. In fact, the USA’s New Mexico
Territory was a world apart. Most Américanos
entering New Mexico after its conquest by the United States in 1846 C.E.
did so carrying with them traditional Anglo-Saxon and Northern European
ethnic and racial biases and resulting judgments. By the start of the
Civil War, Nuevo Méjico Hispano history had lasted from 1598 C.E. to 1861 C.E., some
263 years. But these new arrivals had little interest in that Hispano
Nuevo Méjicano history.
It is safe to say, that the majority of American historians recording
those Southwest and West regional Civil War experiences of 1861 C.E.
through 1865 C.E., wrote and commented on them using existing biases of
an Anglo-Saxon nation only 78 years old. In short, they were ignorant of
the Hispano people and their long history in the area and relied upon
stereotypes. As a result, this stereotyping of New Mexico and its Hispanos
has been passed down to today’s modern historical evaluations and
those conclusions drawn about the Territory. One might say that these
evaluations and conclusions would be almost completely out of context
with Nuevo Méjicano
cultural and history. In all fairness, it’s partially due to the
fact that we have very few historical accounts written from a native New
Mexican point of view, Hispano
or Amerindian. By not including their points of view, we today, ignore
the realities experienced and seen by the vast majority of the residents
who lived there during that period. To make a point, these biases were
carried by the majority of Américano
government’s politicians, administrators, military officers, and
soldiers. In short, all of these wielded power and held authority. They
actively influenced the lives, successes, and failures of the Hispano
Nuevo Méjicanos. Here, it is also important to state that during
the CSA Texan Civil War invasion, the USA’s Territory of New Mexico
troops were a conglomeration of US Regular Army and local troops. These
included New Mexico Volunteer regiments, independent short-term
volunteer companies, and New Mexico Militia. It is with these realities
in mind that I will later deal with the generally accepted version of
the Battle of Valverde in
February 20, 1862 C.E. through February 21, 1862 C.E., which negatively
impacted my progenitors, the de
Ribera. The areas of discussion will be within the
aforementioned historical and cultural context of Américano ignorance and prejudices that existed at the time in New
Mexico during the Civil War. The scenario of the Battle of Valverde as reported was provided by members of the Union military,
who were by and large persons of Anglo-Saxon and Northern European
extraction, and presented a biased view of the failures in that battle.
Factually, everything had gone well for the Union at the battle of Valverde until the Confederates made a massed charge and takeover of
the Union’s McRae artillery battery. This failure led to the Union
troops departing the field and the CSA’s claiming victory. As with all
military failures, this one had to be explained and someone found guilty
for that failure. Notes on Alexander
McRae: Who was Alexander
McRae, of the infamous McRae battery incident?
He was born in 1829 C.E. at Fayetteville, North Carolina to a
slave owning family. His education included studying at Newark College
in Newark, Delaware, and being accepted to West Point at seventeen years
old. Four years later, in 1851 C.E., Alexander joined the Regiment of
Mounted Riflemen (RMR) which had been organized during the Méjicano-American
War. His Regiment in its later years was assigned to the western Texas. After a leave of
absence, McRae returned to duty. In 1856 C.E., he was as a lieutenant
and given command of Company E at Fort Union, New Mexico, for the next
five years. He was next transferred to Company F. By early-1860 C.E.,
Alexander was sent east on recruiting duty. He returned to New Mexico in
September of 1860 C.E., when he was assigned command of Company K. In
January, 1861 C.E., his Fort Union contingent under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Crittendon participated in a successful campaign
against a Comanche-Kiowa
coalition. In April, 1861 C.E., he was dispatched to aid Alexander Hatch
and neighbors in securing a treaty with the Comanches.
When the Civil War
broke out Lieutenant Alexander McRae did not resign as did his fellow
Southerners. In June, 1861 C.E., McRae was assigned to Fort Stanton.
While there, he received confirmation of his promotion to Captain. When
brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts shifted his command to Fort Craig in
August, 1861 C.E., McRae and his men went with him. Interestingly, the failure of the Union troops
on that day, at that site, was attributed to the Hispano Nuevo Méjicano
Volunteers. Those of Anglo-Saxon and Northern European ancestry who ran
away in great numbers were not faulted. It was reported that the reserve
regiment of 2nd New Mexico Volunteers had refused to cross the river and
come to the aid of the beleaguered Union Regulars. Official reports give
us the understanding that the US Regulars fought the battle virtually
alone without any aid from the Hispano
Nuevo Méjicanos of the
New Mexico Volunteers and Militia units. As it turns out, this story of
the events is false. I suggest that after this rather short
campaign, this untruth was consolidated by those with a vested interest.
To make a point, most of the Hispano
Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers and Militia unit troops were summarily
dismissed and disgraced. After the battle, when military reports were
read and understood, influential Hispano
Nuevo Méjicano families were outraged by the lies and mistreatment of
their fathers, brothers, sons, and friends. Then the public outcry over
the matter became deafening. Among the loudest advocating restitution of
the facts was the New Mexico Governor, Connelly. What is difficult for me to accept is that the Hispano
Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers
were never exonerated from these continued lies. The damage to the Hispano
residents of the fledgling USA New Mexico Territory was beyond repair
and it led to their being stigmatized for many generations as cowardly
and inferior American citizens. Consequently, most of today’s Nuevo
Méjicanos have only heard the
official, untrue, version of the Civil War story. This has left them
with very little pride of their ancestor’s service during that war.
Another of the consequence has been the lack of historical works written
from the point of view of the Hispano
Nuevo Méjicano
Volunteers. Let us offer another truth. The Nuevo
Méjicano Volunteers and militia were not a perfect lot. They had
many faults and problems. Did these Volunteers participating in the
Battle of Valverde perform any
worse than the USA Regulars? The answer is a resounding, No! Most
probably they performed with the same bravery and cautious action as the
Army Regulars. If we have any doubts raised by these points, we may
consider the performance of Union troops at the First Battle of Manassas
(Bull Run). The CSA forces launched a
strong counterattack, and as the Union troops began withdrawing under
fire, many panicked and the retreat turned into a rout. These troops ran
frantically without order in the direction of Washington, D.C. It was a
Confederate victory, followed by a disorganized retreat of the Union
forces. Once completed, the appraisal would conclude that the USA
Regulars failed to hold. Now, let us move forward. As stated, it is not well known that Hispanics
served in the American Civil War. Why? Quite simply, it’s due to
little having been written about Hispanic American participation in that
War. It should be said, however, that more enlightened groups of
pioneering historians and commentators have within the recent past,
begun to provide information regarding the thousands that fought, were
wounded, and in some cases died, for the reuniting of the nation. By the
end of that bloody war, the number of Hispanics that fought in it would
ultimately reach over 10,000. Interestingly, not all Hispanics who fought in
the war were native born Hispanic-Americans, or citizens of the
United States. Some of these foreign born, non-citizen Hispanics who
joined the war effort were Españoles,
Puertorriqueños, and Cubanos,
living in the United States at the time. These groups came
from lands that had at one time been a part of el
Imperio Español. Hispanic
women also participated. Such was the case of Loreta
Janeta Velázquez, a Cubana
who disguised herself as a male, fought and spied for the
Confederacy. It should also be noted that Hispanics held
various grades of ranks in the military. Of these, the highest rank
achieved, was that of a full Admiral of the Union Navy. In
addition, three Hispanics were awarded the Medal of Honor, the highest
military decoration for heroism awarded by the United States. The Medal of Honor is the highest military
decoration awarded by the United States government. It is
bestowed by the President in the name of the US Congress on members of
the United States Armed Forces who distinguish themselves
through "conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his
or her life above and beyond the call of duty while engaged in an action
against an enemy of the United States." As many Americans are ignorant of the subject,
before proceeding with the chapter it is necessary to again reacquaint
the reader with what the terms Hispano or Hispánico,
or Hispanic mean. The broader term Hispanic, refers to the people,
nations, and cultures with some historical connection to España.
This may be the Spanish language or culture. As it commonly
accepted, it applies to those countries having once been a part of el Imperio Español or the Spanish Empire in the Spanish Américas
and Asia. Others suggest that the term should apply to all
Spanish-speaking cultures or countries. This is due to its historical
roots of the word involve the Ibero Peninsula. In its expanded application, the term is used to
nations and cultures. Still others use the term Hispanic when
speaking of art forms, such as cuisine, culture, dress, literature,
music, and other characteristics of Hispanic culture. It has also been
applied to Hispanic customs, ethnicities, and traditions. As an ethnic term, it is often broadly used to
categorize any citizen or resident of the United States which might be
considered Hispanic. Today, the three largest Hispanic ethnic
communities within the United States of America are Cubanos,
Méjicano-Americans, and Puertorriqueños.
With this usage, one would need to have at least one ancestor from the
people of España. As it
relates to those of non-Hispanic origin, these must have an ancestor
from somewhere in el Imperio Español.
These would include Méjico,
Puerto Rico, Cuba, Central or South América,
or some other Hispanic-based geographic region. For the purpose of this
chapter, we will offer only a few examples of those that served from the
Spanish Américas and España. There is one group of Hispanics that are rarely
mentioned by Hispanic and non-Hispanic historians and commentators.
These are the descendents of Sephardi,
or Spanish Jews. As cited in
earlier chapters, a Sephardic Jew
is of Español
or Portugués descent. They
are originally from Sepharad, España or the
Ibero Peninsula. They established communities throughout
areas of modern España
and Portugués, where
they traditionally resided. Their stay in Ibéria
was brought to an end starting with the Alhambra Decree by
España’s Reyes
Católicos in 1492 C.E., which resulted in a combination of internal
and external migrations, mass conversions, and executions. The Diaspora
from Ibéria in the late-15th-Century C.E.
took them into exile to North Africa, Anatolia, and the
Levant. The exiled Sephardi
took shelter and settled in the Eastern Mediterranean, Southeastern and Southern
Europe, the Spanish Américas,
and other places. There they settled either alongside preexisting coreligionists, or alone
as the first Jews in new frontiers. Over time their organized Jewish
communities would begin to decline, but not lost completely. They
persevered and integrated into their new homelands and became a part of
the fabric of that society. Native born Hispanics joined the military
during the American Civil War from all across the United States North,
South, East, and West They served on both sides of the conflict, some
for the Union and others for the Confederacy. There were northern states
that had significant Hispanic communities, native born sons and
daughters of immigrants from Argentina,
Cuba, España, Méjico, Portugal, and Puerto Rico who served. Many Hispanics from the southern states
served the Confederacy. Hispanics supporting the Union cause from
Eastern states came from large urban centers like Boston, New York, and
Philadelphia. The majority were Native born Hispanics from Western and
Southwestern states like Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and
Texas. The de Riberas of New
Mexico are included in this number. Here we remind the reader that we use of the
term “Mexican-Americans” for those of the period, in the
non-traditional sense as it is described in the previous chapter.
Mexican-Americans from Western and Southwestern states represented the
largest number of Hispanics fighting on both sides. It has been
estimated that of these approximately 2,500 fought for the Confederacy
and over 10,000 were with the Union. Of the other Hispanics, many others
were Spanish subjects of the Corona Española or nationals from other recently freed countries in
the Caribbean, Central and South América. The "New Mexico Volunteer Infantry,"
with 157 Hispanics officers, was the Union military unit with the most
officers of that ethnic background. Besides Colonel Miguel
E. Pino and Lieutenant Colonel José
María Valdéz who belonged to the 2nd New Mexico Volunteer
Infantry, the New Mexico Volunteer Infantry also included Colonel Diego Archuleta (eventually promoted to Brigadier-General), the
commanding officer of the First New Mexico Volunteer Infantry, Colonel José
G. Gállegos commander of the Third New Mexico Volunteer Infantry,
and Lieutenant Colonel Francisco Peréa, who commanded Peréa's
Militia Battalion. Some Hispanics of Spanish ancestry in the
Southeastern United States supported the Confederate side. Part of the
region’s aristocracy, these joined their like-minded southern
neighbors and actively fought to preserve their way of life. Many lived
in Alabama and Mississippi. There were those who hailed from Louisiana.
These lands had once been España’s
Las Floridas and Luisiana,
in the Gulf Coast region. These Hispanics represented a rich mixture of
cultures and languages including French, Español,
Caribbean, Amerindian, African, German, and Anglo-American. These "Criollos"
were often well-off, some were planters with plantations, or established
merchants. They traded in the bustling ports of New Orleans, Louisiana
and Mobile, Alabama. Many were parties to that "peculiar
institution" of slave holders. Others made their living in the
cotton trade which also relied on slavery. Texas and Florida were other
Gulf Coast states which mustered Hispanics into their military. There were many Hispanics with names like Rodríguez,
Garesché, Pleasants, and Emilio
who enlisted by individual initiative. There were also those cases where
whole groups of Hispanics signed up together. One example was a company
wholly composed of Españoles and Portugués
soldiers attached to the 39th New York Infantry. The regiment was named
in honor of the famed Italian freedom fighter Giuseppe Garibaldi was
easily recognizable in their distinctive European-style uniforms. The
"Garibaldi Guard," as it was called was formed entirely of
European immigrants. One of these composed of Hispanics was D Company
"The Spanish Company" of the Garibaldi Guard, 39th New
York Volunteer Infantry Regiment. The company served until July 1, 1865
C.E., when it was mustered out at Alexandria. They lost during its term
of service 119 dead of wounds, and 159 by death from accident, 94 of
these died while under imprisonment, or disease. Other examples included
the 5th Regiment (Spanish Regiment) of the "European Brigade,"
"Cazadores Españoles
Regiment," and the "Louisiana Tigers," all from
Louisiana. The "Spanish Guards" and the "55th
Infantry" were both from Alabama. There was also "Florida's
2nd Infantry". Like many other newcomers to America, Hispanics
faced difficult challenges integrating themselves into the society of
their new homeland. Many of the newcomers had to deal with prejudices of
nationality, as the Irish and Germans had. Those of Mediterranean
heritage faced formidable ethnic prejudices. For some Hispanics the
difficulty was nationality, ethnicity, and racial identity. Black
Hispanics had the most difficulty with assimilation of all the groups.
And yes, there were Black Hispanics. Like all Americans of the period, making the
decision about which side to support in the American Civil War often
came down to personal reasons and desires. Hispanic citizens throughout
the nation often acted to preserve a particular lifestyle and in some
cases defend lands which they had occupied for generations. Immigrants
often made choices based upon newly-established family ties or locality.
Hispanic Cubanos, Federico Fernández
Cavada and Ambrosio José González
demonstrate that men of similar backgrounds often found themselves on
very different paths. González
served the South and Cavada the
North. The following is an incomplete list of notable
Hispanics who participated in the American Civil War. Their names are
placed in accordance with the Nation or USA state that they originated
from before their military service during the American Civil War. From
España Union Colonel Álvarez de la Mesa (1828 C.E.–1872 C.E.) was a Spanish national
and resident of Worcester, Massachusetts He fought at Gettysburg for
the USA Army as a member of the Spanish Company of the
"Garibaldi Guard" of the 39th New York State Volunteers.
Colonel Álvarez received a
stomach contusion at Gettysburg and was medically discharged on
September 30, 1863 C.E., for intermittent fever and chronic ankle ulcer. Over
200 letters written by Cárlos Álvarez
de la Mesa during the Civil War were donated to the New York State
Military Museum. Álvarez
de la Mesa is the grandfather of Major General Terry de
la Mesa Allen Sr., who served in both WWI and WWII. During WWII
he was commanding general of the First Infantry Division in
North Africa and Sicily, and later the commander of the 104th
Infantry Division during World War II. From
Cuba Union Lieutenant-Colonel Julius Peter Garesché
(1821 C.E.1862 C.E.) was born in Cuba,
but raised in the United States. He was later educated at West Point.
When the American Civil War broke out, Garesché
declined a commission as brigadier general of volunteers, and
was made Chief of Staff, with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in
the regular army, to Major General William S. Rosecrans.
In this capacity he participated in the operations of the Army of
the Cumberland at the Battle of Stones River. Riding with
General Rosecrans toward the Round Forest, Garesché
was decapitated by a cannonball. Confederate cannon fire-a great had
claimed his life. This was a great personal loss for Rosecrans. He and Garesché
shared a deep religious faith. Lieutenant Colonel Garesché’s contribution to the war was the ultimate one,
sacrificing his life for his adopted country. CSA colonel
Ambrosio Gonzáles was a native Cubano
born into a prominent family in Matanzas,
Following the death of his mother,
Ambrosio’s father sent him to school in New York. He later settled
in South Carolina. When the Civil War began, Gonzáles
supported the Confederacy. While volunteering during the bombardment of
Fort Sumter, he was granted a commission as a colonel. Later, he earned
a commendation for his conduct in the bombardment of Fort Sumter. In
1862 C.E., he became an
inspector of coastal defenses. Gonzáles
was then assigned as Chief of Artillery to the Department of South
Carolina, Georgia and Florida. In 1864
C.E., he served as artillery commander at the Battle of Honey
Hill during Sherman's March to the Sea. President Jefferson Davis declined
six promotion requests for the rank of Brigadier General. It has been
suggested that Gonzáles'
early experience with Cubano
filibusters, without success, and his contentious relationships with
other Confederate officers in Richmond did not help him in his cause. It
was most likely Davis' dislike for P. G. T. Beauregard the
proponent of several of those requests, who was also a schoolmate of González
didn´t help either. Gonzáles
would later complete his education at the University of Habana and soon began a career as a professor in Cuba.
He would also participate in the movements to liberate Cuba
from España’s rule. While
doing so, Ambrosio developed
ties with Americans, most being Southerners, who wanted to annex Cuba
to the United States. His efforts to overthrow the Spanish failed, and Gonzáles
settled into exile in Beaufort, South Carolina. There he married into a
prominent Southern family. Following the Civil War, both Cavada
and Gonzáles entered the cause to liberate Cuba. Gonzáles only
briefly returned to Cuba,
however, he would continue to support his countrymen in their efforts to
gain independence from España.
CSA Lieutenant-Colonel Paul
Francis Joseph
Bernard de Gournay
(March 15, 1828 C.E.-July 26, 1904 C.E.) was born
in Cuba
and died in Baltimore, Maryland. Paul immigrated with his parents to New
Orleans, Louisiana. During the American Civil War in 1861 C.E., he
became Lieutenant-Colonel and Commander of de
Gournay's Heavy Artillery, C.S.A. He equipped the artillery battery
at his own expense and led it during the Peninsula Campaign in
Virginia. Later he became the commander of the 12th Battalion, Louisiana
Heavy Artillery. He served during the Siege of Port Hudson and
with its surrender became a prisoner for the rest of the war.
Afterwards, he settled in Louisiana. Later, he became a professor and
the French Consul at Baltimore, Maryland where he died on July 26, 1904,
aged 76. Union Special Aide-De-Camp Adolfo Fernández Cavada (Howard) was a soldier and
diplomat, an officer in the Union Army during the American
Civil War. He served with distinction in the Army of the
Potomac from Fredericksburg to Gettysburg and was a "special
aide-de-camp" to General Andrew A. Humphreys. He also served
in the 114th Pennsylvania Volunteers at Gettysburg served as captain in the Philadelphia
23rd Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment, a regiment of the Union Forces,
with his brother, Colonel Federico
Fernández Cavada. Adolfo was one of three sons born in Cienfuegos,
Cuba to Isidoro Fernández
Cavada and Emily Howard Gatier, an American citizen and
native of Philadelphia. After his father's death in 1838 C.E., he
moved with his mother and siblings to Philadelphia. Later, Adolfo
Fernández Cavada's mother met and married Samuel Dutton and
the family resided at 222 Spruce Street, Philadelphia. Fernández
Cavada received his primary and secondary education at
Philadelphia's Central High School. After the war, Fernández Cavada was appointed as consul in Cienfuegos, Cuba. He joined his brother, who had been in Trinidad,
in the Cubano insurrection against Spanish rule and succeeded him as
Commander-in-Chief of the Cinco
Villas. He was killed in action. Union lieutenant-colonel Federico Fernández-Cavada Howard (1831 C.E.-1871 C.E.) was born in
1832 C.E. He was one of three sons born in Cienfuegos, Cuba, to Emily Howard Gatier and Isidoro Fernández Cavada. Following the death of his Spanish father in
1838 C.E., Federico and his
brothers moved with his American mother, Emily Gatier’s, to her
hometown of Philadelphia. There the young widow met and married Samuel
Dutton. Together, the family resided at 222 Spruce Street. Fernández
Cavada received his primary and secondary education
at Philadelphia's Central High School. After being certified
in a training program, he later worked as a civil engineer and as a
topographer in the Panama
Canal. He was also opposed to slavery. When the Civil
War began, Fernández Cavada
enlisted in the Union Army. Beginning his service as an engineer, Cavada quickly worked his way to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Federico
commanded the 109th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry in the battle at
Chancellorsville and the 114th Pennsylvania Infantry at Gettysburg when
it took the field in the Peach Orchard at Gettysburg. On April 19, 1862 C.E., he was assigned to
Thaddeus Lowe's Constitution in the Hot Air Balloon unit of
the Union Army due to his artistic talents. During that assignment at
the Peninsular Campaign in Virginia, he sketched what he observed of
enemy positions and movements from the air. At the rank of
lieutenant-colonel, Cavada was captured by CSA forces during the Battle of Gettysburg
and sent to Libby Prison for Union officers in Richmond,
Virginia, and released from there in 1864 C.E. That year, Federico would publish a book which told of the cruel treatment
which he received in the Confederate prison entitled "LIBBY LIFE:
Experiences of A Prisoner of War in Richmond, VA,” 1863 C.E.-1864 C.E. Despite growing up and completing his education
in the United States, Federico
would retain a strong attachment to the land of his birth. After the
war, Fernández Cavada became
a diplomat when appointed by the United States government as consul to Cuba. When the Cuba
insurrection began against Spanish rule, he resigned his commission and
joined the insurgents. Federico
was commissioned as a general. Later, Cubano
authorities would eventually commission him as the commander-in-chief of
all the Cubano forces during
what became the island's Ten Years' War for independence. In
1871 C.E., while traveling to secure supplies from supporters in the
United States Federico was
captured by Spanish troops. American President Ulysses S. Grant pleaded
for leniency from the Spanish army. It was denied and Federico
Fernández Cavada was executed by firing squad. CSA Lieutenant Loreta Janeta Velázquez (June
26, 1842 C.E.-c.1902 C.E.) also Known as Lieutenant Harry T. Buford,
Confederate States Army, was born in Cuba
to a wealthy family. In 1849 C.E., she was sent to school in New
Orleans, where she resided with her aunt. At the age of 14, she eloped
with an officer in the Texas army. When Texas seceded from the Union in
1861 C.E., her husband joined the Confederate army. Velázquez
pleaded with him to allow her to join him, but her husband refused.
Undeterred, Velázquez had a
uniform made, promptly went disguised as a man, and took the name Harry
T. Buford. Now masquerading as a male Confederate soldier
and without her soldier-husband's knowledge, she enlisted in the CSA
Army in 1861 C.E. During the American Civil War, Loreta would fight at Bull Run, Ball's Bluff and Fort
Donelson. Displaying a self-awarded rank of lieutenant, Velázquez
moved to Arkansas. While there, she proceeded to raise a regiment of
volunteers. Next, she located her husband in Florida. Velázquez
soon brought the regiment to him, presenting herself as their commanding
officer. Just a few days later, her husband was killed in a shooting
accident. Velázquez later
headed north, acting as an “independent soldier,” she joined up with
a regiment just in time to fight at the Battle of First Manassas (Bull
Run) on July 21, 1861 C.E. and moved on to the Battle of Ball’s Bluff
on October 21, 1861 C.E. She then became a spy using both male and
female guises. Velázquez
donning female attire went to Washington, DC. There, she was able to
gather intelligence for the CSA. Upon her return to the South, Loreta Janeta Velázquez was made an official member of the
detective corps. Apparently espionage did not hold enough excitement for
Velázquez, and she once again
sought action on the battlefield. Resuming her disguise as Lieutenant Buford, she
traveled to Tennessee, joining up with another regiment to fight at the
Battle of Fort Donelson on February 11, 1862 C.E. Velázquez was wounded
in the foot, and fearing that her true gender would be revealed if she
sought medical treatment in camp, she fled back to her home in New
Orleans. Still in her male disguise, Velázquez
was arrested in New Orleans for being a possible Union spy. She was
cleared of the charges, but was fined for impersonating a man,
discharged, and released. In the face of all of this, she immediately
headed back to Tennessee, in search of another regiment to join. As luck
would have it, she found the regiment she had originally recruited in
Arkansas. Reenlisting, she fought with them at the Battle of Shiloh on
April 6-7, 1862 C.E. While there on burial detail, she was wounded in
the side by an exploding shell. An army doctor discovered her true
gender, she was once more
unmasked. Velázquez decided
at this point to end her career as a soldier, and she returned to New
Orleans. Not content to sit out the rest of the war, Velázquez
then went to Richmond to volunteer her services as a spy. She was able
to travel freely in both the South and the North, working in both male
and female disguises. It was during this time that she met and married
Confederate Captain Thomas DeCaulp. Unfortunately, he died in a hospital
a short time later. During the war and she remarried two more times;
being widowed in each instance. After the war, Velázquez married a man identified only as Major Wasson, and
immigrated to Venezuela. After
his death, she moved back to the United States, where she traveled
extensively in the West, and gave birth to a baby boy. By 1876 C.E., Velázquez was in need of money to support her child, decided to
publish her memoirs. The Woman in Battle was dedicated to her
Confederate comrades “who, although they fought in a losing cause,
succeeded by their valor in winning the admiration of the world.” The
public reaction to the book at the time was mixed—Confederate General
Jubal Early denounced it as pure fiction—but modern scholars have
found some of it to be quite accurate. With the release of her book, Velázquez
may have married again and was last documented as living in Nevada. The
date of her death is thought to be 1897 C.E. From
Puerto Rico Union Lieutenant Augusto Rodríguez (1841 C.E.-1880 C.E.) was a Puertorriqueño immigrant who served in the 15th Connecticut
Volunteer Infantry Regiment, of the Union Army. He was posted to protect
the Union capital in defense of Washington D.C. Augusto
also courageously led his men in battle at Fredericksburg and Wyse
Fork. At the end of the war, Rodríguez
left the army and chose a career in fighting fire in the city of New
Haven. From
Argentina Union Brevet Brigadier-General Henry Clay
Pleasants (1833 C.E.-1880 C.E.) – was born in Buenos Aires, Argentina to an American father from Pennsylvania
and a Hispanic mother. Pleasants arrived in the United States with his
parents at the age of 13. To assist Union forces to escape their exposed
position outside of Petersburg, Virginia, Brevet Brigadier-General Pleasants
devised an extraordinary plan to rupture the Confederate chokehold on
the city. He proposed and developed a well-conceived plan for the
digging a mine shaft under the Confederate line. Once established, the
fortifications on the other side was to be blow up using four tons of
gunpowder. The poorly executed plan failed. His actions led to the Battle
of the Crater on July 30, 1864 C.E. It was supposed to give the
Union troops an opportunity to break the defense of Petersburg. The
poorly executed "Battle of the Crater" failed and his troops
continued to fight for eight more months. Soon, Pleasants’ commanding
officer was relieved of duty. Pleasants was promoted to Brevet Brigadier
General for his ingenuity. Later, Henry would become a mining engineer. From
Méjico Union Admiral Cipriano Andrade (September 1, 1840 C.E.-June 18, 1911 C.E.)
was born in Tampico, Méjico.
He was the son of Cipriano and
Elizabeth (Edwards) Andrade.
His early education was in the public and private schools in
Philadelphia. Studied engineering at the Franklin Institute in
Philadelphia. He is connected with a practical course at Southwark
Foundry in Philadelphia from 1858 C.E. to 1861 C.E. He served in Civil
War, then in various engineering assignments. Andrade
received an appointment to the United States Navy from Pennsylvania
on July 11, 1861 C.E. During the Civil War, he served on board the U.S.S.
Lancaster (1861 C.E.-1863 C.E.) and the U.S.S. Pontiac (1863 C.E.-1865
C.E.). He married Annie A. Berry on June 1, 1870 C.E. and had at least
one son. Andrade’s
career continued to rise. He was a Chief Engineer by September 11, 1881
C.E. On September 12, 1894 C.E. he was Chief Engineer with relative rank
of Commander. On February 7, 1898 C.E., he was Chief Engineer with
relative rank of Captain. By March 3, 1899 C.E., he was made Captain. He
was made a member, then President, of the Engineering Examination Board,
October 1898 C.E.-April 1899 C.E. He was also a member of the Board of
Examiners, Washington, D.C., from June 1899 C.E. through January 1900
C.E. In September 1899 C.E. through July 1901 C.E., he was on inspection
duty for the Bureau of Steam Engineering, Washington, D.C.
Finally, On July 1, 1901 C.E. or, July 1, 1903 C.E., he was
transferred to the retired list of the Navy as Chief Engineer with the
rank of Rear Admiral. The Admiral Andrade died in South Norwalk, Connecticut, on June 18, 1911 C.E.
and was buried in Arlington National Cemetery. Native-Born
Hispanic participation in the Civil War From
American West and Southwest By far, the highest levels of Hispanic
participation in the Civil War occurred in the states and territories of
the American Southwest Following war with Méjico
(1846 C.E.-1848 C.E.), the victorious United States acquired vast
portions of Méjico's northern
territories. More than 100,000 Mexicans
lived on these lands and with the stroke of a pen became citizens of the
United States. These residents of Texas, California, Arizona, and New
Mexico soon found that they were immersed in a national dispute over the
expansion of slavery into the West When war erupted, they had to choose
sides. They often faced difficult choices. Slavery had
been banned by the Mexican
government and only a few dozen enslaved African Americans lived in the
arid lands of west Texas and New Mexico.
Many Hispanics opposed the idea of bringing the institution into their
homeland and endorsed Union efforts to prevent it. Nevertheless, owners
of crop lands in New Mexico-a group that included some wealthy Hispanics
and Anglo Americans--often relied on the coerced labor of American
Indians and shared some of the views of their slave-holding counterparts
in the South. Other Hispanics harbored bitter feelings toward the US
government as a result of the Mexican
War and demonstrated their disapproval by supporting the Confederacy.
The political influence, trade connections, and geographic proximity of
the South also drew many Hispanic ranchers and farmers closer to the
movement to secede from the Union. From
California Union Major
Salvadór Vallejo (January
1814 C.E.-February 18,
1876 C.E.) - When the Civil
War broke out, Major Vallejo accepted a
commission as a Major of the First Battalion of Native Cavalry from
Governor Leland Stanford. He organized First Battalion of Native
Cavalry one of the California units which served with the Union
Army in the West. Companies of Vallejo's
unit would see action in the Bald Hills War, and against the Mason
Henry Gang in Central California. Late in the war, the whole unit
was sent east to Arizona Territory on guard duty, to defend it from
the raids of the Apache.
His unit they never engaged the Confederates and did not have a
battlefield role in the Civil War, but did hold the West for the Union.
He would resign his commission in 1865 C.E. California was still a part of
el Imperio Español, under the
Virreinato of Nuéva España, when Salvadór
Vallejo was born in January 1814 C.E. at Monterey, Alta California
its capital. The two Vallejo
brothers, Maríano and Salvadór,
would enjoy their early lives there. By 1822
C.E., Méjico
had won its independence from España.
Maríano was sent to Sonoma
as Military Commander and Director of Colonization of the Northern
Frontier in 1833 C.E. Salvadór became Maríano’s
aide during the high water mark of Español/Méjicano
influence in Northern California before 1846 C.E. Salvadór owned land in the Napa
Valley. Rancho de Napa, granted in 1838 C.E., was five square leagues, or 21,650
acres of land extending from what is now north Napa along the west side of the Napa
River to Yountville…The site of one of Salvadór
Vallejo’s three Napa adobe
houses was north of the Trancas/Old
Soscol Way intersection on the
land behind where the Chevron Station is today. This was the
headquarters for his Rancho de
Napa. Salvadór later gave the hacienda
to his oldest son, Ignacio,
who lived in it until it burned in 1919 C.E. In the spring of 1833
C.E., Salvadór,
while in San Diego that lonely
pueblo outpost, fell in love
with a beautiful young Española,
of Spanish descent named María de
la Luz Carillo. They made their home in Sonoma.
Later, he moved his wife and family to their adobe, Casa Las Trancas,
which was built in the early 1840s C.E. In death on February 18, 1876 C.E., Salvadór
Vallejo finally returned to the Napa Valley. He and his wife, María
de la Luz Carillo Vallejo, are buried at Tulocay
Cemetery. Some of their children are also buried there, including
daughter Viola Z. Holmes and her husband. Many descendants of the Vallejos still live in the San
Francisco Bay Area today. From
Texas CSA Colonel Santos Benavides (November 1, 1823 C.E.-November 9, 1891 C.E.) was
the highest-ranking Tejano soldier
in the Confederate military during the American Civil War. He
commanded the 33rd Texas Cavalry Regiment. On March 19, 1864 C.E., he
defended Laredo against the
Union's First Texas Cavalry and defeated those Union forces. The Union
commander, Colonel Edmund J. Davis of the First Texas Cavalry, a Florida native,
had previously offered Benavides a Union generalship. His greatest contribution to the CSA was the
securing of passage for Confederate cotton for shipment to Matamoros,
Tamaulipas, Méjico, in
1863 C.E. Later, on March 18, 1864 C.E., Union Major Alfred Holt led a
force of about two hundred men from near Brownsville, Texas, to
destroy five thousand bales of cotton stacked at the San
Agustín Plaza. Colonel Santos
Benavides commanding only forty-two men, repelled three spate USA
attacks at the Zacate
Creek in what is known as the Battle of Laredo. From
New Mexico Union Brigadier-General Diego Archuleta (1814 C.E.-1884 C.E.) was born in Alcalde, Nuevo
Méjico, then a province of Nuéva
España. He was the son of a prominent citizen, Juan
Andrés Archuleta. His parents were wealthy rancheros
and, as such, they had the economic means to send him to Durángo, Méjico
where he received his primary and secondary education. His
education was intended to prepare him for the priesthood, toward which
he attained the four minor orders, but he decided not to follow that
vocation before leaving Durángo. Archuleta returned home in 1840 C.E. and was
commissioned as captain of the miquelets.
In this capacity, he commanded a body of troops and assisted in the
capture of Texans during the Texan Santa
Fé Expedition of 1841 C.E. In
that year he also married Jesúsita
Trujillo, who later gave him seven children. In 1843 C.E.
he was elected as a Deputy from Nuevo Méjico
to the National Méjicano Congress, serving there for
two years. In recognition of his distinguished service as an officer of
the Méjicano
army he was awarded the golden Cross of Honor for preserving the
integrity of the Méjicano
territory. As a member of the Méjicano Army, he fought against the United States in the Méjicano-Américano War. During the American Civil War, Archuleta served
in the New Mexico Militia. He fought with the 1st New Mexico Militia
Infantry in the Battle of Valverde and
became the first Hispanic to reach the military rank of Brigadier-General.
Diego was later appointed an Indian
Agent by President Abraham Lincoln. Union Lieutenant-Colonel José
Francisco Cháves (June 27, 1833 C.E.-November
26, 1904 C.E.) was born in Los
Padillas, Bernalillo County, Nuevo
Méjico, to Maríano Cháves
and Dolores Peréa. Like their
cousins Francisco and Pedro Peréa, the Cháves
family played a prominent role in Nuevo
Méjico’s military and political affairs. Cháves
’s paternal grandfather, Francisco
Xavier Cháves, was gobernador of Nuevo
Méjico after Méjico won its independence from España in 1821 C.E. Cháves’
father was a prominent military officer and an aide to Méjicano
general Manuel Armijo, who suppressed the Pueblo Revolt of 1837 C.E. José
Cháves was educated in Chihuahua,
Santa Fé, and Saint Louis.
Like the sons of many elites in Nuevo
Méjico, Cháves attended college in Missouri, studying at Saint Louis
University from 1841 C.E. to 1846 C.E. Maríano
Cháves told his son before sending him to Saint Louis. “Go and
learn their language and come back prepared to defend your people.” Cháves
returned to Nuevo Méjico and fought in
the Méjicano-Américano War. Afterward, he completed his education in New York,
attending private academies in New York City and in Fishkill. He also
studied medicine for one year at the College of Physicians and Surgeons
in New York City before returning to New Mexico in 1852 C.E. From 1853
C.E. to 1857 C.E., he managed the family rancho.
Cháves married Mary Bowie of
California in 1857 C.E., and they raised a daughter, Lola,
and a son, Francisco. After
Mary died in 1874 C.E., Cháves
married Maríana Armijo and
adopted her son, James. Maríana passed
away in 1895 C.E. Cháves ’career in local politics began at the same time he became
active in territorial military affairs. In 1859 C.E. and 1860 C.E., he
took part in military expeditions against hostile Navajos, whose attacks
on U.S. settlements resulted in approximately 300 deaths and $1.5
million in stolen property. Cháves
had been elected to the Ninth Legislative Assembly (1859 C.E.-1860 C.E.)
as a representative of València County,
but because of his military commitment, he served just one term. Having been an officer in the Méjicano
Army before he joined the USA Army, he entered the US Army as major of
the 1st New Mexico Infantry Regiment. Cháves
fought in the Battle of Valverde
in the American Civil War alongside Colonel Kit Carson. Cháves
later became the first Secretary of Education for New Mexico. Union Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel António Cháves (1818 C.E.-1889 C.E.) was
born in the Villa of Atrisco,
Nuevo
Méjico to José
Julián
Durán y Cháves and María
Luz García de Noriega. At
the age of sixteen, Manuel participated
in a trading expedition to the Navajó
Country. They ran into a ceremonial gathering at Cañon
de Cililí and were overwhelmed by the Navajós.
Manuel was wounded seven times
and the rest of the Cebolleteños were
killed in the attack including his brother, Pedro
Cháves. Later, Manuel
António Cháves was in charge of Union Fort Fauntleroy in
northwestern New Mexico. Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel António Cháves commanded a 490 man strong 2nd New Mexican
Volunteers. On March 28, 1862 C.E., a detachment of his unit whose
scouts had detected the Confederate supply train at Johnson's Ranch nearby
during the Battle of Glorieta
Pass, alerted by Cháves.
Major John M. Chivington's command, including Cháves, attacked the CSA train. As the main Union troops engaged
the CSA troops, Cháves' men
lowered themselves down a 200-foot slope, taking a small Texan guard
completely by surprise and capturing the Confederates' supply train.
They destroyed the wagons and burned all the supplies. This forced the
withdrawal of the Confederate Army from the battle to Santa
Fé, where they began a long
and dangerous march back into Texas. Union Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Peréa (1830 C.E.-1913 C.E.) on December 1861 C.E., organized
and commanded Peréa's Militia Battalion for the defense of New Mexico. Peréa
would later be elected as a Republican to the Thirty-eighth Congress.
He served in this position for two years (March 4, 1863 C.E.-March 3,
1865 C.E.). Union Colonel José Guadalupe Gállegos (April
13, 1828 C.E.-May 18, 1867
C.E.) was a native New Mexican military
leader, county sheriff, rancher and politician. In 1854 C.E., he served as brigadier-general in the volunteer Mounted
Militia of New Mexico formed for the purpose of protecting communities
against Native American attacks. He participated in the Battle of Glorieta
Pass, fought from March 26, 1862 C.E. through March 28, 1862 C.E.
which was the decisive battle of the New Mexico Campaign. He was field and staff Colonel
in the Civil War and commander of the 3rd New Mexico Volunteer
Infantry for the Union Army from August 26,
1861 C.E. until March 6, 1862 C.E. On
November 9, 1861 C.E., The Colonel’s unit
was under special order 187, to construct a road between Las Vegas and Fort Union. He
was made the commander of Hatch's Ranch
military post on November 22, 1861 C.E.
Gállegos represented San Miguel
County in the New Mexico Territorial Legislature and served both as
House Speaker and as Council President. José
was one of the founding members of the Historical Society of New Mexico
and was a founding associate in the incorporation of the Montezuma Copper Mining Company of Santa Fé, New Mexico the New Mexican Railway Company and
the New Mexico Wool Manufacturing Company. Union Colonel Miguel E. Pino served as the commander of the 2nd Regiment New
Mexico Volunteer Infantry or 2nd New Mexico Regiment Infantry was
a volunteer regiment in the Union Army. It was raised at Santa
Fé, in the Territory of
New Mexico, during July and August 1861 C.E. The regiment was
attached to the Department of New Mexico, serving on duty at Fort
Craig, New Mexico, until February, 1862 C.E. It was then in action at
the Battle of Valverde on
February 21, 1862 New Mexico. Following the defeat of the Confederates at Glorieta
Pass, 2nd Regiment was part of the pursuit of the Confederate forces
from April 13th-22nd, wherein they fought in the Action at Peralta on
April 15th, and at the Action at Socorro on
April 25th. Following that campaign the regiment had duty
in the Central, Northern and Santa
Fé Districts of the
Department until May, when it was consolidated with the 1st New
Mexico Infantry to form the 1st New Mexico Cavalry on May 31,
1862 C.E. Prior to the Civil War, Union Colonel Miguel
E. Pino was the Commanding Officer of an expedition which was
organized in Santa Fé, New Mexico against the Navajos. During the Civil War, Pino
commanded the 2nd Regiment of New Mexico Volunteers, which fought at the Battle
of Valverde from February
20 to February 21, 1862 C.E., and the Battle of Glorieta
Pass from March 26 to March 28, 1862 C.E. Pino
and his men played an instrumental role in the defeat Confederate Army,
derailing any plans of an invasion of New Mexico. Union Lieutenant Colonel José
María Valdéz (1841 C.E.-1884 C.E.) was born in La
Joya (now Velarde) in 1809
C.E. He married María Manuela
Jaramillo in Taos in 1834
C.E. and was a witness at the wedding of his wife’s sister, María
Joséfa Jaramillo, when she married Kit Carson in 1843 C.E. Another
sister, María Ygnacia Jaramillo,
married Charles Bent. He served in the Territorial Legislature and in
1859 C.E. was one of the petitioners for the Mora
Land Grant. Valdéz commanded
the 3rd New Mexico volunteers at The Battle of Valverde. Both he and Colonel Miguel
E. Pino were cited by Colonel E.R. (Edward Richard) Sprigg Canby
(November 9, 1817 C.E.-April 11, 1873 C.E.) in his official report for
their efforts in this action. Union Captain Román António Baca was an officer in the New Mexico Volunteers a
Union force commanding Company E. In 1862 C.E., he became the first
Hispanic spy for the United States. Baca
was Union Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel
António Cháves’ half-brother. After Manuel’s
father died his mother had remarried to Román’s
father, José António Baca.
Often by his older brother’s side, Román
had risen through the ranks of New Mexico volunteers through personal
exploits of bravery and he had been appointed Captain of a company
during the Navajó
campaign. It was Baca
who had hung a Navajó
prisoner rather than turn him over to Colonel Canby. Manuel
António Cháves, his older brother, had been present at the time,
and Colonel Pino had been
their overall commander. From
other American Regions From
Alabama CSA Colonel Leónidas M. Martín (July 22, 1824 C.E.-March 2, 1904 C.E.)
organized and was a Major in the 10th Texas Cavalry. Promoted to Colonel
was placed in charge of the 5th Texas Partisan Rangers under the command
of Colonel Thomas C. Bass. Martín
participated in the Battle of Honey Springs, the largest battle
fought in Indian Territory, fought on July 17, 1863 C.E. The Union
Forces were victorious and a result of the Confederate defeat in this
battle was that the Confederates were always short on supplies in the
Indian Territory forcing the Texas Cavalry to abandon the territory. Leónidas
was a farmer, merchant, tavern owner, and
Confederate officer. He was born in Madison County, Alabama, on July 22,
1824 C.E., the son of Charles Wingfield and Maríah
S. Martín.
Martín was raised in Alabama as a Methodist In the 1840s C.E., Martín
moved to Texas, settling in McKinney, Collin County. There, he engaged
in farming, as well as owned and operated a tavern, and later served as
justice of the peace. On July 16, 1848 C.E., He married Eliza F.
White in Red River County, Texas. Around this time the couple became
guardians of a girl who they raised as their daughter. By 1860 C.E., Leónidas was among the leading citizens of Collin County. When the Civil War began, Martín
volunteered for service in the Confederate army, joining the Sixth
Texas Cavalry Regiment as first lieutenant for Company K. Lieutenant Martín
was given command of that company and promotion to captain on July 5,
1862 C.E. Later in the summer, he was transferred to the Tenth Texas
Cavalry Battalion and received a promotion to major on October 23, 1862
C.E. On February 6, 1863 C.E., Leónidas
M. Martín received promotion to colonel and was given command of
the Fifth Texas Partisan Rangers, a cavalry unit formed by the
consolidation of the Ninth and Tenth Texas Cavalry battalions. With the Fifth Texas Partisan Rangers, Colonel Martín
participated in several engagements, including the battles of Honey
Creek and Massard's Prairie in the Indian Territory of present-day
Arkansas and Oklahoma. Martín was with the Fifth Texas Partisan Rangers when they were
surrendered on March 26, 1865 C.E. Following the war, he returned to
McKinney, Texas, and resumed his leadership in the community. In the
1880s C.E., he moved to Dallas, Texas. Colonel Leónidas
M. Martín died in Dallas on March 2, 1904 C.E., and was buried at
Oak Cliff Cemetery in Dallas. From
Florida Florida's 2nd Infantry, fought at Antietam and
Gettysburg. CSA Spy Lola
Sánchez (1844 C.E.-1895 C.E.), was born a into large Cubano
family in Armstrong, Florida near Saint Augustine. She became angry when
her father was accused of being a Confederate spy by the Union Forces
and sent to prison. This event inspired her to become a Confederate spy.
The Union Army had occupied her residence in Palatka, Florida, where she
purposefully overheard the officer's plans of a raid. She alerted the
nearby Confederates under the command of Captain John Jackson
Dickison of the pending raid. Armed with this information, the
Confederate soldiers were able to surprise the Union troops, in what
became known as the "Battle of Horse Landing," and
capture the Union warship USS Columbine. This is the only
known incident in US history where a cavalry unit captured and sank an
enemy gunboat. CSA Captain Michael Philip Usina (1840
C.E.-1903 C.E.) was a member of the Confederate States Navy. He was
born in Saint Agustín,
Florida, to Spanish parents. Before being transferred to the Navy, he
had enlisted as private on May 21, 1861 C.E. in Company B, 8th Regiment
Georgia Volunteer Infantry of the Confederate Army.
He was wounded at the Battle of Manassas July 21, 1861 C.E.
He was captured but managed to escape with the help of an
African-American who was riding a horse and let Usina ride on back of horse and took Usina to Southern lines.
After Michael
Phillip Usina (1840 C.E.-1903
C.E.) got back to Southern lines, he
was transferred to Navy on November 26, 1861 C.E. By 1862 C.E., he was a
pilot on CSS Talomico. He served on several blockade runners as
commander on many successful missions. These included the May Celeste, Atlanta, Virginia, Armstrong, and
Rattlesnake.
The blockade runner
Armstrong was at one time under the command of Michael P. Usina. She was a
230-foot-long iron side-wheel steamship. The ship was built in Glasgow,
Scotland in 1864 C.E. by the firm Crenshaw and Company. This ship
successfully ran the Federal blockade of the Confederacy's Atlantic
ports five times during the last four months of 1864 C.E. She was
captured by the U.S. Navy ships R.R. Cuyler, Gettysburg, Mackinaw and
Montgomery on Dec. 4, 1864 C.E., as she was attempting to come out of
Wilmington, North Carolina.
Union Captain Stephen Vincent Benét (January 22, 1827
C.E.-January 22, 1895
C.E.) was born on January
22, 1827 at Saint Augustine, Florida. He died on January 22, 1895 at
68 years of age in Washington, DC. He was the son of
Son of Pedro José Lucio Benét
III and Juana Antónia Ana Benét (Hernández)
both also born in Saint
Augustine, Florida.
The family was of Menorquines
decent, a Hispanic group from the Balearic Islands in the Mediterranean.
Earlier in the mid-to-late-1760s C.E., under British auspices, colonized
parts of Florida. A century later, their descendants would serve in the
CSA’s Army and Navy and also for the Union. Stephen Vincent Benét later graduated from West Point in 1849 C.E. During the Civil
War, he taught the science of gunnery at West Point and was eventually
promoted through the ranks to Brigadier-General and Chief of United
States Army Ordnance In 1874 C.E. His grandson, also named
Stephen Vincent Benét, went
on to write significant prose and poetry about the Civil War. From
South Carolina CSA Major and Doctor David Camden DeLeón
(1813 C.E.-September 3, 1872 C.E.), "The Fighting Doctor,"
was an American from a Sephardic Jewish family. A physician and surgeon,
he was born in South Carolina in 1813 C.E. He died at Santa
Fé, New Mexico, September 3, 1872 C.E.
He was educated in South Carolina and at the Ivy League School, the
University of Pennsylvania (M.D. 1836 C.E.). DeLeón
was its first Hispanic graduate. Shortly after graduation, Doctor DeLeón
entered the United States Army as assistant surgeon (1838 C.E.) and
served with distinction in the Seminole war. For several years
afterward, he was stationed on the Western frontier. He then served
throughout the Mexican-American War, and was present at most of its
battles. At Chapultepec he
earned the nickname "the Fighting Doctor." On two occasions,
the brave Doctor led a charge of cavalry after the officer commanding
had been killed or wounded. For his distinguished services and for his
gallantry in action, Doctor DeLeón
twice received the thanks of Congress. He was then assigned to frontier
duty, and in 1856 C.E. There he became surgeon, with the rank of major. It is known that Major-Doctor DeLeón
was personally opposed to secession. Like most officers in the USA
regular army from the South, he resigned his commission at the outbreak
of the American Civil War and offered his services to the CSA. By 1864 C.E., he became the first
Surgeon-General of the CSA. The President of the CSA, Jefferson
Davis, assigned him the task of organizing the medical department of the
Confederate Army. At the close of the war, Doctor DeLeón
went to Méjico. After a brief stay, at the
request of President Ulysses S. Grant, the Doctor returned to the
United States. He was stationed for several years
in New Mexico. There he settled, purchased
property, continued to practiced medicine
until his death, and wrote for medical journals.
He was known as a cultured man and esteemed as a writer. From
Louisiana From Louisiana, Hispanics served in military
service for nearby actions and far away. There were those Hispanics in
Louisiana who had immigrated from the Islas
Canarias or Canary Islands in the late-1700s C.E. Nearly 800
Hispanics were mustered in New Orleans alone as part of the
"European Brigade." It was a home guard comprised of a force
of 4,500 to keep order and defend the city. The brigades of Brigadier
General Harry T. Hays's and Brigadier General William E. Starke,
popularly known as the "Louisiana Tigers," included native
Louisianans of Anglo, Creole,
and Criollo descent, plus men
from España, Cuba, Méjico,
and other Latino Américano countries.
These brigades campaigned and fought at battles such as Antietam and
Gettysburg with Confederate General Robert E. Lee.
The Guards was one such Alabama military unit
(company). It was made up almost exclusively of men of Spanish ancestry.
These served as a home guard for the city of Mobile. There was Alabama's
55th Infantry, which served in the Vicksburg, Atlanta, and Nashville
campaigns. These battles included a significant number of Hispanic
soldiers. From
Tennessee Union Admiral David Farragut (1801 C.E.-1870 C.E.) was the son of Spanish-born
George “Jordi” Farragut
y Mesquida. David
was born near Knoxville, Tennessee. Farragut
was promoted to vice admiral on December 21, 1864 C.E. After the war, on
July 25, 1866 C.E., he was made a full admiral thereby becoming the
first person to be named full admiral in the Navy's history. Farragut's
greatest victory was on August 5, 1864 C.E. at The Battle of
Mobile Bay, in Mobile, Alabama. It was at the time the Confederacy's
last major port open on the Gulf of Mexico. The bay was heavily
mined with tethered naval mines, also known as torpedoes. When
the USS Tecumseh, one of the ships under his command, struck a mine
and went down, Farragut shouted through a trumpet from his flagship to
the USS Brooklyn, "What's the trouble?"
"Torpedoes!" was the reply, to which Farragut then shouted his
now famous words "Damn the torpedoes! Full speed ahead!" The
fleet succeeded in entering the bay. Farragut then triumphed over the
opposition of heavy batteries in Fort Morgan and Fort
Gaines to defeat the squadron of Admiral Franklin Buchanan.
From
Massachusetts Union Captain Luís F. Emilio (1844
C.E.-1918 C.E.), was Captain in Company
E of the the 54th Massachusetts
Volunteer Infantry, was the 16-year-old son of a Spanish
immigrant who made his living as a music instructor. Emilio
was anxious to serve and fight. Born on December 22, 1844 in Salem,
Massachusetts, 1861 C.E. he lied about his age in order to enlist with
the 23rd Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. Luís
was quickly promoted to sergeant by September, 1862 C.E. for his
bravery. Sergeant Emilio was
soon selected as one of the officers of one of the first African
American units, the 54th Massachusetts Regiment. Emilio
was among the group of original officers of the 54th selected by
Massachusetts War Governor John Albion Andrew. Emilio
mustered in as a 2nd Lieutenant on March 30, 1863 C.E. Two weeks later,
he was promoted to 1st Lieutenant and on May 27th, he was made Captain
of Company E. Captain Emilio emerged as
the regiment's acting commander after a ferocious assault on Fort
Wagner on July 18, 1863 C.E. which he partly led. As all of the
other ranking officers had been killed or wounded, he became the
regiment's acting commander. The
American Civil War To place the year 1861 C.E. in perspective, the following political and military events and dates are
provided to assist the reader in understanding how quickly political and
military affairs began to escalate and spiral out of control. Within a
few short months, a fragmenting USA
would have a new president. He would realize that he might be presiding
over the dissolution of his nation. Activity in Trans-Mississippi Theater of the
American Civil War in 1861 C.E. would be
dominated by the dispute over the status of the border
state of Missouri. The Missouri State Guard, allied with the
Confederacy, won important victories at the Battle of Wilson's
Creek and the First Battle of Lexington. They were, however,
driven back at the First Battle of Springfield. During the same time, in that same Theater,
both the Confederate States of America (CSA) and the USA
governments would claim ownership and territorial rights over the New
Mexico Territory. At that time, it included the areas which became the
modern U.S. states of: ·
New
Mexico ·
Arizona ·
The
southern part of Nevada After the American Democratic Party split in
1860 C.E., California's Republican supporters of Lincoln took
control of the state. California had been settled primarily by farmers,
miners, and businessmen from the Midwestern and the
South. By 1861 C.E., California's Republicans had minimized the
influence of the large southern population within California.
Pro-Confederacy Californians were prevented from organizing and their
newspapers were closed down by denying them the use of the mail. Former
Senator William M. Gwin, a Confederate sympathizer, was arrested
and later fled to Europe. Though there were many southerners and some Californios
who tended to favor the Confederacy, the state did not have slavery.
During the war itself, Pro-CSA Californians generally remained
powerless. The possibility of dividing California and creating Southern
California as a territory or a state was rejected that same year by the
national government when patriotic fervor swept California after the
attack on Fort Sumter. A united California remained a part of the
Union. One of the great successes of the pro-USA
Californians was in obtaining a Pacific railroad land grant and
authorization to build the Central Pacific as the western half
of the transcontinental railroad. Their intent was to connect themselves
to the East as quickly and efficiently as possible and become an
integrated part of the entire nation. Why? The task was a simple one, to
flood California with Americans. In the main, California's involvement in the American
Civil War would be limited to shipping gold
east, maintaining numerous fortifications, recruiting or funding a
limited number of combat units, and sending troops in support of the
Union. In 1861 C.E., one of the CSA’s major goals
was to capture the Colorado gold mines in the Rockies in order to
finance their new nation and the War. Somehow, the CSA concluded that
with a large number of southerners in Colorado, it could also prevail
there. As a part of the CSA’s overall Colorado strategy, its leaders
felt that they needed control of New Mexico to gain access to the gold
and silver mines in the Rockies. From New Mexico, CSA forces would move
west to the strategic ports of California which was their second goal.
The Confederates sought to expand and extend their nation across the
continent and gain a seaport for access to the Pacific Ocean on
California’s West Coast It was felt that this would ease the problem
of a Union blockade of their harbors on the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf
of Mexico. This they felt possible due to the many Southerners living in
California. Once the notice of slave laws was published in
the Union’s eastern states, the CSA felt the entire Southwest would
become pro-CSA. Having been recently annexed from Méjico
in 1848 C.E., the majority of the Territory of New Mexico's
population was apathetic to secession. Therefore, to the CSA, New
Mexico seemed to be the least problematic of the equation. Given its
remoteness, the CSA believed New Mexico to be indefensible. Once taken,
it was understood that the Union’s valuable military stockpiles in New
Mexico would be absorbed by the Confederates. In fact, most Americans
believed that New Mexico would actively seek to become part the CSA.
Thus, the vast New Mexico Territory had become a point of contention
between the USA and CSA. The Republic of Texas had declared its
independence from the Republic of Méjico
on March 2, 1836 C.E. It should be noted that for 15 years, experiences
between the USA Territory of New Mexico and Texas had been aggressively
confrontational, creating considerable animosity toward Texas among the
Territory’s Hispano
population. Texas’ outrageous geographic claims began Nuevo
Méjico’s problems with the Republic. The Texans were no longer
concerned about Méjico as
they felt free to take all that land as theirs. In 1836 C.E., the Texans
had claimed all of Nuevo Méjico’s
land east of the Río Grande.
By 1861 C.E., Texas and Nuevo Méjico
had become not-so-quiet enemies, as the Nuevo
Méjicanos feared the belligerent Texans. They felt that it was only
a matter of time before the Texans insinuated themselves into Nuevo Méjico. Here, we must examine closely the relationship
between New Mexico and Texas, with its latest incarnation as a state of
the Confederacy. To change one’s legal affiliations doesn’t
necessarily change one’s modus operandi. Texans had always coveted the
lands of Nuevo Méjico. The
first Texas group organized to invade Nuevo
Méjico consisting of merchants, traders, and a military force whose
public purpose was protection of the troupe. They set out on June 10,
1841 C.E. from Austin with a goal of reaching Santa
Fé, Nuevo Méjico. They
failed in their attempt. In reaction to the embarrassing conclusion of
the Santa Fé expedition, Texans attempted further invasions of Méjicano
territory. In 1842 C.E, the second invasion, the so-called Mier
Expedition of 261 men crossed the Río
Grande with the intent of acquiring a large territory in northern Méjico for Texas. They were met in the town of Mier, defeated, and taken prisoner by the Méjicano army. The third invasion was the Warfield and Snively
Expedition of 1843 C.E. This was a less ambitious repeat of the Santa
Fé expedition. Charles Warfield with a small group of adventurers
attempted to attack the town of Mora
but was driven off by a superior Nuevo
Méjicano force. Warfield then disbanded his group. Now, in 1861 C.E., it was a state of the CSA
and given the mission to take New Mexico. The response by Nuevo Méjicanos wasn’t hard to guess at. With Texas now being a
part of the CSA, when a side had to be chosen, the majority of Nuevo
Méjicanos sided with the Union. By that first year of the War, many Southerners
believed Arizona to already be secessionist Secondly, the majority of
Union troops in Arizona early in 1861 C.E. were transferred to the
eastern part of the country to support the then, failing, USA Army. This
left the Territory open to fierce Apache attacks.
The great warriors Mangas
Coloradas and Cochise led
a series of raids on American civilians which left dozens dead. Mounting
fear and terror then began spreading across the territory. This caused
both the USA and the CSA to attempt to put an end to the raiding by the Apaches.
In order to deal with the rampaging Apaches
and prepare for the Civil War in the Southwest, the Union military
Department of New Mexico began the process of raising regiments of New
Mexico volunteers and militia. The volunteers and militia were meant to
replace the Regular army units which had been, or were being ordered
east. By necessity, the few remaining Union troops in the New Mexico
Territory were concentrated in forts along and near the Río
Grande. During 1861 C.E., the CSA would claim the
southern tract of the New Mexico Territory as its own, calling it
the CSA Arizona Territory. It
consisted of the portion of the Territory south of the 34th parallel
north, including parts of today’s states of New Mexico and Arizona.
The New Mexico Campaign waged by the Confederacy was ambitious. It
would attempt to take control of the American Southwest This
way a strategy meant to open up access to the Union’s West and
ultimately California. The CSA also hoped that the Native Americans from
the regions would assist them in winning the War. The Governor of the state of Virginia called
the Virginia legislature into special session. It was to decide whether
Virginia should join the seceding states. That special session was
called to order on January 7, 1861 C.E.
Mississippi seceded from the USA on
January 9, 1861 C.E. and later
joined itself to the future CSA. Florida seceded from the USA on January
10, 1861 C.E. and later joined
itself to the future CSA. By January 14, 1861 C.E., the Virginia legislature in special session authorized a
convention to meet in Richmond February, 1861
C.E. Georgia seceded from the USA on January
19, 1861 C.E. and later joined
itself to the future CSA. On January 21, 1861 C.E., the Virginia legislature adopted a joint resolution stating
that if differences between the North and South couldn’t be settled,
Virginia would join the Confederate States of America. Louisiana seceded from the USA on January
26, 1861 C.E. and later joined
itself to the future CSA. Texas voted to seek secession from the USA
on February 1, 1861 C.E. On February 4, 1861 C.E., of that year, representatives from these first six states
who had seceded from the USA met in Montgomery, Alabama to form the CSA.
The representatives from Texas would arrive later. By now it was clear to all that the differences
between the North and South couldn’t be settled. On February 13, 1861
C.E., the Secession Convention, also known as the Virginia
Convention of 1861, was called to order. The majority of its 152
convention members were moderates, were initially opposed to secession,
or wanted to give ongoing peace efforts a chance. While all counties
were represented, the depth of representation varied. Some individual
delegates represented two or three smaller counties, while more populous
counties had two delegates each. Those parts of Virginia that would
later become the state of “West Virginia” were well represented at
the convention. Texas joined itself to the future CSA by
its referendum vote on February 23, 1861
C.E. This decision and the differences between pro-CSA and
pro-USA Texans occasionally produced strong political stands and even
violence. When Texas first announced its secession from
the Union a group of 40 Tejanos
led by António Ochoa marched
on the Zapata County seat to
prevent local officials from taking an oath of allegiance to the
Confederacy. CSA troops responded by forcing Ochoa
to flee across the border into Méjico.
There Ochoa gained the support
of Juan Nepomuceno Cortina, a Méjicano
general and folk hero, who had already gained a reputation as a
fearless defender of Méjicano
rights in America. From the safety of Méjico,
Ochoa, Cortina and others attacked military and economic targets in south
Texas, keeping Confederate troops constantly preoccupied. In one brutal
attack, pro-Union raiders commanded by Octaviano
Zapata rode to the ranch of a Confederate county judge and hanged
him. Confederate retaliation was swift. The Hispanic CSA Captain Refugio Benavides led a company of Confederate cavalry into Méjico
in pursuit of Zapata. They
killed 18 and 14 of his men were wounded. Zapata was able to escape, only to die later at the hands of Refugio's
brother, Santos Benavides. The provisional volunteer army was established
by an act of the CSA Congress. It passed on February 28, 1861 C.E.
Although the two military forces were to exist concurrently, little had
been done to organize the Confederate regular army. ·
South
Carolina (December 20, 1860 C.E.) ·
Mississippi
(January 9, 1861 C.E.) ·
Florida
(January 10, 1861 C.E.) ·
Alabama
(January 11, 1861 C.E.) ·
Georgia
(January 19, 1861 C.E.) ·
Louisiana
(January 26, 1861 C.E.) ·
Texas
(February 1, 1861 C.E.) With the prospects of the Civil War expanding,
by an Act of Congress the USA government approved the Butterfield
Overland Stagecoach Company contract on March 2, 1861 C.E. It was used
to support delivery of United States mail on the overland route. The
route ran through from San
António to El Paso in Texas, then into Arizona from its towns of Mesilla
and Tucson, and on to California. With the states of the South
having seceded from the Union, the thought of possibly losing this key
communications link with the rest of the United States angered the
settlers in the Arizona region. On March 4, 1861
C.E., 16th President of the USA, Abraham Lincoln, was inaugurated. One
can only imagine how the President Elect had felt during the previous
months as he witnessed the first seven states leave the Union. He was
also aware that a part of the then USA New Mexico Territory was in the
process of proclaiming itself a CSA Arizona Territory. It was the
people of the southern portion of the New Mexico territory that had
closer ties to the South. The more populated northern section of the
Territory had strong ties to Northern trade via Missouri. It was the
citizens at Mesilla and Tucson in
the southern part of the then, USA New Mexico Territory that
had begun forming the secession convention. His challenges regarding
Arizona would be difficult, if not daunting! The CSA Congress established its permanent
regular army organization by an act passed on March 6, 1861 C.E. The
CSA’s Army was to be patterned after the USA’s Army. It was to
consist of a small permanent regular army and a large provisional force
to exist only in time of war. Reflecting a Southern sentiment,
pro-CSA citizens of the USA’s New Mexico Territory at
a secession convention won the
vote to join the CSA on March 16, 1861 C.E., as the CSA’s “The Arizona Territory.”
In essence, they adopted an ordinance of secession, and called on the
citizens of the western portion of the territory (now southern Arizona)
to "join us in this movement." The convention delegates also
appointed Dr. Lewis Owings as the new territorial governor. Described as a traitor,
Union General Twiggs was dismissed from
the USA Army on March 21, 1861 C.E.
He had knowingly surrendered his entire Texas command to CSA
commissioners. This command included about 20% of the USA Army guarding
the Méjicano border. The surrender included federal installations and
facilities, property, USA soldiers stationed in Texas, armaments, and
other supplies. This included the Federal Arsenal at the Alamo. To grasp
the enormity of this treason, with this decision, Twiggs
had relinquished control of 20 military installations, 44 cannons, 400
pistols, 1,900 muskets, 500 wagons, and 950 horses, valued at a total of
$1.6 million. In a very small, almost insignificant gesture to the USA,
Twiggs insisted upon all Federals retaining their personal arms and sidearms,
artillery, flags and standards. Later in 1861 C.E., as repayment
for his treason, Twiggs would be
commissioned as a general of the CSA Army. To say that General
Twiggs’ treasonous actions were problematic for the Union would be an
understatement. It placed the CSA’s
Army at a military advantage in the Southwest with this new cache of
armaments. A second secession convention was held in Tucson
on March 28, 1861 C.E. It was chaired by Mark Aldrich, who had been Tucson's
first mayor. The Tucson
convention ratified the Mesilla
convention, and provisional officers were elected for the newly
established “Provisional Confederate Territory of Arizona” with
Dr. Lewis Owings as its governor. It also appointed Granville Henderson
Oury as its first delegate to the CSA Congress, who
immediately began petitioning for admission to the CSA. In April, 1861 C.E., Union Major E.R.S. (Edward
Richard) “Sprigg” Canby would prepare to take command of the
military Department of New Mexico. His former assistant, Major
Henry Hopkins Sibley, would resign to join the Confederate Army
on May 13, 1861 C.E., the day of his
promotion to Major in the USA Army 1st Dragoons. He was
to become a CSA Army Brigadier-General. Sibley's CSA Army of New
Mexico would defeat Union Colonel Canby’s forces at the Battle
of Valverde in February 1862 C.E. Canby, however, would eventually force the CSA
forces to retreat back into Texas after the Union “strategic”
victory at the Battle of Glorieta
Pass. Union Colonel E.R.S. (Edward
Richard) “Sprigg” Canby anticipated just such an invasion. He
augmented his existing forces with volunteer infantry and cavalry. Kit
Carson commanded the First Regiment of New Mexico Volunteers, and
Colonel Miguel Pino and Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel Cháves commanded the Second. Albuquerque was the rendezvous for these recruits, who were
then sent south to Fort Craig, south of Socorro. From there, the Volunteer troops later joined Colonel
Canby’s forces. Notes on Union
Colonel E.R.S. (Edward
Richard) “Sprigg” Canby: Canby was born at Piatt's Landing,
Kentucky. His parents were to Israel T. and Elizabeth (Piatt) Canby. He
married Louisa Hawkins at Crawfordsville, Indiana, August
1, 1839 C.E. He was educated Wabash College, but transferred to the United
States Military Academy, where he graduated in 1839 C.E. He was called
"Sprigg" by fellow cadets at West Point. Canby was
commissioned a second lieutenant in the 2nd U.S. Infantry and
served as the regimental adjutant
assisting the commanding officer with unit administration. In his early career, Canby served in
the Second Seminole War in Florida and he saw combat
as a First Lieutenant (June 18, 1846 C.E.) in the , 2nd U.S.
Infantry during the Méjicano-Américano War,
where he received three brevet promotions. These were
warrants usually given to a commissioned officer as a
higher rank title as a reward for gallantry or meritorious
conduct but without conferring the authority, precedence, or the
pay of the real rank. These promotions included being a major in
actions at the battles of Contreras, Churubusco,
and as a lieutenant-colonel during
the fall of Mexico City at the
Battle of the Gate of Belén.
He also served at various other posts
from 1849 C.E. until 1851 C.E. These included at Upstate New York and
in the adjutant general's office in California. The latter
assignment covered the period of the Territory's transition to
statehood. While there, Canby was assigned to what was supposed to be
the civilian post of custodian of the California Archives from March
1850 C.E. until he left California in April 1851 C.E. The Archives
included records of Spanish and Méjicano
governments in California, as well as Catholic Misión records and “Land Grant” titles. It has been
supposed that Canby had some knowledge of the Spanish language,
which would have been extremely useful as the US government at the time
was attempting to understand and qualify Californio
land grant titles. Canby next served in the Utah
Territory, later to become the states of Wyoming and Utah,
during the Utah War (1857 C.E.-1858 C.E.). It was during this
period that Canby served on the panel of judges for the court martial of
Captain Henry Hopkins Sibley, who was acquitted.
Later, both officers would be assigned
to the USA Territory of New Mexico. There in 1860 C.E., Canby
coordinated a campaign against the Navajó.
Interestingly, during that campaign Canby commanded Sibley in a failed
attempt to capture and punish Navajó
for raiding and plundering the livestock of settlers. On April 4, 1861 C.E., the State of Virginia
held another state convention to deal with the secession
crisis. Two-thirds, the majority, voted against secession. These various
conventions can rightly be seen as the extraordinary length to which
Virginians went to grapple with the issue of secession. As with other
American states, Virginia was torn by the idea of the dissolution of the
Union. There had been a great deal of diplomatic
quarreling over President Lincoln’s pledge to supply Union troops at
USA’s federal garrison at Fort Sumter located in South Carolina’s
Charleston Bay. For the leaders of the CSA, Words were not enough, deeds
were necessary. Confederate forces began the bombarded Fort Sumter on
April 12, 1861 C.E. It did so continually through
April 13, 1861 C.E. In the end, the Federal garrison was forced
to lower the American flag and surrender the Fort to the Confederacy.
After this attack of by the South on the North’s Fort Sumter,
the die was cast. The bombardment and surrender of the Fort Sumter
provided the fire which started the terrible blaze of warfare. It would
quickly spread across the continent and become known as the American
Civil War. In high spirits, both the South and the
North naively expanded the war. One can only wonder why? To be sure, the
Americans of The
American Civil War is considered by international military experts to be
a forerunner of the World War I, also called First World War or
Great War. With its trench warfare, it became an international
conflict between 1914 C.E. and 1918 C.E. Soon after the
surrender of Fort Sumter on April 13,
1861 C.E., rumors began to circulate in Santa
Fé, New Mexico, as well as in Washington D. C. regarding the
loyalty Abraham Rencher
to the USA. Some believed this, despite the fact that Rencher had taken
an oath of loyalty when he became Governor of New Mexico (1857
C.E. to 1861 C.E.). Perhaps
it was because Rencher was
originally from the state of North Carolina and an avowed
Southerner. In any event, by September 4,
1861 C.E., Henry Connelly would be the newly
appointed governor of New Mexico. To
the shock of Southerners everywhere, he stated in his opening address
before the legislature, “The (slavery) law is not congenial with our
history, our feelings or our interests.” Soon, the law was repealed.
Southern politicians quickly realized that congressional delegate, Miguel
Otero, did not speak for the majority of New Mexicans, but only his
new wife, Mary Josephine Blackwood, a native of Charleston, South
Carolina. Notes on Miguel
Otero: Miguel Otero was born in 1829 C.E. in València,
Nuevo Méjico, to parents Don
Vicente Otero and Doña
Gertrudis Aragón de Otero who were both natives of España.
Miguel attended local schools
in his youth and went to Saint Louis University in 1841 C.E. and then
studied law at Pingree College in Fishkill New York. He finished law
school in Missouri and returned to New Mexico where he worked as a
secretary to Governor Lane, then as state attorney general, and later,
as a representative to the Territorial Council. In 1856 C.E. he became a
delegate to the U.S. House of Representatives (as a Democrat) where he
served until 1860 C.E. Disappointed, Miguel
Otero left Congress that same year. Miguel
had declined the offer from President Lincoln to become the U.S.
minister to España and returned to New Mexico. There, he was nominated to
become secretary of the Territory. The nomination was not ratified by
the Council because of his pro-southern politics. By April 15th, opinion had
shifted due to capture of Fort Sumter by CSA troops. USA’s
President Abraham Lincoln understanding the
growing session movement the South would act decisively. He
called for troops from all states still in the Union to put
down the rebellion. This Union Army, also known as the Federal
Army, National Army, Northern Army, and US Army was that military force
which would fight for American States of America which stood firmly for
the “Federal Union” of all existing states. To clarify, the
United States Army was at that time a regular army, comprised of
the small number of army troops, or “Regulars.” These were
strengthened by large numbers of military units provided by individual
Northern states. These soldiers were volunteers as well as conscripts.
His initial call for 75,000 Union volunteers would soon become a great
deal larger. On
April 17th, in the state of Virginia, the populous counties along the Ohio
and Pennsylvania borders rejected the earlier move to
secede from the Union and join the CSA.
Herein, we have a microcosm of those pertinent issues that were being
debated throughout parts of the Union at the time. Through actions
undertaken by Virginia’s citizens, one can begin to understand these
critical times and those drivers which had led to the American Civil
War. In response, on April 19th, military forces of the CSA
occupied Harpers Ferry, Virginia. It was later to become a part of West
Virginia On May 4th, 1861 C.E., General Order No. 15
called for the mustering of 39 companies of New Mexico Volunteers. Tennessee seceded on May 7, 1861
C.E. and joined itself to the CSA; referendum June 8, 1861
C.E. Unionists
held “The First Wheeling Convention” in Wheeling, Virginia on
May 13th through May 15th, 1861 C.E. 27 northwestern Virginia counties
were represented. On May 13, 1861 C.E., an assembly of
pro-Unionist delegates from twenty-seven western Virginia counties
assembled at Washington Hall in Wheeling, known as the “First
Wheeling Convention.” They had come to consider a response to the
previously passed April 17, 1861 C.E.,
Ordinance of Secession and intended to repeal it. William B. Zinn of
Preston County was appointed temporary chairman of the convention, and
George Latham of Taylor County was selected as temporary secretary. The
majority of the delegates supported resolutions offered by the Committee
on State and Federal Resolutions, which recommended that if the people
of Virginia approved the Ordinance of Secession on May 23, 1861
C.E., western Virginians would
elect delegates to a “Second Wheeling Convention” scheduled
for June 11, 1861 C.E. Major Henry Hopkins Sibley, Canby’s former
assistant, would resign to join the Confederate Army on May
13, 1861 C.E. This was very the day of his promotion to Major in
the USA Army 1st Dragoons. He was to become a CSA Army
Brigadier-General. On May 14, 1861 C.E., a resolution proposed the
creation of the new state of West New Virginia. Opponents of this
resolution deemed the proposal to revolutionary. The majority of the
delegates supported other resolutions offered by the Committee on State
and Federal Resolutions. These recommended
that if the people of Virginia approved the Ordinance of Secession on May
23, 1861 C.E.,
western Virginians would elect delegates to a Second Wheeling Convention
to begin on June 11, 1861 C.E. E.R.S. (Edward
Richard) “Sprigg” Canby was the Union officer was in command of
Fort Defiance, New Mexico Territory, where he was promoted to colonel of
the 19th U.S. Infantry on May 14, 1861 C.E. North Carolina seceded on May 20, 1861
C.E. and joined itself to the CSA. On April 17, 1861, a Virginia-wide convention was attended by 140 delegates. These
voted for secession by a margin of 85 to 55, with 32 of the delegates
from Western Virginia voting against secession. The pro-CSA
Virginians also won the vote for a statewide
referendum ballot to be held on
May 23, 1861 C.E.
At issue, the ordinance of secession
from the USA and to join Virginia to the CSA.
On May 23, 1861 C.E., the approximate vote on the Ordinance of Secession in the
50 counties of Virginia that became West Virginia was 34,677 against and
19,121 in favor. The “Total” vote was 124,896 for and 20,390
against On May 24, 1861 C.E., the Union Army made
its way into northern Virginia. It soon captured Alexandria, without
a fight. On May 27, 1861 C.E., Christopher “Kit”
Carson was appointed by President Lincoln to be a Lieutenant-Colonel of
Mounted Volunteers as was reported in the New York Daily Herald on the
following 6th of June. In
the Southwest, few New Mexico natives would join the CSA military
forces. The state itself was overwhelmingly for the Union. Kit Carson,
one of its favorite sons, and its other volunteers would fight for the
Union cause. When it came time to become soldiers, contrary to untrue
reports, Hispano Nuevo Méjicanos
did fight and with equal or better valor than most USA Regulars. Here, we provide for the reader a brief history
of the man, Kit. Why, because he too was tainted by these untrue rumors
of cowardice at Valverde. This
remarkable man had no reason to defend his honesty, integrity, loyalty,
or bravery. His entire life spoke to these. Notes on Kit
Carson: He was born on
Christmas Eve in Madison County, Kentucky, in 1809 C.E. When still an
infant, the family moved to Howard County, Missouri. There, Carson
spent most of his early childhood in Boone’s Lick. His father died
when he was only nine years old leaving the family in an impoverished
state. The need to work prevented Kit from receiving an education. By
the age of 14, he was working as an apprentice to a saddle and harness
maker. Now a young man, Kit became restless. After a year, he joined a
wagon train heading west on the Santa
Fe Trail in 1826 C.E. From Santa
Fe, Kit went north to Taos where
he worked as a cook, errand boy, and harness repairer. At 19, in spite
of his small stature, of 5'6", he was hired for a fur trapping
expedition to California. There, he soon proved himself capable and
courageous. Between 1828 C.E.
and 1840 C.E., Carson’s base camp was Taos.
He used it for many fur-trapping expeditions throughout the mountains of
the West He trapped for from California’s Sierra
Nevada Mountains to the Rocky Mountains. As with many white
trappers, Carson integrated himself into the Native American, even
marrying two Native women, one Arapaho and the other Cheyenne.
One bore him a daughter in 1836 C.E. Carson was noted for his
self-restraint and temperate lifestyle. Around 1840 C.E.,
Carson was employed as chief hunter for the garrison at Bent’s
Fort, Colorado. By 1842 C.E.,
while returning from Missouri, where he took his daughter to be educated
in a convent, Carson met John C. Fremont on a Missouri
Riverboat. Over the next several years, Fremont would hire Carson
as guide for his first expedition to map and describe Western trails to
the Pacific Ocean, help guide Fremont to Oregon and
California, through much of the Central Rocky Mountains, and the Great
Basin. Fremont’s widely-read reports of his expeditions, quickly made
Kit Carson a national hero as a rugged, capable mountain man. By the early 1840s
C.E., Carson made his permanent home Taos,
New Mexico. In 1843 C.E., Carson married his third wife, María Joséfa, the daughter of a prominent Jaramillo family of Taos
and purchased a Spanish-Colonial style home there. He, Joséfa, and six or seven of their children made this their home for
the next 25 years. Carson’s is
associated with several key events in the USA’s westward expansion. He
was with Fremont when he joined California’s short-lived
Bear-Flag rebellion. Next, Carson would serve in the Méjicano-Américano
War in 1846 C.E., where he would play an important role in the
conquest of California. Later that year,
Carson would lead a contingent of U.S. General Stephen Kearney’s
forces from Socorro, New
Mexico into California to subdue Andrés
Pico’s Californios who
were mounting a challenge to the Américano
occupation of Los Ángeles.
By December 6, 1846 C.E., these forces were attacked by Méjicanos
at San Pasqual, about 30 miles
north of San Diego. During the
battle, Carson made his way through enemy lines and made it by
foot the entire distance to San
Diego. From there, he brought help for Kearny’s pinned-down
forces. At the end of the
War, Carson returned to New Mexico and took up ranching. By
1853 C.E., he and his partner, Lucien Maxwell, drove a large flock
of sheep to California during the gold rush. With prices being high,
they made a handsome profit and returned to New Mexico. While there in
1854 C.E., he was appointed Indian agent for the Ute and Apache at Taos, New
Mexico. He held the post until the American Civil War when he
assumed new duties in 1861 C.E. During the War he helped organize and
lead New Mexican infantry volunteers, which saw action at Valverde
in 1862 C.E. Most of his military service, however, was against the Navajó. Then in 1863 C.E., the
U.S. Army ordered Carson to wage a brutal economic war against the Navajó to
help force their relocation. He marched through the heart of their
territory destroying their crops and rounding up their livestock. The Ute, Pueblo, Hopi,
and Zuni Indians followed the Américanos
into war against their centuries old enemy, the Navajó raiders. This left the Navajó unable to defend their lands. In 1864 C.E., most
Navajó had surrendered.
Carson was then ordered to force nearly 8,000 Navajó
men, women and children to take what came to be called the “Long
Walk.” It was an almost 300 mile trek from Arizona to Fort
Sumner, New Mexico. The USA Army was unprepared to adequately care for
this large number of Navajó. In 1865 C.E.,
Carson was cited for gallantry and distinguished service and given a
commission as Brigadier-General. By the summer of 1866 C.E., he took
command of Fort Garland in Colorado. He also expanded his
ranching business there. Ill health would force him to resign his
command the following year. After only a
couple of years, By 1868 C.E., the soil at the poorly planned Navajó
site in Arizona was depleted and had become disease-ridden. Due
to this, the Navajó were allowed to return to land along what is today’s
Arizona-New Mexico border. At the urging of
Washington and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, by early 1868 C.E.,
Carson journeyed to Washington D.C. There he escorted several Ute Chiefs to meet with the President of the United States to plead
for assistance to their tribe. After his travels, although his health
was suffering again, he awaited an appointment as an Indian Agent for
the Cheyenne and Arapaho in Colorado at Boggsville, near present-day Las Animas, Colorado. Soon after his return, his wife María
Joséfa died on April 23, 1868 C.E. from complications after giving
birth to their eighth child. María
Joséfa’s death had been a crushing blow for Carson. He was soon
taken to Fort Lyon, Colorado, where he died, just one month later on May
23, 1868 C.E. Carson’s body was
transported to Boggsville, and buried beside his third wife, María
Joséfa. A year later, both bodies would be taken to Taos, New Mexico, for their final burial. The local cemetery soon
became the Kit Carson Cemetery in honor of the famous frontiersman. Even by June, 1861 C.E., Colonel Edward Canby
did not know the disposition of the CSA forces in Texas, there were only
rumors of a Texan invasion. He didn’t know where to concentrate his
troops. As to the when they would attack, from which direction, and
where they would attack he couldn’t be sure. After having dispatched
most of the Regulars east, only a small force remained. There were 1,500
Regulars scattered in small posts throughout the Southwest At the most,
each post contained one or two companies of USA infantry or cavalry.
Given the needs and troop concentrations, the regiments were not in a
position to repel a determined invasion without gathering all companies
together. What he needed were scouts to be sent in many different
directions to various locations. Canby also realized that he didn’t
have enough men to garrison the Territory’s forts. There was also the
need to keep the Santa Fé Trail
open, guard and repulse Navajó
and Apache marauders, and
scout for the CSA’s Texan forces. He desperately needed volunteers. He wrote to
the Assistant Adjutant General at the headquarters of the Union Army in
New York stalling for time. He reported that the companies of the 5th US
Regiment would be concentrated in Albuquerque
and the 7th US Regiment would be gathered at Fort Fillmore. Canby then
began the process of assembling his forces at strategic forts. Major
Isaac Lynde, commander of the 7th Infantry Regiment, was ordered to
relocate to Fort Fillmore in southern New Mexico, near the town of Mesilla where four companies of the 7th Infantry under the command
of Brevet Major G. R. Paul were waiting. Colonel Canby also ordered
Major Lynde and Major Paul to keep alert to movements of the CSA Texans.
The Colonel believed the Mesilla
valley residents, secessionists, and transplanted Texans might be
disloyal to the Union. Canby’s Adjutant, Allen Anderson, wrote a
letter the commander at Fort Stanton. He warned that the Pecos
River area in the east might have a potential advance by Texans and that
“Mexican” or friendly Native American patrols should be sent out
posing as a trading group. Major Paul reported that the CSA Texans had captured Forts Washita and Arbuckle in northwestern Texas and four companies of Texan militia were expected to arrive at Fort Bliss soon. Canby also sent word to the Federal commander in Kansas that Texan forces were being mustered for possibly attacks on Union supply wagon trains on the Santa Fé Trail. In fact, the CSA was at that time disorganized and busy attempting to marshal their forces to secure northwest Texas. The Confederate agents were also attempting to commandeer as much equipment and supplies from the USA military installations. They had already captured everything available in Texas. Bands of marauders CSA troopers posing as bandits went out under Texan orders to rustle horses. Most of the foot volunteers would receive
surplus .69 caliber smoothbore muskets left over from the Méjicano-Américano War.
Some were 1842 Springfields and others were older models, 1822 and
perhaps some even earlier. These muskets had been converted from
flintlocks to percussion caplocks and the barrels had been re-bored into
rifles during the 1850s. The mounted troops had been scheduled to
receive rifles of the Mississippi, Hall’s, or Harper’s Ferry type.
These were shorter than the infantry muskets and were a little easier to
handle on horseback. Most of the rifled muskets were cursed with fouling
problems after firing a few shots. Essentially, the mounted volunteers would be
outfitted as mounted rifles rather than as cavalry. Rafael Chacón notes that except for the non-commissioned officers
the men of his mounted company were not issued pistols or swords at his
own request He felt they were not experienced enough with those types of
weapons. Their other equipment would be mostly surplus form the Méjicano-Américano War.
It was white leather gear, canvas haversacks, and surplus canteens, if
enough could be obtained from the stores at Fort Union and perhaps Fort
Leavenworth. To rectify the clothing problem for the First
New Mexico Volunteer Infantry (1st NMVI), on the 7th of June General
Order #16 had been issued: “…an allowance for clothing, $3.50 per
month…” This was added as an inducement for the volunteer’s
service. It was also ordered that each company officer, non-commissioned
officer, private, musician and artificer of cavalry would furnish his
own horse and horse-equipment. For this, they would receive 40 cents
per-day. On June 10, 1861
C.E., a military engagement
was fought at Big Bethel, Virginia. It was the first land battle to be
fought in Virginia Following the May 23, 1861
C.E. vote on the Ordinance of Secession,
Virginians voted to ratify the ordinance, the Second Wheeling
Convention met on June 11, 1861 C.E. It proceeded to create the Reorganized Government of
Virginia. On June 16, 1861 C.E., another order arrived
from headquarters which required that the Union Regular Army troops
leave the New Mexico Territory. Union Colonel Edward R. S. Canby was
finally forced from his ongoing indecision over what to do about the
additional New Mexico Volunteers to be used as troops. By June 18, 1861 C.E., Union Captain Shoemaker,
in charge of the Ordnance Depot at Fort Union, finally reported he had
enough arms and equipment for only two regiments, though some of it was
“old and outdated.” A few days later, Canby’s Acting Adjutant,
2nd Lieutenant A. L. Anderson in Santa
Fé, ordered Major Chapman at USA Fort Union to organize a small
party of spies to watch the road from Fort Smith to Antón
Chico, and another to watch the country east of Fort Union and south
of the road to the crossing of the Arkansas. In addition, he was sending
a small group of Native Americans, most probably Pueblo
Indians, to Fort Union. After these precautions, Canby felt he was now
prepared to request volunteers from Governor Abraham Rencher. June 19, 1861 C.E., Virginia
established a "restored government" with a rump
legislature, but sentiment in the region remained deeply divided. On June 20, 1861 C.E., Colonel Canby called for
three companies of volunteers to aid in protecting the eastern frontier
of the New Mexico Territory and to guard its train routes from the
Arkansas to his department. Governor Rencher immediately contacted Ceran
Saint Vrain and, appointed him to the rank of Colonel of Volunteers.
Saint Vrain was asked to muster a regiment. Notes on Union
Colonel Saint Vrain: Colonel Saint
Vrain had been on the frontier for many years since he arrived in Taos
in 1825 C.E. He had worked as a freighter in partnership with Francois
Guerin. Saint Vrain was the son of Jacques Marcellin de Hault de Lassus
who added the name of Saint Vrain to distinguish himself from his
brother Charles, who had been the Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana when
it was sold to the United States. By 1827 C.E., Ceran had begun trapping
furs. Ceran was a well-known militia leader. He was a captain of a
company of mounted volunteers during the Taos Rebellion. In 1830 C.E., he
became a trading partner with brothers Charles and William Bent near
present-day Pueblo, Colorado
and Bent’s Fort near the main fords on the Arkansas River. At Taos,
they ran a trading post which sponsored trapping expeditions and were
involved in the Santa Fé trade.
Ceran and Charles had also become brothers-in-law when they married
sisters. It was the same Charles Bent who had become the first American
civilian Governor of New Mexico and was killed during the 1846 C.E.-1847
C.E. Rebellion. Ceran had later served as Colonel of a ten-company
battalion of mounted volunteers in 1855 C.E. Saint Vrain
welcomed Christopher ‘Kit’ Carson his good friend and other brother
in law, to be his second in command with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.
Kit Carson is definitely the most well-known person of the period then
and now. Kit was born in Kentucky in 1809 C.E. His father was killed
when he was nine so he never attended enough school to learn how to read
and write very well. He ran away from his saddlemaker apprenticeship in
1826 C.E. and joined a wagon train headed for Santa
Fé. At nineteen he became a fur trapper, an occupation which he
continued until 1840 C.E. Kit Carson’s first wife was an Arapaho and
his second wife was a Cheyenne. By 1842 C.E., he became a guide for John
C. Fremont on his famous trek to California and when he returned to Taos
the next year he married a third wife,
Josépha Jaramillo of Taos.
Saint Vrain, Bent, and Carson had all married one of each of three Jaramillo sisters, so the three families were very close. Carson
returned to California with Fremont and was there when the Méjicano-American War broke out in 1846 C.E. During the Méjicano-American
War he served the army as a courier and was rewarded by President Polk
in June, 1847 C.E., with a commission as a 2nd Lieutenant in the
Regiment of Mounted Rifles. He served in that capacity until June, 1848
C.E., when he learned that his commission had not been ratified by
congress. This was a politically motivated decision, due to his
association with the currently unpopular Fremont. As a courier from
1846 C.E.-1848 C.E. he had traveled an estimated 16,000 miles and had
been home only 6 months. In 1854 C.E. he became an agent for the Utes in
southern Colorado. Recently, he had resigned that post to join the Army.
Major José
Francisco Cháves was selected as Colonel Ceran Saint Vrain’s
third in command and was
appointed directly by President Lincoln as a Major of Volunteers. In addition, Saint Vrain also selected the
captains of the companies and started them recruiting in their various
local areas. Their regiment would be designated the First New Mexico
Volunteer Infantry (1st NMVI). At this point, it was thought it was to
be a mounted unit. It was to serve for three years, with a full
complement of ten companies. Originally the volunteers were not meant to
receive any uniforms. Saint Vrain eventually also selected the
Medical staff consisted of Surgeon J. M. Whitlock and Assistant Surgeon,
J. H. Shout, with Hospital Stewards James W. Cadogan, John Drennan, and
Matrons Georgianna Monteeth, Leonora Monteeth, and María
Sena. Also on the 20th of June Canby wrote a letter
to Army Headquarters in Washington D.C. in which outlined his problems with an
adequate defense of the New Mexico Territory. In it he said he needed to
garrison outlying Forts in order to protect the Territory from Indian
hostilities, troops to defend against a CSA invasion, and forces to
guard the Santa Fé Trail. The
Trail provided was the communications with the eastern United States. He
also took the position that Regular troops were needed to garrison
important locations, as these should not be left “entirely too new and
undisciplined troops.” Further, he requested that his department be
allowed to keep one regiment of Regular infantry and one of cavalry,
each with 10 companies each. In addition to those volunteers being
raised, Canby also asked Washington to consider the possibility of
recruiting troops from Colorado. His suggestion that mounted New Mexican
volunteers would serve very well as escorts, spies, and scouts was a
correct one. He also commented that he had only two 24 pound howitzers
available for service, with their carriages in disrepair. At this time, he also requested form Governor
Rencher more troops. This included eight more companies. Four of these
would be foot companies which were to report to Albuquerque.
Two companies for Fort Craig, one foot and one mounted. And two like
companies for Fort Stanton. In mid-summer (between
June 19 and June 25) 1861 C.E., CSA Lieutenant-Colonel John R.
Baylor led the 2nd Texas Mounted Rifles into New Mexico. His forces
drove away Union defenders and occupied the town of Mesilla.
This was the beginning of CSA encroachment upon the USA’s New Mexico
Territory. On June 20, 1861 C.E., Francis H. Pierpont was elected governor of
Virginia’s Reorganized Government. The Reorganized Government would
sit at Wheeling until it transitioned into the West Virginia entered the
Union two years later. On June 21 1861 C.E., the courageous, honest,
and straightforward Kit Carson was sworn into service by territorial
Chief Justice Kirby Benedict. He accepted a commission, swore allegiance
to the United States of America, and promised to defend it against all
enemies. Carson had always been a fiercely loyal and patriotic American,
though culturally he had become a New Mexican. He had learned to speak
Spanish fluently and also spoke several Indian languages. On the 23rd of June, Colonel Canby sent a
warning about a pending invasion by CSA Texan forces to Washington DC.
and announced that he had called for ten companies of foot volunteers
and two companies of mounted volunteers. He also complained of the
hostilities of the Apache in
southern New Mexico and those of the Comanches
in the north. At this time, he intended to send three hundred rifles,
and 12,000 cartridges, supplies with 20,000 rations, and reinforcements
to Fort Fillmore. The Fort was to be reinforced with two companies of
Regular cavalry and was authorized to organize two or more companies of
New Mexico Volunteers. He also wished to recapture Fort Bliss from the
CSA. On the same day, the 23rd of June, Ceran Saint
Vrain left Santa Fé to take
up his new post at Fort Union. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman, the
commander of Fort Union, was informed that Colonel Saint Vrain would be
going on a recruiting detail to gather the companies of his regiment,
which were to muster at Fort Union. With the prospects of the Civil War’s
expansion, an Act of Congress had been approved on March 2, 1861
C.E., to terminate the Butterfield Stage Route. It was finally
discontinued and service ceased on June 30, 1861 C.E. 1800 draft horses
and mules, 250 coaches, etc., on the southern Gila
River route of the Butterfield Stage route were pulled off and
moved to the new Central Overland California Route from Saint
Joseph, Missouri, to Salt Lake City, Utah, Carson City,
Nevada, and the Placerville Toll road route over Johnson Pass (now U.S.
Highway 50) to California. It was the fastest and only route kept open
in winter across the Sierra Nevada
Mountains (U.S.). By traveling day and night and using team changes
about every 10 miles the stages could make the trip in about 28 days.
Early in war, the CSA regarded this territory as important for possible
access to the Pacific Ocean, with the specific intention of
capturing California. The Butterfield stage contract discontinued
this route and service ceased June 30, 1861 C.E. On the same date the
central route from Saint Joseph, Missouri, to Salt Lake City, Utah, Carson
City, Nevada and on to Placerville, California, went into
effect. From the end of Central Overland route in Carson City,
Nevada they followed the Placerville Toll road route over Johnson
Pass (now U.S. Highway 50) to California since it was the fastest
and only route that was then kept open in winter across the Sierra
Nevada Mountains (U.S.). The 1800 draft horses and mules, 250
coaches, etc., on the southern Gila River route Butterfield Stage route were pulled off and
moved to the new route between Saint Joseph, Missouri and Placerville,
California along the existing Oregon, California Trails to
Salt Lake City and then through central Utah and Nevada. A concerned Colonel Canby ordered the
authorization of additional volunteer companies. Two companies were to
be stationed at Fort Stanton in Lincoln
County, New Mexico. It comprised one company of foot and one of
mounted. He also had two-like
volunteer companies assigned to Fort Fauntleroy also in
Lincoln County, New Mexico. Then on the 30th of June, Union Colonel Canby
assigned Major William Chapman to Fort Union, located
north of Watrous in Mora
County, New
Mexico. Once there, he was to organize one hundred
Regulars and two companies of Volunteers for the protection of supply
wagons supposedly on their way to Fort Union from the east. This was
problematic because no volunteer companies had arrived at the fort. The
long-time US Army veteran, Major Chapman, had served in for 25 years. It
was well known that he did not like the Nuevo
Méjicanos. He believed that they were only good for patrolling and
digging. Chapman became known to them as “El
Viejo,” or the old man. Friction soon developed with the volunteer
officers. Fortunately, an officer of character, Captain
Thomas Duncan of the US Mounted Rifles (3rd US Cavalry Regiment), was
selected and placed in charge of the expedition. The patrol was to carry
thirty days of rations and move with as little equipment as possible.
Duncan appears to have had a completely different opinion of the Nuevo
Méjicano Volunteers, as he never wrote negatively about them. Next, Canby wrote another letter to Washington
D.C. In it he indicated that the CSA Texans would positively attack in
the near future and that he was concentrating forces at Fort Fillmore
for this eventuality. In addition, he reported a significant Indian
attack near Socorro and some
smaller attacks that had been committed by non-Native American citizens.
By now, Canby was convinced that the horse raids occurring in the south
were not being committed by bandits, but rather by CSA Texans who were
thought to be gathering mounts for their Army. Canby also commented that
he was worried that the CSA Texans might attack from the east and
northeast and that he was making preparations to guard against that
possibility. Given his lack of resources and personnel, he ordered the
abandonment of Fort Buchanan in Arizona, near the Río Sonoyta or Sonoita
River between Patagónia and Sonoita. Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor’s
small CSA force of Texans who had captured Mesilla in
the eastern part of the New Mexico Territory remained active. In July
1861 C.E., after the fort there was abandoned by the Union garrison,
Baylor's force cut-off the fleeing Union troops and forced them to
surrender. At the start of the Civil War, the governor of
the New Mexico Territory was Abraham Rencher (August 12,
1798 C.E.-July 6, 1883 C.E.)
a politician originally from the state of North Carolina. His
career included being a Congressman and Minister to Portugués.
Although a Democrat from North Carolina, Rencher refused
to support secession. Rencher called
out the territorial militia to counteract the Confederate invasion of
July, 1861 C.E. That month he was replaced by Henry Connelly, a
native of New Mexico who would serve as governor for the remainder of
the war. Under his leadership, the slavery laws of the Territory were
repealed and the Indian tribes of the Territory were moved onto
reservations. From July 1, 1861 C.E. through August 13, 1861
C.E., the 1st Regiment, New Mexico Infantry (Old) was being urgently
organized at Fort Union and Santa
Fé, New Mexico. During that same period, the 2nd
Regiment of New Mexico Volunteer Infantry began recruiting. Colonel
Miguel Estanislado Pino its commander continued this process. The
2nd Regiment had been ordered at Santa
Fé, New Mexico, from July, 1861 C.E. through August, 1861 C.E. It
would later pursue CSA forces from April 13, 1862 C.E. through April 22,
1862 C.E. The unit had seen action during that period at Peralta
on April 15, 1862 C.E., and later at Socorro
on April 25, 1862 C.E. The following are members of the de Ribera (Rivera) clan
attached to this unit:
Notes on Union
Colonel Miguel Estanislado Pino: Miguel was born in 1821 C.E. into a prominent
New Mexican merchant family from Galisteo.
His parents were Don Pedro
Bautista Pino and María Baca. His father had represented Nuevo Méjico in the Spanish parliament. During that time, he had
written “The Exposition on the Provincia
of Nuevo Méjico,” 1812 C.E.,
which was first published in Cádiz,
España, in that year. Like Manuel
Cháves and his brother, Nicolás,
Miguel was involved in the Santa
Fé conspiracy against the Américanos
in 1846 C.E., but after the plot was discovered they all swore
allegiance to the United States. Miguel
had served in the Nuevo Méjico
militia all his life. He was a Captain in Saint Vrain’s battalion in
1855 C.E., a Colonel of a battalion in 1860 C.E., and currently was
appointed a Colonel of Volunteers by President Lincoln. His brother, Nicolás
de Jesús Pino, who was two years older than he, would become
Colonel of the 2nd New Mexico Militia. The eldest of the three brothers,
Facundo Pino, was at this time the President of the Territorial
Council. Miguel Pino selected
his old comrade in arms, Manuel A.
Cháves, as his second in command with the rank of
Lieutenant-Colonel. The Major of the regiment, third in command, was Jesús
M. Baca y Salazar who was a good friend of Rafael
Chacón. He had given Rafael
a sword which he “preserved as a remembrance.” Chacón considered him to be a very brave man. On the 1st of July, a wary Colonel Canby began
alerting the military command at USA’s Fort Stanton that CSA Army
Texans at Fort Bliss’ were not expected to make any significant
attacks until at least after the 10th of the month. Canby next ordered
officers at the Fort to quickly make ready for long awaited defensive
actions in the area. The Fort’s commander was also advised that war
with the Apaches would be an
embarrassment to the US Army. Canby also made the Fort’s command aware
that in the event an Apaches
war, its prosecution would be consider second to defending against a CSA
Texan Army invasion. He then wrote Governor Abraham
Rencher of New Mexico requesting again that two additional
companies of volunteers be mustered at Albuquerque. To be sure, the existing stressful conditions
under which Canby had been operating were to say the least, excruciating
difficult. His inability to stay cool under pressure and be a calming
presence when things got stressful is one clue to his
incompetence. In his mind, he lacked adequate military resources to
defend the Territory. The Regulars he had were not quite ready for the
ordeal ahead. His requests for additional companies of New Mexico
volunteers were continually growing as he lost confidence in himself and
his command. Here, I should offer that Colonel Canby’s
inability to comprehend the complexities of his rank, the importance of
the position he held, the demands of the service, and the circumstances
of the overall war effort, astounds me. It would be no wonder that the Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers questioned his fitness for command. Union Colonel Chapman received the first
company of Nuevo Méjicano
Volunteers to report for duty at Fort Union
on the 1st of July. They became Company A of the First New Mexico
Volunteer Infantry (later to become the Third Regiment of Mounted
Volunteers). The mounted company of 89 men under Captain José
María Valdéz had been recruited by Saint Vrain from the town of Mora. Valdéz was a
brother-in-law of Saint Vrain. The recruits brought their own horses,
expected uniforms and campaign duty gear fit, but received none.
Disappointed, they had to return home and outfit themselves. So it
happened that the first volunteer company to report for duty in the
Territory was from Mora, the same town that had been attacked by Texans in 1843 C.E.
Captain Valdéz was 48 years
old and this was not the first time he had fought for the Américanos. Notes about Union
Captain José María Valdéz: In 1848 C.E., José
María Valdéz as captain of a
company from Taos County, Valdéz
campaigned against the Jicarilla
Apaches. By 1854 C.E., he assisted Major William Grierson of the 1st
US Dragoons in a campaign also against the Jicarillas.
He led a forty man mounted company from Mora.
In an 1855 C.E., campaign Valdéz
commanding a company, also from Mora.
By 1859 C.E., the Army authorized him to raise a company of spies and
guides to take the field against the Comanches.
Valdéz’s troopers were to
be armed and supplied at Fort Union. The crisis passed before they could
muster. Valdéz had also
served as Prefect of Taos
County in 1848 C.E. and again in 1850 C.E. He also served in the
Territorial Legislature and in 1859 C.E. was one of the petitioners for
the Mora Land Grant. By July 1, 1861 C.E., Fort Union, under the
command of Colonel Chapman received the first company of Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers to report for duty. They became Company A
of the First New Mexico Volunteer Infantry under the command of Captain José
María Valdéz On August 30th the Third New Mexico Regiment
began recruiting. This new regiment would be commanded by Colonel José
Guadalupe Gállegos, Lieutenant-Colonel José
María Cháves, and Major Luís
Baca, later, Major Faustino
Baca y Ulibarrí. It would consist of mounted volunteers. There was
some confusion at the time as to what this regiment would be called. It
would either be the Third Regiment or the 1st Regiment of Mounted
Volunteers. The prior designation eventually won out. On August 31, 1861
C.E., after resigning as Captain of Company A of the 1st Regiment, José
María Valdéz joined the Third Regiment as a Lieutenant-Colonel,
replacing Lieutenant-Colonel José
María Cháves as second in command. 1st Lieutenant Francisco
Gonzáles became the new Captain of Company A, of 1st Regiment. On July 2, 1861 C.E., Captain Arthur Morris
(Morrison) reported from Las Vegas
with another company of 91 men. The unit became Company B of the 1st
Regiment, operating on foot. Notes on Union
Captain Arthur Morris (Morrison): Morrison was
listed being one of the first Jewish settlers in New Mexico arriving
there in 1849 C.E. It is reported that he had a checkered past. A short
time after Fort Union was established in 1851 C.E., it was quickly
surrounded by whiskey shanties. By May 1852 C.E., the commanders
suspected that stolen supplies from the fort were being stored at the
shanties and decided to raid them. The amount of Federal property
recovered by the soldiers included 9,400 pounds of bacon, 1,200 pounds
of ham, 3,400 pounds of flour, 4,000 pounds of coffee, etc. Arthur
Morrison and nine other men were arrested and sent to Santa Fé for trial. Morrison got through the trial, paid the fine,
served time, or cleared himself. He was the owner of a mercantile store
in Las Vegas at the time,
merely selling booze from suppliers of this group. He had married a Hispano
woman and converted to Catholicism. Morrison was born in 1821 C.E. not
far from Frankfurt, Germany. Being an educated European, he spoke
several languages. When he arrived in New Mexico, Morrison settled in Las
Vegas. There he started a store and a stock-raising business. On July 3, 1861 C.E., Judge Perry E. Brocchus
of New Mexico paid a visit Washington DC where he met with President
Lincoln. They talked extensively about the Territory. During their
discussions, the President requested that the Judge advise Secretary
Simon Cameron on the three Volunteer regiments and their mounted
companies. The President and the authorities in Washington DC were aware
of the capabilities of the mounted Hispanic volunteers. Brocchus would
later write to Secretary Cameron, advising him that he had met with
Adjutant-General Thomas and felt that New Mexico should have cavalry
regiments, in addition to the two foot regiments already authorized. He
further explained that each volunteer would bring his own horse. It was
thought that infantry troops could not adapt to service in the field
given New Mexico’s terrain. Many of the American veterans of the Méjicano-Américano
War had also made positive comments about the riding abilities of the Méjicanos. For Colonel Canby to fail to grasp that the Españoles
in Nuevo Méjico had always been deployed as mounted troops, goes
against being a good commanding officer. They had almost never fought
behind fortifications unless absolutely necessary. The Colonel could
care less that they had regularly won their engagements with the
natives. His strategy was just the opposite. Regardless of
Washington’s views, Canby wanted the Nuevo
Méjicanos on foot, in stationary garrisons, behind defensive works.
Accordingly, Canby’s plan for the formation of the two infantry
regiments continued. The use of a few mounted troops would be for the
purpose of scouting and escort. In the military, good planning begins with the
objective and works backward to where you are at a given point in time.
In a time of war, it's easy to articulate an initial plan, but at a
later point, that plan may be very difficult to execute. This is why so
few would-be leaders can actually implement successfully. A responsible,
competent commander must pursue unique, novel, and promising
strategies before considering how or whether any related action will lead
to their ultimate goals. As the commander, Canby failed when he set a
goal, devised that initial plan, gave orders to execute it as-is, and
demand no change. In Canby’s position of leadership his basic level of
good judgment was one of the few important things he was able to
offer his subordinates. The Nuevo Méjicanos needed to know that he was weighing the cost of
limiting their martial experiences, capabilities, and assets. Surely
they knew that their horsemanship, knowledge of the terrain, and using
these against the enemy could materially impact the military final
objectives. On the same day, of July 3, 1861 C.E., Company
C was mustered at Fort Union under the command of twenty-nine year old
Captain Francisco S. Abréu of
Santa Fé. Like Company B, his
men were to fight on foot. Notes on Union
Captain Francisco S. Abréu of
Santa Fé: It is certain that
Francisco was well acquainted
with Indian fighting. His father once a highly respected and wealthy man
was Don Santiago Abréu. He
had died defending Méjicano Gobernador
Pérez during the 1837 C.E. rebellion. Santiago had also served the Gobernador
from 1831 C.E. through 1833 C.E. Francisco’s
brother, Jesús G. Abréu, had
received a substantial gift of land including the Villa
of Rayado from his French
Canadian brother-in law, Lucien Maxwell in 1858 C.E. Lucien had
inherited the 1.7 million acre land grant from his father-in-law,
Charles Beaubien, who had moved to Taos
in 1823 C.E. and started a supply store. The famous, Kit Carson’s
ranch, now part of the Philmont Boy Scout Ranch, also came from a
portion of the Lucien Maxwell land grant. On Independence Day, July 4, 1861 C.E.,
President Abraham Lincoln spoke to US Congress, calling for 400,000
volunteers and 400 million dollars to pay for them. The funding and
authority to raise volunteers was granted. Unfortunately, very little of
that money would be seen in impoverished New Mexico, at least not
immediately. At this early stage, each state was responsible for the
cost of mustering, arming, and clothing its own volunteers. But these
states had a financial base. New Mexico’s treasury was empty. Also
unfortunately, within eight months in February of 1861 C.E., the real
war would come to New Mexico at Valverde.
There was precious little time to purchase and supply the needed
resources with which to fight. Moreover, Canby’s Territorial command
had no money. Many of the Regulars had not been paid for quite some
time. Further, the US Army owed many people for supplies and support. Again, Colonel Canby’s inability to handle
stress got the better of him. As volunteering wasn’t proceeding as
quickly as he would like, Canby implemented enforced roundup of the New
Mexico Militia troops through armed coercion. Soon, Lieutenant-Colonel
Roberts was writing to Colonel R. H. Stapleton of the New Mexico
Militia: “If any of the Officers or Soldiers of the Militia, called
into service under your orders from your immediate commanding general,
refuses to obey your call, I am instructed to send your Military force
to compel their obedience, but it is hoped there are no Nuevo
Méjicanos so ignoble in their natures as to refuse to respond to
this call of duty to defend their Territory and their homes.” Here, I must make a point. The New Mexico
Militia was considered a legally separate organization from those of the
Volunteer units. These were to be recruited in the same manner in which
they had been mustered previously to address various Indian attacks.
Unlike the Volunteers, the Militia would not be paid, clothed, and would
receive no compensation for the use of their own horses. Even by Union
states’ standards of the day, this demand without adequate
compensation was inappropriate. On the same day, July 4th, 1861 C.E., the
Fourth Company of Volunteers was mustered in at Fort Union. This was
Company D commanded by Captain Julián
Espinosa, whose men were mounted. On July 5th, a military engagement was fought at Carthage,
Missouri.
A second company of foot led by Captain Albert
Pfeifer was mustered on July 6th at Fort Union. It became The Fourth
Company of Volunteers became Company E. Notes on Union
Captain Albert Pfeifer: He was a
well-known figure on the frontier. He had emigrated from his native
Germany at the age of twenty-two and arrived in New Mexico in 1846 C.E.
where he became a Taos
trapper, guide, and mountain man. He had served as a lieutenant in Saint
Vrain’s battalion in 1855 C.E.-1856 C.E. His body was covered by many
battle scars and he once fought on after being pierced completely
through by an arrow. Carson, Saint Vrain, and Bent knew him well. He was
described as “a very paladin of the frontier – mild-mannered,
blue-eyed, kindly man, and, in the estimation of his fellows, probably
the most desperately courageous and successful Indian fighter in the
West” Like Carson, he once was employed as an Indian agent for the Utes so they were both well-known and trusted by the Utes. Almost immediately, the volunteers presented
Canby with an unexpected problem. A Hispano
Don from Mora had one of his peónes
arrested, presumably a man of Company A, because the peón had enlisted in the US Army without the Don’s permission. In New Mexico culture this was unacceptable
behavior and an affront to his boss. It must be remembered that New
Mexico was much like a medieval pastoral society. In a sense, the
enlistment of a peón was not
entirely voluntary, but based upon loyalty and not law. For generations,
the Nuevo Méjicanos had been recruiting miquelets or militia companies. The local landowner (Don)
did this by calling on his immediate relatives, neighbors, and friends.
These included their hired men and peónes. Colonel Canby’s ignorance of local customs or
being dismissive of them, refused to release the peón. Instead, Canby suspended the right of any such claims in
Territorial Courts and went so far as to promise freedom from peonage
upon recruitment. Dons all
over Nuevo Méjicanos
immediately began resisting any further recruitment. Unfortunately, the Dons who objected appeared disloyal to the Union. This may have been
one reason Canby later referred to when stated that the New Mexico
natives were more concerned with their own “petty interests.”
Clearly, there is no argument that the peonage system had to be
dissolved. Canby’s ignorance and arrogance once again showed his lack
of command abilities. Canby continued to his recruitment of peónes
issuing a circular on the “Reclamation of Peónes,”
and forwarding it to all posts under his command. In effect, all peónes would now be accepted into service and could not be excused
from duty except by a writ of Habeas Corpus from a United States court
of law. Once again, some viewed this entire episode as wealthy Nuevo Méjicanos not being loyal enough to the Union. Even with this
latest Canby slight, Nuevo Méjicanos
such as Rafael Chacón
continued to join the Union war effort. Just as Chacón
had, some who joined brought with them their own peónes even though that meant they would be freed from former
service. What can be said about Canby’s latest faux
pas? He and others under his command began complaining that the
majority volunteers were not of the best type of Nuevo
Méjicanos. They simply couldn’t comprehend the obvious. These
wealthy rancheros and their vaqueros found it difficult to understand why they should lose there
peónes and join the US Army for three years. Most Nuevo
Méjicanos had ranchos to
run and family commitments that continued while in the service. On the 6th of July Canby wrote to Governor
Gilpin of Colorado stating that he did not have enough volunteers to
garrison Fort Garland in southern Colorado. He requested that the
Governor provide two companies of Coloradans within the next three
months. They were to be armed and equipped, but be issued no clothing.
Unfortunately, Colorado was in no better financial shape than New
Mexico. It was also having more difficulty with secessionists than New
Mexico. In fact, he wasn’t certain that his government could retain
Colorado in the Union. Notes on Union
Governor Gilpin: Governor Gilpin
was an experienced military man and fiercely loyal to the Union. It was
said that he was the only man in Jackson County, Missouri, to have voted
for Abraham Lincoln. During Lincoln’s inauguration Gilpin had served
in his security detail at the White House. After this, Lincoln appointed
Gilpin Governor of the Colorado Territory. He graduated from West Point
and served as a Lieutenant in the 2nd Dragoons during the Seminole War.
After leaving the service, he served in Fremont’s famous expedition of
1843C.E. Later, Gilpin served as a major in Doniphan’s regiment of
Missouri Volunteers during the Méjicano-Américano War.
After the War, the governor of Missouri requested that he raise a
battalion to protect the Santa Fé
Trail, this he did. The next day, on July 7th Colonel Canby
authorized the formation of a new camp at Fort Union for the housing and
training of new volunteers. He placed Captain Francisco Abréu, Company C, in charge of the camp which became
known as the “Camp of Instruction." Also occurring on July 7, 1861, companies A
& B, 1st Regiment left Fort Union along in concert with Captain
Duncan’s command to protect incoming supply trains on the Santa Fé Trail. On the same day, Canby made a report to Army
Headquarters at Washington D.C. He was proceeding with the call-up
volunteer companies to would fill out the 1st and the 2nd infantry
regiments. Interestingly, he and other Regular Army officers continually
complained that no number of Nuevo
Méjicano troops, however large, could or would not defend the
Territory. It was his feeling that recruitment was proceeding too slowly
and that the New Mexico Territory would not furnish enough volunteer
troops to defend itself. Here we find Colonel Canby either confused or
emotionally unstable. Firstly,
he had continued to demand badly needed Nuevo
Méjicano Volunteers and Militia. Yet, he was hostile toward them. Canby continued to represent to Washington his
need for volunteers, this in order to comply with Washington’s orders
that the Army Regulars be sent to the east as soon as possible. He also
reported that he had requested two companies from Colorado to garrison
Fort Garland. The Colonel relayed his concerns of the threat of
increased Indian attacks, as well as the mustering of CSA Texan forces
at El Paso, Texas. Canby
related Colonel Loring’s departure and reiterated his having to then
exercise command due to Loring’s resignation. He also reported the
gathering of Federal troops at Fort Fillmore as well as Duncan’s
expedition of 300 men to guard wagon trains on the Santa
Fé Trail. Still on the 7th, Major Lynde wrote from Fort
Fillmore, near Mesilla, New
Mexico. It was reported that there were four companies of CSA Texas
troops at Fort Bliss, with two 18-pounders and four or more small guns.
There were also reports that there could possibly be two CSA Texan
companies at Fort Stanton, though Union Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts still
held the Fort. It was also suggested that Fort Fillmore could not
withstand a CSA Army attack. The Major had also begun to consider an
escape route to Fort Craig. He too wanted to raise one or two companies
of Volunteers to act as spies and scouts. On the 8th, Captain Jesús María Sena y Baca and his Company F of the 1st Regiment of
foot was mustered in at Santa Fé.
His father was Don Miguel Sena,
who along with Francisco Abréu’s
father had defended the ill-fated Méjicano
Gobernador Pérez in 1837
C.E. On the same day, July 8, 1861 C.E., Henry
Hopkins Sibley presented his New Mexico invasion plan to Jefferson Davis
at the Confederate Capital in Richmond, Virginia. After the very
optimistic presentation, Davis agreed to allow Sibley to proceed. Sibley
was then appointed a Brigadier-General and was given authorization to
recruit a brigade in Texas, to be known as the Sibley Brigade. Also on that day, Colonel Canby complained that
recruitment was going too slowly and was troubled. A rumor from Captain
Morris at Fort Craig had reached him that the Texans were marching. An Apache
told the USA scouts that a CSA Texan Army was seen following the Pecos
River. It was also reported that their camp and herds covered three
miles of ground. What was worse, they also had artillery. On July 11th, a military engagement was
fought at Rich Mountain, Virginia, which is today’s West Virginia. On July 12th, Captain Vidal’s Independent Mounted Company was assembled at Santa
Fé. It was to serve there for three months.
Vigil and his men were from Abiquiu
and he was an experienced company commander. His Lieutenants were 1st
Lieutenant Jesús María de Herrera and 2nd Lieutenant Henry Clay Pike. Next,
they were ordered to Fort Craig. During the same time, Captain António María Vigil’s Independent Company of about 80 men was
also recruited at Santa Fé for
a three month enlistment period. Vigil’s
Independent Company was posted to Fort Union. After the United States evacuated its Union
forts and installations in the Trans-Mississippi West Theater, CSA
supporters in the region claimed portions of the USA’s Indian
Territory. On Back in the New Mexico Territory, on July 14th,
Colonel Canby wrote another letter to Washington. He was now reporting
that all was quiet on the southern front and the troops at Fort Fillmore
had been “increased to seven companies of infantry and two of rifles
(US Mounted Rifles). Canby also reported that he was making arrangements
to send the Regulars east as commanded, but complained that the
organization of the volunteer regiments, particularly the Second under
Colonel Pino's, was progressing very slowly. Again, we see a stressed
commander making statements which just were not true. In fact, most of Pino’s
regiment would be recruited by the end of the month, though not all of
the companies would be at full strength. On the 17th orders arrived at Fort Fillmore.
Among them was a directive to capture the supplies at the CSA Fort
Bliss, at El Paso, Texas. But
Fort Fillmore’s commander remained inactive. It appears that some of
officers there sympathized with the South, and were plotting the
surrender of the Fort’s regiment. Informed by these Confederate spies
that there was a Union agent named Mills among them at El
Paso, he was soon arrested and taken to Fort Bliss where he was
imprisoned. He remained there for approximately 30 days before he
escaped into Méjico. It took Mills five days to reach Fort Craig where Union
Colonel Roberts made him a lieutenant and placed him on his staff. On the 18th of July, the first of the military
supply trains from Fort Leavenworth arrived at Fort Union. All of the
first few trains that arrived carried only rations. Apparently,
Washington had forgotten that the traitor,
Union General Twiggs of USA Army had on
March 21, 1861 C.E. knowingly
surrendered his entire Texas command to CSA commissioners. This also
included about 20% of the USA Army guarding the Méjicano
border, federal installations and facilities, property, armaments,
and other supplies. Despite Colonel Canby’s concerns about the
Nuevo Méjicanos ability to fight and stay the course, on July 20th,
John Mink’s Independent Company was sworn in at Fort Craig for three
months service. Johann Heinrich Mink, like Charles Deus, was of German
descent and had come to New Mexico as a Private in Fischer’s Company
of Hassendeubel’s Missouri Volunteers in 1846 C.E., but upon arrival
in Santa Fé he was discharged
on a Surgeon’s certificate. Apparently, he had been living in New
Mexico since then. His Company strength was about ninety men commanded
by subalterns First Lieutenant Felipe
Sánchez and Second Lieutenant Matías
Medina. The next day, on the 21st, news was sent to
Major Chapman at USA Fort Union that, one or possibly two parties of Pueblo
Indians would be sent out to him in two or three days who were well
acquainted with the country east and south of his post He was also
informed that the Regular Dragoons at Hatche’s Ranch were to be
relieved by Captain António María
Vigil’s Independent Company of mounted volunteers. Canby had also
requested a volunteer command of three or four infantry companies may be
held in readiness. These were to be sent out on the Santa
Fé trail to protect wagon
supply trains, and Lieutenant-Colonel Kit Carson would be in charge of
that group. On July 21, 1861 C.E., a large battle was
fought in the east on the plains of in Virginia near Manassas
Junction, in western Virginia Mountains. Called the Battle of Bull Run
(Union) or Manassas Junction (CSA), the engagement was fought between
37,000 Union troops under Brigadier-General Irvin McDowell who had
marched there. They would clash with a CSU force of 35,000 under General
Joseph E. Johnston and Brigadier-General P.G.T. Beauregard. Of these,
some were Native American. Over half of the Amerindian troops who
participated in the Civil War would be from the Indian Territory.
Citizens of five Native American nations were integrated into regular CSA Army
units in support of the Confederacy. These troops including one general
were enlisted from each tribe. They met their first test of battle on a
large scale on that day of July
21st. Bull Run was the first large scale battle of
the war and should have been considered a draw, until some Union troops
left the field in disarray. The Confederates saw it as a sweeping CSA
victory. Flushed with martial success, the CSA became over-confident.
The result was not very encouraging to the Union, though their failure
inspired the USA’s forces and the Federal Government to renew their
efforts. Meanwhile in the New Mexico Territory, on July
21, 1861 C.E., Major Lynde at Fort Fillmore reported to Colonel Canby
about events in southern New Mexico. Oddly, he reports without
explanation, why in accordance with (Canby’s) orders, he suspended
enlistment of volunteers in his area. The Major had told locals that
they will get help against the Indians once volunteer companies have
been organized. Yet, Lynde also states that he had been ordered to stop
recruiting even though the Apaches were in the neighborhood. Interestingly, fifty men had
already agreed to join the volunteers. The fact is, three companies of
Union Regulars were not present with the 7th US Infantry Regiment at
Fort Fillmore at this time. Company F was at Fort Union and Companies C,
& H, was still marching in from outlying forts. This leads one to
question what the Major meant. At the Union Fort Union, located on
both sides of the southern end of the Mountain Branch of the Santa
Fé Trail near the point where it merged with the southern
terminus of the Cimarron Cutoff, Native American and Nuevo
Méjicanos scouts of the US Army were sent out. Also on the 21st, Union Lieutenant Ebenezer Gay
of the 2nd Dragoons reported from his camp near Hatches Ranch to Major
Chapman at USA Fort Union that no sign of hostile Indians or CSA Texan
troops had been detected and no rumors of Indian depredations had
reached him. On the same day, CSA Lieutenant-Colonel John
R. Baylor moved up from Fort Bliss in Texas, to surprise Union Fort
Fillmore, near Mesilla, New
Mexico. The Texans were soon discovered camped about 400 yards from the
Fort. The next day, Fort Fillmore’s Union troops
under Lynde’s command had still not challenged Baylor’s CSA army.
The unmolested troops next move into Mesilla,
about twelve miles to the north. One questions why Canby’s forces of
US Regulars in New Mexico did not attack the invaders. Did the US Army
Regulars have low morale? If they did, the morale of the Regulars was
about to become worse. On July 23rd, the Union’s James Hubbell’s
Independent Mounted Company was mustered into service at Albuquerque for three months duty. Notes on Captain (Santiago)
James Lawrence Hubbell: James Lawrence
Hubbell was born in Connecticut. He joined the US Army at the outbreak
of the Méjicano-Américano War
and was sent to New Mexico where he met and married Juliána
Gutiérrez. The young couple received from her father 45,000 acres
in the Parajito area. He was a
Don now, a landowner, and a
wealthy trader. He assimilated well into the culture and became known as
Santiago (James). His first
lieutenant was his brother Charles and second was Francisco
Aragón. Santiago was
fiery in combat and obviously enjoyed a very good rapport with his men. Two days later, on July 25, 1861 C.E., CSA
forces engaged Union forces and won the the First Battle of Mesilla. It
was fought at Mesilla in the
USA’s New Mexico Territory, in present-day Doña
Ana County, New Mexico. The battle would later result in the
official establishment of the Confederate Arizona Territory,
consisting of the southern portion of the New Mexico Territory. It
would later select Mesilla as
its territorial government capital. The victory would also pave the way
for the CSA New Mexico Campaign the following year. On that same day of the 25th of July, Major
Lynde’s Fort Fillmore troops marched north and arrived a few miles
south of Mesilla. There, they
fought an enthusiastic battle
against a much smaller CSA Texan force. For some unknown reason, the
Union forces withdrew back to Fort Fillmore after an extremely limited
engagement. It’s believed that the participating Union officers and
their men were confused and incensed at their commander’s lack of
mettle. Meanwhile, on the 25th of July, despite the
military failure occurring in the southern part of the state,
Christopher ‘Kit’ Carson was sworn in as a Lieutenant-Colonel of
Volunteers at Fort Union for the First Volunteer Regiment. The event was
a quiet one, but welcomed. By now, it was clear to many that Colonel
Canby’s leadership and his command’s military failures were of the
greatest concern to New Mexico. That very next day, on July 26th,
Governor Rencher wrote a proclamation with which he hoped to mitigate
and control the general feelings of shock before they panicked the
people of New Mexico, “…call upon all good and loyal citizens to
uphold the authority of the laws and to defend the Territory against
invasion and violence from whatever quarter they may come from.” Also on the 26th, a few companies of Union
Major Lynde’s Fort Fillmore troops fought a much more committed
engagement in the town of Mesilla.
It was seen as a draw. The Union troops soon withdrew again to the
protection of Fort Fillmore. By July 27th, things were understood to be going badly everywhere for the
Union. At this critical juncture, President Lincoln was forced to make
changes to his military’s failing generalship. On that day, General George
B. McClellan took command of the embattled Union Army of the Potomac.
Hopes were high that the General should be capable of leading and
winning upcoming battles against a confident CSA. On the 27th, the commander of Fort Fillmore,
Major Lynde, arrived at the conclusion that “discretion
is the better part of valor.” His command decision was to give
up Fort Fillmore without a fight. Faced with a winning enemy, his
command retreated into the desert to make their way to Fort Stanton
in south-central New Mexico, with whiskey instead of water in
their canteens. Major Lynde’s
poorly planned retreat was a disorganized affair. His troops, without a
commander of commitment and strength, surrendered piecemeal to an
inferior Confederate command which had been following them closely.
Eventually the Union troops were paroled by the CSA’s triumphant
forces. Why? The Confederates did not want to feed or guard their
charges. To add insult to injury, a condition of parole was that they
swear not to fight against the Confederacy again. Thus, they would no
longer be of any use to the USA’s New Mexico Territory. On the 28th, the Union Army of New Mexico had
finally received some good news. From his camp near Hatches Ranch,
Lieutenant E. Gay reported to Fort Union that is Pueblo
Indian scouts had located a Comanche
camp on the Canadian River. Its inhabitants informed them that they
wished no more war with Troops or Méjicanos
and they would abide by the treaty. This still left the Américanos and the Apache
to deal with. The next day, on the 29th of July, Colonel
Canby reported to Washington that the New Mexico Territory was in great
difficulty due to only twelve companies of volunteers having been
assembled and additional recruits that were needed had not been signing
up. In his usual commanding way, Canby informed his superiors that he
could not hold his posts in Doña
Aña and Arizona Counties. Further, he doubted that his forces could
hold Fort Stanton. In his next comments, Canby reported that the
Regulars were being withdrawn and sent to the east as quickly as
circumstances would permit, given the slow induction and organization of
the volunteers would permit. Clearly, this was meant to retain his Army
Regulars which he saw as saviors. The Colonel still held the view that
the Nuevo Méjicano volunteers
and militia could not or would not rise to the occasion. As for his
plans, Canby stated the he intended to keep a strong garrison at Fort
Stanton and expected that the 1st Volunteer Regiment of six foot
companies and four mounted would be ready to march by the middle of
August As for the Colonel’s difficulties, he complained that the
difficulty of obtaining horses and mules was the reason for delaying his
progress. He also cited the incessant Indian raids in the southern part
of the Territory. The following day, July 30th, Union Captain
Duncan’s command finally returned to Fort Union after its duty on the Santa
Fé Trail. In the last two days of July, two more captains of the 1st Regiment and their companies were mustered into service. One was Captain Louis Felsenthal’s Company G which was mustered on July 30th, and Captain Santiago Valdéz at the head of Company H, on July 31st. Notes on Union
Captain Louis Felthensal: The other captains
of the 1st Regiment were traders, rum-runners, mountain men, ciboleros,
or buffalo hunters, and rancheros.
Captain Louis Felthensal was nothing like them. He was a young
Prussian-Jewish immigrant from Iserlohn, Westphalia. A clerk, he arrived
in New Mexico in 1858 C.E. A year after his arrival he became a clerk
for the Territorial Council (the state legislature). Felthensal also
became a founding member of the Historical Society of New Mexico at this
time. At the behest of Mrs. Levi Speigelberg he joined a small
congregation of Jews that met at the Speigelberg residence for community
and worship. He was fluent in several languages including Spanish which
must have greatly aided him in command of a company of Hispano
volunteers. As the war seemed imminent, Felsenthal applied for a
Captaincy and was accepted. His troops were recruited from the Santa Fé area. He seems to have adapted well to his new task, and
probably didn’t like clerking much anyway. No information could be
found on Captain Santiago Valdéz
except that he was thirty years old at the time. Help would soon be on its way. CSA’s Sibley
arrived in San António in
August 1861 C.E. with authority to raise two regiments of cavalry and a
battery of mountain howitzers. This proved a difficult task, as many
Texans had already headed east for the war effort, but Sibley was up to
the challenge. An experienced recruiter, he called for volunteers via
local newspapers. As a nucleus, Sibley chose company commanders, and
these were sent out to fill their companies. He then carefully selected
his staff and brigade-level officers. A variety of munitions and
equipment were provided by traitor’s gift, the arsenal in San
António. Supplies of food and forage along the route to Fort Bliss
and in Mesilla were arranged
with the help of Southern-minded businessmen. Early in August 1861 C.E., Union Colonel Kit
Carson requested uniforms for the volunteers. But even though a stipend
had already been approved for clothing, Canby had not requisitioned the
uniforms for them yet. In his communication, Anderson reiterated the
instructions of General Order #16. By this time, a serious rift existed
between the US Army Regulars and the New Mexico Volunteers. Another more
pressing problem for some of the volunteers was how to feed their
families who had come to live with them at Fort Union. Fearing
desertions, Canby authorized that rations could be issued to the
families, the cost would be deducted from the soldier’s pay. It was on August 1, 1861 C.E., that
Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor established Mesilla
as the capital of the future CSA Territory of Arizona. He declared that
the southern portion of the USA’s Territory of New Mexico south of the
34th parallel had now become the CSA’s Territory of Arizona by issuing
"The Proclamation to the People of the Territory of Arizona,"
taking possession of the territory for the Confederacy, with Mesilla
as the capital and himself as the governor. He continued, "The
social and political condition of Arizona being little short of general
anarchy, and the people being literally destitute of law, order, and
protection, the said Territory, from the date hereof, is hereby declared
temporarily organized as a military government until such time as
Congress may otherwise provide. I, John R. Baylor, lieutenant-colonel,
commanding the Confederate Army in the Territory of Arizona, hereby take
possession of said Territory in the name and behalf of the Confederate
States of America. For all purposes herein specified, and until
otherwise decreed or provided, the Territory of Arizona shall comprise
all that portion of New Mexico lying south of the thirty-fourth
parallel of north latitude." He would later divide the territory
and wait for Captain Sherod Hunter and his Arizona Rangers to occupy Tucson,
which would serve as the capital of a second judicial district,
solidifying CSA control of the area. It is known that Baylor had other motives for
securing the road to Tucson.
Baylor had a plan. Once having increased his command to at least a
thousand men, he planned to move his base of operations to Tucson.
From there, the Lieutenant-Colonel intended to counter threats of a
Union invasion from Méjico.
His strategy was to seize Guaymas,
Sonora, a Mexican seaport
300 miles due south of Tucson.
The road between Guaymas and Tucson was to become a supply route connecting the Pacific with the
CSA. From Tucson, Baylor
planned to move against California to secure the West Coast and its
ports. His implementation of these operations was to begin with the
arrival of Sibley and the expected Texas reinforcements. In Baylor's
vision was to have Sibley keep the Federal troops along the Río
Grande at bay, while he headed west
On the 1st of August, Union Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel
A. Cháves reported for duty at the army post in Albuquerque,
there he was sworn in by Brevet Major N. B. Rossell. Cháves’ first assignment would be as commander at Fort Fauntleroy
which was by then officially renamed Fort Lyon because Colonel
Fauntleroy had chosen to become a Confederate. The Union soldiers,
however, continued to call it the Fort, Fauntleroy. Located at Cubero,
sixty miles west of Albuquerque,
Fort Lyon was one of the important frontier posts established to guard
against marauding Navajós.
Supplies to be used for future campaigns against the Navajós
were kept there when needed. The post also served as a place for trade
with the Natives and was the assigned location for providing allotted
disbursements from the US Indian Agency to various Navajó
tribes. The first eight companies of the Second
Regiment were mustered in at Albuquerque.
The First Regiment was gathering at Fort Union. The first company to
enlist was Company A under Captain Manuel
A. Pino, possibly relative of Colonel Pino.
Company B was under Captain José
D. Sena, a native of Santa Fé,
whose father, Don Juan Sena,
had immigrated to New Mexico from Méjico.
His wife was Isabel Cabeza de Baca.
In concert with Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Peréa, Captain Sena
quickly raised a company of infantry, men from Santa
Fé. Company C reported for duty under the command
of Captain Manuel Baca y Delgado.
Captain Gregorio Otero led
Company D. Company E, was commanded by Captain Román
António Baca, the half brother of Lieutenant-Colonel Manual Cháves. Román had
risen through the ranks of New Mexico volunteers through bravery. He had
been appointed Captain of a company earlier during the Navajó campaign. It was Baca
who had hung the Indian prisoner rather than turn him over to Colonel
Canby. Baca’s older brother,
Manuel Cháves, had been
present at the time, with Colonel Pino
as their overall commander. As the incident had occurred only six months
earlier, it is conceivable that Canby had not forgotten it. This most
certainly place the 2nd Regiment in a difficult position with Colonel
Canby. On August 2nd, at Fort Stanton which was
remotely situated in a small valley along the swift Río Bonito in Lincoln County, New Mexico, Union Lieutenant-Colonel
Roberts received news of 7th US Infantry’s surrender. He immediately
began making preparations to abandon the Fort. Roberts, a professional
engineer, set fire to the fort and evacuated hastily. His shoddy work
allowed local Nuevo Méjicanos
to move into the unburned Fort. Later,
banditos attacked and stole most of the supplies. Following that,
CSA Captain Walker’s troops were able to remove the occupants form the
Fort and recover most of the stolen goods. Soon thereafter, the
Confederate company was able to move into an intact fort with most of
the supplies still available, including cannons. Even at this late date,
US Army Regulars were still supplying the CSA enemy with materiel. By this time, there were five foot and two
mounted companies of New Mexico Volunteers at Fort Union. Soon,
worrisome news from Indian Traders through the Comanches
came to the Fort. A large force of White men was coming up the Canadian
or Pecos rivers. It was
promptly reported to Colonel Canby at Santa
Fé. Canby then called on the Governor for a battalion of four more
companies of mounted New Mexico volunteers under the command of a
Lieutenant-Colonel to serve for three years. On the same day, Fort Union reported to Santa
Fé that the command had decided to begin construction on new
fortifications as they knew their Fort was indefensible. Using the
Volunteers, the command would begin building a new fort. He also noted
that the Nuevo Méjicanos were
being trained as crews for artillery. The instructors of artillery were
2nd Lieutenant John F. Ritter and 2nd Lieutenant Robert W. Hall. Fort Union’s commanding officer, Chapman,
like Colonel Canby, felt strongly that the Nuevo
Méjicano Volunteers would not hold up in a fight without
fortifications. He stated that, “These Mexican volunteers are more
afraid of the Texans than they are of death, and in case of an attack by
the latter, I cannot rely upon them.” In short, Chapman felt that the
Volunteers wouldn’t fight, but could dig. And if the did fight, it
would be behind defensive works. In the end, the Volunteers would be
doing more digging than drilling. Regardless, of commanding officers
views, the Nuevo Méjicanos
would be tested in due time. It is fair to assume that the Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers must have responded with their own form
of insults to the negative attitudes held by their commander and his
Army Regulars. In any event, the Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers received good news. On the 3rd of August,
their friend Lieutenant-Colonel Kit Carson assumed command of Camp
Chapman, a camp of Volunteers. Carson suggested to Canby that they
organize a party of Utes and Nuevo Méjicanos to harass the CSA Texan advance. The Utes
were to be used as scouts, as the command wanted to keep as many
Volunteers as possible working on constructing the new field works.
Canby agreed that the plan should be executed as soon as possible. Fort
Union’s commander gave the order to Kit. Chapman was to report to
Canby on the progress of the field works. They worked about 200 Nuevo
Méjicano Volunteers every four hours, day and night, on the
entrenchments. On August 4th, formal news of the Union Fort
Fillmore debacle finally reached Colonel Canby regarding the 7th US
Infantry’s failed leadership, unnecessary surrender, and the loss of
its entire force to a smaller CSA force must have left him speechless.
Noting his already fragile state, the particulars of the event must have
taxed Canby’s already diminished capacity for command and his ability
to cope. It should be noted here that the effect of Major Lynde’s Fort
Fillmore command not having stood their ground and fighting to keep the
Fort and then retreating, did not only effect the Colonel negatively. It
had a devastating impact upon the Hispano volunteer and militia forces. It was understood that most of
Lynde’s officers and men wanted to fight and only retreated under
orders. What was not acceptable was that Army Regulars, professional
troops, could not make an orderly retreat and evade the enemy. And to
make matters worse, their command had disintegrating and the troops were
captured. How was it that these experienced and conscientious Regular
Army officers and men were unable to ensure that the troops retreating
across the desert had water in their canteens rather than whiskey? The
only saving grace of the entire affair was that the prisoners were set
free to proceed north to Fort Union in order to be shipped east. To
further inflame the failure, it was also reported upon their return to
the Fort many of the veteran officers and enlisted men had wept like
children. The same news reached Albuquerque Nuevo Méjicanos.
Beyond the Fort Fillmore debacle, they were by now very
uncomfortable with the prospect of being protected by Army Regulars. To
further understand the strained relationship, one has only to remember a
statement by Major Rossell regarding the people of Albuquerque.
He had written that he wished he were back east and away from the Nuevo
Méjicano people. These, the very people he was charged to protect. On the 4th of August, Union Captain Charles
Deus, commanding the mounted Company I, mustered in his men. Only one
more company was needed to fill out the First Regiment. Deus was
forty-five years old. His original name was Karl Deuss and he was of
German extraction. He had come to the then Nuevo
Méjico in August of 1846 C.E. as a Private in Fischer’s Company
of Hassendeubel’s Missouri Volunteers. He served under Fischer until
August, 1848 C.E. During that time, he was with the Company during the Taos Rebellion. Deus had been living in Santa Fé doing militia work. Captain Deus had commanded a company
during the Apache crisis of
1855 C.E. under Ceran Saint Vrain. On August 6th, Fort Union’s commander was
informed that there were no more tents available in the Territory for
the new troops, but the New Mexico Department could be furnished
temporary shelters made from the remains of the old fort. Given that
they were to be for the Hispano
Volunteers, the temporary shelters would never be built. The Volunteers
were left to sleep on the open ground. Despite this, their work on the
entrenchments was progressing very well, and it was felt that it would
soon be sufficiently ready for defense. In truth, the work would
continue for another five months. Back in Virginia, the reassembled Second
Wheeling Convention was held from August 6, 1861 C.E. through August 21,
1861 C.E. On August 6th, the delegates of the Convention passed a number
of resolutions, including an ordinance that nullified the proceedings of
the Richmond Convention of May 23, 1861
C.E., and declared all actions of the convention "illegal,
inoperative, null, void, and without force or effect." In the USA New Mexico Territory, on the 7th,
Kit Carson and Captain Pfeiffer began their job of gathering a force of Utes.
Canby agreed to Carson’s requests that the Army would have to feed the
families of the Ute volunteers while they were away. Some of Captain Vigil’s
men were sent under a Lieutenant Pike to scout in the direction of Fort
Stanton. On August 8th, Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel
Cháves arrived at Fort Fauntleroy and took command of the garrison
of three companies of the 2nd Regiment, Pino’s
Companies A, Sena’s B, and Baca’s
C. Cháves’ duty at this
time was to maintain (or enforce) Canby’s recent peace agreement with
them. The other companies of the 2nd Regiment were stationed with
Colonel Pino at the headquarters in Albuquerque. Also, on August 8th, Colonel Canby issued a
circular stating that the Territory was under martial law, as was much
of the rest of the Union at the time. “The writ of habeas corpus has
been suspended in order to enable every commander to guard against the
treasonable designs of persons disloyal to the Government of the United
States, particularly agents and spies, persons engaged in furnishing
information to, or in other treasonable correspondence with, the enemy,
or in inciting insurrection or rebellion.” That same day, Canby issued
General Order #27. It stated that Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts would now
command the southern district of New Mexico from his new headquarters at
Albuquerque. On August 10, 1861
C.E., Virginia’s Second Wheeling Convention citizens formed a
Committee on a Division of the State of Virginia. In Missouri, on August
10, 1861 C.E., Union Army Brigadier-General Nathaniel Lyon (July
14, 1818 C.E.-August 10, 1861 C.E.) led a lightning like
campaign against a CSA combined force of the Missouri Militia and
Confederate troops, these under the command of Benjamin McCulloch and Sterling
Price. The forces met near Springfield, Missouri, at The Battle
of Wilson’s Creek. There, the Union force conducted a surprise attack
on a CSA army twice its size. On that day, while trying to rally his
outnumbered soldiers, Lyon was killed and his army defeated. He would be
the first Union general killed in
the War. Lyon’s death, however, was not in vain, as he prevented the
State of Missouri from joining the Confederacy. After the battle,
the victorious CSA forces moved on to besiege and take Lexington. When
their position was threatened by oncoming Union columns converging from
the east and west, the CSA troops were soon forced to retire into
southwest Missouri. Meanwhile, back in the Union’s New Mexico
Territory, Lieutenant-Colonel Kit Carson was prepared to leave for Fort
Union with the party of twenty Ute
warriors on a scouting expedition. Canby fearing an imminent CSA assault
was taking further precautions. If the Fort was attacked, Canby ordered
that the women and children were to be removed to Mora
or Las Vegas. To many of his
officers Canby appeared anxious, confused, and his decisions dubious.
Colonel Saint Vrain, who kept a home and owned a grist mill at Mora, was very familiar with the community. The next day, Colonel
Saint Vrain reported that in an emergency the women and children could
be housed at Mora. August 13, 1861 C.E., another request from the
Assistant Adjutant-General, E. D. Townsend at the Army headquarters in
Washington D.C. was written. It reminded Colonel Canby, as previously
ordered, to send the requested Regulars east. But he wisely charged
Canby not to render the New Mexico Department defenseless in doing so.
Canby’s response to the order was to keep them in place. Finally, at Fort Union the muster of the ten
companies of the First Regiment New Mexico Volunteer Infantry was
completed on the 13th of August, 1861 C.E. This included the induction
of Captain Rafael Chacón’s
Company K. Rafael was the son
of Presidio Captain Albino Chacón. Notes on Union
Captain Rafael Chacón: At a very early
age, Rafael was sent to Chihuahua,
Méjico, to study at a military academy. In 1846 C.E., at the age of
thirteen, Rafael found himself
in command of a gun crew at Apache
Canon under the command of Armijo
before he dispersed the militia. Later, he served in Colonel Saint
Vrain’s battalion in the 1855 C.E. Ute/Apache
war as First Sergeant of Company B. Now, on the 13th
of August, 1861 C.E., at the age of thirty, Chacón
found himself a captain in the Union Army. At much of his own expense, Rafael’s
Company was fully mounted. Some of the men the complete purchase price
for a horses, so he purchased them at Mora.
He and his troopers expected to be fully recompensed for loss of horses
and equipment. In fact, they believed they would receive replacements as
the horses and furniture wore out. In the replacement scheme, the US
Army rated each man’s horse and furniture for their value upon
mustering into service. Unfortunately, the Army Regulars, disdainful of
the Nuevo Méjicanos’ horses
were thought unsuited for cavalry work. The Regulars then proceeded to
unfairly underrate the value of each horse. Chacón’s
Company also received of arms, camp equipage, and tents. Chacón notes that his troopers were armed with rifles. Only the
officers, NCOs, and buglers, received pistols and sabers. He stated that
his troopers were, “…well trained in the use and handling of the
rifle…” Four of Chacón’s
regiment companies were mounted and six were on foot. Despite Canby’s incessant worrying,
throughout early-August, enrollment of the New Mexico Volunteers
continued. So much so, that on August 13, 1861, Fort Union’s commander
reported that a third regiment of New Mexico Volunteers would now begin
recruiting: “Sir: I am instructed to inform you that the Governor has
appointed José Guadalupe Gállegos
of San Miguel,
Lieutenant-Colonel, José María
Cháves of Abiquiu,
Lieutenant-Colonel, Manuel Baca
of Socorro and Joseph Cummings of Santa
Fé, Majors of the Regiment of New Mexican Mounted Volunteers.”
Strangely, Colonel Cháves,
Major Baca, or Major Cummings,
were found listed in the records for the Third Regiment of volunteers. Lieutenant-Colonel Cháves was a longtime figure on the frontier and had been a
General of New Mexico militia since 1851 C.E. and most probably earlier.
There is little to be found regarding Major Manuel
Baca. Major Joseph Cummings was reported to be a professional Santa
Fé gambler and a person of “colorful” repute. After a week of
deliberations, on August 13, 1861 C.E., the Committee on a Division of
the State of Virginia formulated and presented to The Second Wheeling
Convention a dismemberment ordinance. Delegates then debated the
boundaries of the proposed state for five days, and then referred the
question to a committee. The next day, on August 14th, in New Mexico
Colonel Canby again wrote to Governor Gilpin of Colorado. He requested
the two companies of volunteers. Yet, the Governor had already complied
with that request He reported back to Canby that he had organized
Company A and Company B, each of which had 101 men. Company A was placed
under the command of Captain J. P. Slough. Company B served under
Captain Samuel F. Tappan. Both had been ordered to muster at Fort
Garland in southern Colorado. He also reported that the Colorado largely
cut-off from its Union sources of supply which snaked across 800 miles
through Indian country. Colonel Canby’s state of mind didn’t allow
him to send the news of the Fort Fillmore fiasco to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas,
until August 16th. Undoubtedly,
Major Lynde’s decision to give up the Fort without a fight, to
retreat, and to allow the capture of his entire command was more than
the Colonel could take. He had also probably realized that this news would
be devastating to the Nuevo
Méjicanos in general and the Volunteers in particular. And, what of
those about to volunteer, what would they do? One can only imagine how
the Nuevo Méjicanos would feel upon finding out that the large force of
Federals at Fort Fillmore had surrendered to a lesser force without a
fight. If the Nuevo Méjicanos thought the Regulars had been useless before, their
concerns were now proven to be true. In fact, Colonel Canby’s report to Army
headquarters in Saint Louis, Missouri, was also all bad news. The Texans
had occupied Mesilla, in
Arizona, and Major Lynde’s troops had failed to dislodge them.
Further, the report provided details regarding the abandonment of Fort
Fillmore and how Major Lynde had surrendered his entire command of about
500 men to an inferior force of CSA Texans. It has been said that
Canby‘s was very careful not to make any personal comments about these
actions, as it would trigger a judicial inquiry. Yet, in another
paragraph in his report, the Colonel wrote, “…It soon became
apparent that the volunteer forces could not be relied on for the
defense of this Territory, unless supported by a considerable force of
regular troops.” Here, Canby presents a completely strange sequence of
thoughts. It appears that he’s implying that as the Army Regulars had
failed to do their duty at Mesilla,
Arizona, and their later abandoned Fort Fillmore without a fight.
Then while in retreat they lost the entire command to capture.
Therefore, he is suggesting that it was clearly the Nuevo
Méjicano Volunteer units who somehow were proven to be unreliable.
To construct such an illogical statement, it would seem that Canby was
almost in a panic. Although, one must say that Canby’s orders to Fort
Union to begin building fortifications and to Fort Craig to do the same,
he was thinking somewhat clearly. What makes this of the greatest concern is that
before the news, both the public and military of the New Mexico
Territory had very little to rally to or be happy about. Colonel Canby
had lost one-third of his Regulars. This included seven companies of the
7th US, two companies of Mounted Rifles, and another company under
Alfred Gibbs that had escorted supplies to Fort Fillmore. In addition,
large quantities of supplies, muskets, ammunition, and cannon were also
lost. Yet, in spite of all of these events and losses, Canby continued
to believe that his Regulars were his saviors and that the Nuevo
Méjicano Volunteers and Militia were of no use. On the 16th Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts reported
to Canby that Albuquerque had
a sizeable garrison there. He now had ten companies: companies F, C and
H, of the 7th Infantry, D and F, 5th Infantry; C, G, and K, Mounted
Riflemen, D and G, 1st Dragoons; Captain James “Santiago” Hubbell’s company of Mounted Volunteers and
the 2nd Regiment’s companies of Captains Gregorio
Otero, Company D, Ethan W. Eaton, Company F, and Román
A. Baca, Company E. Of this number, he reported, “675 are regular
troops, in effective condition, and all loyal and true men.” Roberts
also reported that at least half of his men did not have canteens and he
understood that there were none to be had in the New Mexico Department. Also on the 16th of August, Colonel Canby wrote
a long report to General Fremont at Army Headquarters in Saint Louis. He
reported that he had not received any further instructions concerning
the Volunteers. Canby reiterated the state of his Indian problems. He
again, restated that he believed the New Mexico Volunteers could not be
relied upon “for defense of this Territory, unless supported by a
considerable force of regular troops.” Then he spoke of his supply
problems referring to the Department as “destitute…in military
resources and supplies of every kind.” Canby further estimated that he
didn’t have enough artillery, was low on remounts for cavalry and
draught animals, and needed ordnance, stating “If it is the intention
of the Government to retain this department,” he wrote, “I urgently
recommend that the supplies necessary for the efficiency of the troops
(regulars or volunteers), and especially those already estimated for,
should be furnished as soon as practicable.” Notes on Union
Major-General J. C. Fremont: J. C. Fremont was
born in Georgia in 1813 C.E. His mother moved her two sons and a
daughter to Charlestown, South Carolina. There, they struggled to get
by. Young J.C. was described as “brilliant, unpredictable, and
egotistical.” At 25 years, Fremont became a 2nd Lieutenant in the
Topographical Engineers, gaining a good reputation. He secretly married
Jessie Benton in 1841 C.E. By 1842 C.E., he was assigned to map the
Oregon Trail with Kit Carson as a guide. His report of that expedition
became a bestseller and earned Carson instant national fame. In 1843 C.E.-1844
C.E., J. C. Fremont and Kit Carson tried to find a trail through the
Rockies, but the attempt failed. By 1845 C.E., Fremont organized a
battalion of military volunteers to go to California. It was only
because of this California trip that Carson missed the Taos
Revolution. Later, after Fremont’s disastrous expedition without
Carson in 1848 C.E.-1849 C.E., he moved to California. J. C. Fremont
served as a US Senator there in 1856 C.E. He became a Major-General in
the Union Army, but would soon be removed for freeing the slaves in
Missouri. On the 17th of August, commander of the
Ordnance Depot at Fort Union, Captain W. R. Shoemaker, wrote a report to
Colonel Canby. He stated that the stores at his depot amounted to two
hundred and seventy thousand dollars worth. He also noted that it would
be a great loss to the Union if the Texans attacked after the Regulars
had been sent to the east He also offered that the Nuevo
Méjicanos would not be able to defend this property without the
support of the Regulars. Shoemaker wrote a similar cover letter to
Major-General J. C. Fremont in Saint Louis, enclosing the first letter.
His comments to Fremont were, “I know that you are well acquainted
with the character of this population, and need only to inform you that
the volunteers recently raised here are not composed of the rancheros,
or even of the better class of Mexicans, but, on the contrary, for you
to see how entirely defenseless the Territory will be if the U.S. Army
is withdrawn.” As a result, Fremont became convinced that he must
allow the remaining Regulars to remain in the New Mexico Territory until
after the crisis of the Texan invasion passed. On the same day, the 17th, it was reported to
Saint Vrain that 400 Texans were in possession of Fort Stanton, the
actual number being approximately 40. He asked that Saint Vrain have Kit
Carson send the Utes in that
direction to “annoy this party.” It was felt that Fort Union was
vulnerable at this point and it was decided to keep its Volunteers at
the ready. Next, the Fort commander wrote to Lieutenant Joseph G.
Tilford of the US Regiment of Mounted Rifles (Third US Cavalry) that
Captain Pfeifer would leave for the Fort Stanton area with a party of Utes.
At this point, Colonel Canby still couldn’t
decide if the CSA invasion was coming from Fort Stanton or from the Mesilla
area. His latest plan had ten companies of Volunteers, six foot
companies of the 2nd Regiment and four mounted independent companies
assigned to Fort Craig. He then would assign the 1st Volunteer Regiment
to Fort Union. In addition, Canby’s plan placed a contingent of
Regulars in reserve at midpoint Albuquerque, between the two forts. In this way, the Colonel felt
that he could easily reinforce a fort in whichever direction was
threatened first. Colonel Canby continued to cling to his
previous idea of deploying the Nuevo
Méjicanos in static positions behind fort walls. In this way, he
could have his Volunteer foot companies continue to labor on the
earthworks at both forts. The more valuable Nuevo
Méjicano mounted companies were assigned to scouting on the eastern
and southeastern plains. Meanwhile, another rumor appeared placing 150
CSA Texans near the Río Bonito.
It was said they had treated the locals badly. If true, these CSA troops
would have been from Fort Stanton. On the 19th of August, an anxious Colonel Canby
was again expressing his fears regarding the Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers, “I have not much faith in the
disposition of the Mexicans to second us in this matter (the defense of
New Mexico) but will do whatever I can to rouse them and put the
Territory in the best possible position for defense.” The next day,
the mounted scouts reported that they had found no sign of CSA Texas
forces in the Sierra Gallina area located towards Fort Stanton, nor at points in
between there and Fort Union. Fort Union officers looked forward to
Captain Pfeiffer’s return with the Utes.
It was noted by them that the Volunteers had a better system for getting
news than the Fort did. “There appears to be a regular system of
expresses between Santa Fé and
the volunteer camp here, and I frequently hear news from the volunteer
officers some hours, or even a day before it is communicated through the
official channels.” On August 20, 1861
C.E., the Committee on a Division of the State of Virginia proposed that
the new state, which was to be named Kanawha, would consist of
thirty-nine counties. Seven other counties (Berkeley, Greenbrier,
Hampshire, Hardy, Jefferson, Morgan and Pocahontas) were to be added if
the majority of voters in those counties approved. The convention
adopted the committee's recommendations by a vote of fifty to
twenty-eight. In New Mexico on the 21st of August, Captain
Pfeiffer and the Utes returned
to Fort Union. They had found no signs of CSA Texans on the eastern
plains. Fort Union was taking no chances. On the next
day, the 22st of August, a hand-picked group of mounted men from the 1st
Regiment left to watch the approach from the Pecos River. About this time, it was noted that the lack of
pay among the Volunteers was beginning to be a problem and it would
continue to get worse unless something was done. Since the last payroll
had been stolen with the group of wagon trains that were taken into Méjico, most of the Regulars and none of the Volunteers had been
paid. Rumors began to circulate among the Nuevo
Méjicanos that it was not intended that they would ever be paid.
Captain Vigil’s Company of
Mounted Volunteers had refused to reenlist after their three month hitch
was up. Meanwhile, Union Captain Saturnino Barrientos of the Independent Company at Fort Craig
returned from his patrol to the vicinity of Fort Stanton and reported on
what he had learned from the locals on the conditions at the Fort. There
were CSA troops at Fort Stanton. It was a company of 80 men under the
command of Captain James Walker and it didn’t seem that they would be
reinforced. According to the locals, the CSA troops intended on
occupying Manzano. Barrientos had
received this information from a Don
Francisco Sánches who was a prisoner of the CSA forces. Also on the 24th Major Lynde of the 7th US
Infantry and several of his officers reached Fort Union, the rest of his command arrived the
next day. They encamped on a stream just to the north of the fort. The
morning after they had settled in beside the stream that provided them
with fresh water, it suddenly went dry. Meanwhile, Union Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin
Roberts had sent twenty men of the Dragoons and Mounted Rifles with
Captain Hubbell and his company south from Fort Craig to scout the area
around Robledo where the CSA
Texans were known to keep their advanced guard. Hubbell found a CSA
force of about one hundred men thirty miles south of Fort Craig. On the 25th, CSA Captain Moore of the 1st
Dragoons stated that Captain Hubbell “opened a spirited fire upon
their Camp, and seizing a good position, he skirmished with their entire
force until daylight, when they abandoned the Camp and returned toward
the Laguna.” Here, I can
only suggest that the Nuevo Méjicano
Volunteers under Santiago
Hubbell, Captain Independent Company were not, “more afraid of Texans
than they were of death.” These cowardly New Mexico Volunteers had
fought their first engagement, unaided, and had won. It was the
frightened CSA Texans fleeing the New Mexico Volunteers as quickly as
possible back to their safe base at Mesilla. Upon learning of this engagement, the Union
commander at Fort Craig immediately dispatched two groups of eighty
Regulars. One group was under the command of Captain Moore to reinforce
Hubbell. The second was under Captain Lane, attempting to cut-off the
CSA Texan retreat. Upon arrival, Captain Moore and Captain Hubbell set
out after the Texans. The next day, on the 26th, it was reported that
the CSA Texans were not overtaken as they were, “well mounted and had
extra horses.” On August 27th through the 29th, a military engagement
was fought at the Battle of Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina. In the new CSA’s Territory of Arizona, CSA
Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor's subsequent dismantling of the
existing Union forts in the new CSA’s Territory of Arizona left the
White settlers at the mercy of the Apache,
who quickly gained control of the area and forced many of the settlers
to seek refuge in Tucson. The people of Arizona, however, remained firm
in their support of the CSA and Baylor, and held another convention on
August 28, 1861 C.E. in Tucson.
There they ratifying Colonel-Governor Baylor's proclamation of a year
earlier in August 1, 1861 C.E.
From
August 30, 1861 C.E. through October 10, 1861 C.E., the 3rd Regiment,
New Mexico Mounted Infantry were organized at Fort Union and Albuquerque, New Mexico. The unit would remain on duty at Fort Union
until February, 1862 C.E. They would see action later at Valverde,
New Mexico on February 21, 1862 C.E. Following Valverde,
the 3rd Regiment then would pursue Confederate forces from April 13,
1862 C.E. through April 22, 1862 C.E. The unit would then continue on
duty in Central, Northern, and Santa
Fé Districts until May, 1862 C.E., when it would be mustered out on
May 31, 1862 C.E. The members of the de
Ribera (Rivera) clan serving in the unit were:
On August 30th, the Third New Mexico Regiment
began recruitment. This new regiment would consist of mounted
volunteers. There was some confusion at the time as to whether this
regiment would be called the Third Regiment or the 1st Regiment of
Mounted Volunteers. The designation as the Third Regiment eventually won
out. This regiment was commanded by Colonel José
Guadalupe Gállegos, Lieutenant-Colonel José
María Valdéz, and Major Luís
Baca, Later, Major Faustino
Baca y Ulibarrí. Now, occurred something that fully illustrates
the Nuevo Méjicano’
preference of Volunteer regiments. Colonel Canby was unable to fill out
the Second Infantry Regiment and the First still needed some recruits.
In his view, Canby saw this as the Nuevo
Méjicanos being unpatriotic. Later, when the Colonel called for the
Third Regiment to be mounted, things were decidedly different.
Originally, the Third Regiment intended to have only four companies. So
many Hispanos joined that it
soon had eight, and finally a full ten. This was obviously an answer to
Canby’s preference for “Foot” rather than “Mounted.” To
further prove the point, the Third Regiment’s enlistment occurred in a
very short time. It should be noted that almost half of the First
Regiment was mounted. Several companies of the Second Regiment were
unofficially. Following this enlistment, it soon became obvious to all
that another mounted regiment, the Fourth, could also begin successful
recruitment. On the first day of recruitment, Manuel
Ortíz reported to Fort Union with a company of forty-eight men from
Las Vegas. Ortíz,
as a 1st Lieutenant, mustered with these men who became of what was to
be Company A of the Third Regiment. It was also reported that another
thirty Nuevo Méjicanos would
arrive that afternoon, presumably belonging to the same company. The
Captains William Mortimore, Ricardo
Branch, and Pedro Sánchez of
the Third Regiment quickly mustered companies A, B, and C respectively.
Records are unclear but the regiment would muster at least somewhere
between 900 and 1,000 men. By the end of the month of August 1861 C.E.,
California would begin mustering volunteers who would come to the aid of
New Mexico. CSA Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor established himself in
Mesilla as the acting governor
of the new CSA Arizona Territory. His recent successes and the perceived
weaknesses of the USA troops, Baylor believed that he could easily
capture all of New Mexico if he had a few more troopers and horses. The
overly confident Lieutenant-Colonel soon found his command threatened by
Apache Indian attacks and had
to form a company of Arizona Rangers in defense. Baylor, like the US
Regulars before him, quickly found out that the Apache
were a formidable foe and could not be ignored. The invasion of New
Mexico would have be left to CSA General Sibley who was still assembling
his brigade in San António, Texas. On the 31st of August, Captain José
María Valdéz joined the new Third Regiment (Old 1st Regiment of
Mounted Volunteers). He resigned as Captain of Company A of the 1st
Regiment to become a Lieutenant-Colonel of the Third, apparently
replacing Lieutenant-Colonel José
María Cháves as second in command. 1st Lieutenant Francisco Gonzáles became the new Captain of Company A, of the 1st
Regiment. In September 1861 C.E., President Abraham
Lincoln officially appointed Henry Connelly, of Peralta, as New Mexico’s governor. He trusted Connelly to be
loyal to the Union of the United States. Connelly
had been a long-time resident there, and had some sympathy of native Nuevo
Méjicanos. Governor Connelly, Just five days after his inauguration
in Santa Fé, contacted
each county in the territory urging the establishment of a militia, or
home guard, for the defense of the territory against their long-time
enemies, the Texans serving in the CSA Army. As the war had lengthened, Regular Union forces
would continue to be withdrawn from the New Mexico territory to fight
elsewhere. Union Colonel Edward R. S. Canby would continue to be in
charge of a force of very few Regulars and he would lead those forces
in defending that USA Territory. Canby anticipating an invasion,
attempted to augment his fighting forces with New Mexico Volunteer
infantry and cavalry to be paid and equipped by the Union government.
The famed explorer and frontiersman, Kit
Carson, assisted in organize and command the 1st New Mexico
Cavalry, a militia unit. Carson was to command the First
Regiment of New Mexico Volunteers. Colonel Miguel
Pino and Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel
Cháves commanded the Second Regiment. Colonel Canby favored Hispanos
when filling officers’ ranks only because he believed that it would
attract more volunteers. Albuquerque was
the rendezvous for these recruits. From there they were sent south to Fort Craig,
south of Socorro. Their first
order of business was to engage in campaigns against the Apache, Navajó, and Comanche in
New Mexico and Texas. They would also later participate in the Battle of
Valverde against the
Confederates. That
same month, September, 1861 C.E., the 4th Regiment, New Mexico Infantry
was organized for duty at Fort Union, New Mexico where they remained
until February, 1862 C.E. The unit would later see action at Valverde on February 21, 1862 C.E. It would also participate in
an engagement at Glorieta or
Pigeon Ranch on March 28, 1862 C.E. The 4th Regiment, New Mexico
Infantry would later pursue Confederate forces from April 13, 1862 C.E.
through April 22, 1862 C.E. The unit would then be on duty in
Central, Northern, and Santa Fé Districts
until May, 1862 C.E. On May 31, 1862 C.E., it would be mustered
out. The following member of the de
Ribera (Rivera) clan was
attached to this unit:
At Fort Craig, on September 4, 1861 C.E.,
Colonel Roberts wrote to Canby that he wanted to take the Regulars to
the grassy open plains east of the mountains to “avoid all the river
towns, where the small pox is making its ravages.” He intended to
escort a train of equipment to Fort Union while leaving the Volunteers
guarding Fort Craig and points south. The small pox and malaria had not
reached the fort as of yet, though it was all around it. He reported
that he was bringing the extra tents, horse furniture, and everything
“not needed by the volunteers,” which could be used by Lynde’s
command as they traveled to the east. He was depleting his small arms
ordnance at the fort, and his commissary was almost empty but there was
a new supply train en route from Albuquerque.
Referring to the disease he wrote, “It is thought crossing the country
will do more than the entire pharmacopeia to remove this malaria.” On the 6th of September Captain I. N. Moore of
the First Dragoons was ordered establish an advanced guard at Abo
Pass in the Manzano Mountains near the present-day town of Mountainair, east of
Fort Craig. The Pass was on a route that could have been used by a CSA
invasion force coming from the direction Fort Stanton. The guard was to
give early warning of any movements by the Texans in that quarter. When
the Volunteers were ready, they would be dispatched to relieve the
Dragoons. On the 8th, Canby notified Army HQ in Saint
Louis that he would be happy to arm the Coloradan Volunteers, but at
present he only had enough arms for the Nuevo
Méjicanos. He asked for more supplies to be sent from Fort
Leavenworth, signing his correspondences as Colonel of the Nineteenth
Infantry, a new Regular Army unit but it was not deployed in New Mexico.
With this correspondence he enclosed a letter from Governor Gilpin of
the Colorado Territory reporting that the two companies of the 1st
Colorado Volunteer infantry had been recruited. On the 8th Canby also reported to Saint Louis
that the defensive works at Fort Union were nearly complete and could be
turned over to the Volunteers in a day or two. Actually work would go on
for several more months. He also announced that volunteering had slowed
and would be supplemented by martial law. “Governor Connelly will call
out the militia of the Territory, and then force the people to do what
they seem indisposed to do voluntarily.” On the same day, Canby
reported to Governor Connelly the requirements needed for the defense of
the Territory. At total of 3,724 men, two regiments of
Infantry that would enlist for three years, and two of Cavalry for terms
of six months, would eventually sign up. In the beginning, the force of
the regimental organization of Colonel Saint Vrain's First Regiment of
Infantry was not yet complete. They needed two hundred more men to reach
full strength. In Colonel Pino's
Second Regiment only eight companies have been mustered in. There was
still a requirement of at least 400 men to complete the organization of
this regiment. The organization of the cavalry regiments had just begun
with only one company having mustered in. Four other companies were
reported nearly ready, but it would require at 1,200 men to complete the
two regiments and raise them to the maximum. In addition to this force, independent
companies of mounted Volunteers were called for, but only three had been
organized. If the men consented to an extension of their terms of
service it was the intention of command to incorporate these companies
into the cavalry regiments. The expenditure incurred by the Territory in
the organization of these regiments would be defrayed by the Government
of the United States. Once in office, Governor Connelly moved fast.
On September 9th, he issued a proclamation,
“Citizens of New Mexico, your Territory has
been invaded, the integrity of your soil has been attacked, the property
of peaceful and industrious citizens has been destroyed or converted to
the use of the invaders, and the enemy is already at your doors. You
cannot, you must not, hesitate to take up arms in defense of your homes,
firesides and families…” On the 10th of September, Anderson in Santa
Fé informed Roberts at Union Fort Craig that he could not set up an
advanced camp yet, as “none of the companies of mounted volunteers
that were to have been stationed at the Abo
Pass have yet been raised.” The required mounted volunteers would soon
be available. Captain Saturnino
Barrientos with his Independent Mounted Company was sent there on
picket duty. On September 12th through the 20th, the siege and
capture of Lexington, Missouri occurred. On the 16th, Barrientos on picket duty reported that he had captured two men, Teodósio
Aragón and Gregorio Montaño,
whom he believed were Texan collaborators. Four days later Captain Moore
captured another New Mexican in the same area whom he believed was also
a CSA Texan collaborator. His name was Pablo
Diretts (Alderete?). On September 17th, 1861 C.E., Colonel Ceran
Saint Vrain stepped down from command of the 1st Regiment. He went to
his home in Mora to run his
mills. His reason for resigning was given as on “account of a
multiplicity of private business,” which made him unable “to do
justice to myself or be efficient in the service.” The real reason,
stripped of his vague phrasing, had to do with his physical condition.
Nearing 60, overweight, and apoplectic, he was not up to the Herculean
demands on mind and body the job required. Saint Vrain owned two mills
at this time, one at Talpa,
near Ranchos de Taos, and one
at Mora. In 1850 C.E., Saint
Vrain had purchased the millstones called “French buhrstones” in
Kansas and brought them to New Mexico, when he began to supply the US
Army with flour. His first mill at Mora
was built that same year. Throughout the 1850s C.E., and up until the
present, the US Army had been the greatest promoter of commerce within
the New Mexico Territory, with its constant need of flour, hay, corn,
salt, and cattle. Meanwhile along the middle Río
Grande, smallpox and malaria were still ravaging the river towns.
Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts wanted to get his Volunteers out of Union
Fort Craig into the open country. Writing to Colonel Canby from the Fort
on the 17th, he outlined his proposal to keep the Regulars at the Fort
and disperse five companies of Colonel Pino’s 2nd Foot Regiment along the river villages to guard his
supply line. By doing so, escorts would not have to march more than two
days and the defense of the river towns would be increased. Roberts lamented, “The habit of Mexican
soldiers to have their wives follow the Camp, can in this way be
somewhat indulged, as their families can be housed with them, and their
general poverty will find relief in sharing the rations of the men.”
He believed these measures would increase the flow of Volunteers into
the ranks and would also allow him to keep the Regulars and the Mounted
Volunteers at the Fort, ready for any crisis. Of the Mounted Volunteers,
he wrote, “They serve exceeding well for scouting and picket duty.”
This was another unintentional slight, I’m sure. On the 20th of September, Kit Carson took over
in Saint Vrain’s command of the First Regiment. This would later be
formalized by Governor Connelly on October 4th when he promoted Kit
Carson to Colonel and J. Francisco
Cháves to Lieutenant-Colonel. As a result of the vacancies, Captain
Arthur Morrison was promoted to Major and José
Gutiérrez became the Captain of Company B in his place. By the 22nd of September Captain Moore of the
1st Dragoons (1st Cavalry) was reporting in from his camp near Manzano
at Abo Pass. He was searching for a good location for a scout camp for
the Volunteers in order to post them to watch the eastern and
southeastern approaches from the Pecos
River and Fort Stanton. As Barrientos’
company was still in the Manzano
area operating under Captain Moore’s guidance, he ordered them once
again to the vicinity of Fort Stanton. On the same day, Canby reported to Head
Quarters in Saint Louis that recruitment of the Volunteers was
proceeding well. 650 volunteers have been mustered into service. Six
companies of the Fourth Regiment were to be raised in the New Mexico
Territory and the remainder procured in Colorado. Most of these new
recruits were to be members of the Third Regiment. Canby also briefly
reported Lieutenant-Colonel Cháves’
altercation with the Navajós
at Fort Fauntleroy. On September 25th, Captain Mink’s volunteers
clashed with the CSA Texans at Cañada
Alamosa. This time the Volunteers didn’t do well. Mink had just
been sent from Fort Craig to set up an advanced camp there. It seems
from the start that the Captain did not enjoy a good rapport with his
men and things quickly disintegrated. He wanted to set up some
breastworks for the protection of the camp but some of his men had not
cooperated. Later, his pickets reported seeing mounted men.
They were two companies of CSA Texans under the command of a Captain
Coopwood. Sometime after 2:00 a.m. in the morning, Captain Mink’s
volunteers heard noises from the direction of the town. Next, something
stampeded the Union herd of hoses. He dispatched 10 men to retrieve the
mounts, but more than 30 men went to retrieve them. As Mink had already
detailed 15 men for other duties away from camp, he only had about 40
men left in the camp. The Union command was now outnumbered three to
one. Soon came a terrible Indian yell from the direction of the town and
a firefight broke out between the Union and CSA Texans. The Texans next
retreated back to the town. Captain Mink, Lieutenant Medina,
Sergeant Mennett, and some troopers rode out to reconnoiter
the town. There they found over 100 CSA Texans and made their way back
to camp. By daybreak, Mink had only ten men left. Earlier, the Texans had taken a position on a
hill to watch the area for any movement. Once spotted, Mink knew he
could not retreat. Soon, a contingent of about 60 Confederates was about
to charge. Mink surrendered. CSA Captain Coopwood had captured the two
USA officers and 23 enlisted men. The next day, Lieutenant Medina was wounded by friendly fire from members of Mink Company who
had not been captured. Captain Coopwood next held Mink and Medina
as prisoners, paroled the enlisted men, and sent them away. CSA Lieutenant-Colonel Baylor then ordered
Captain Coopwood with 118 men up to Fort Craig to reconnoiter. While
near Fort Thorn (Alamosa),
Coopwood engaged 180 USA troopers, losing two men killed and several
wounded. 12 Union soldiers were killed. Soon, Union Captain Morris of the Mounted
Rifles (3rd US Cavalry) arrived on the scene with Mounted Rifle
companies C, G, and K. He immediately sent word across the River for
Captain Hubbell’s forces to join him. Charles Hubbell, Captain
Hubbell’s brother, led the remainder of the Company to support Morris.
One Union contingent was sent to flank the CSA Texan camp on the right.
Morris’s contingent then advanced until the opposing sides began a
firefight which lasted one hour and forty-two minutes. Once firing
ceased, Morris pulled his troops back, hoping to draw the Texans out of
their position, but the CSA troops wouldn’t follow. Morris then made
camp in the village and the Texans retreated the next day. In what was now called the Confederate
Territory of Arizona, G. H. Oury was re-elected as an Arizona
congressman to the CSA Congress. Governor Baylor approved the
proceedings, and Delegate Oury was sent off to Richmond, Virginia on
October 1, 1861 C.E. On October 1st, CSA Lieutenant-Colonel Baylor
reported to Head Quarters that he had decided to abandon Fort Stanton as
his forces were spread to thinly geographically and were losing too many
soldiers in skirmishes with the Indians. On October 3rd, the Mesilla Times reported that the Apaches
in southern New Mexico were on the warpath. Messages from Pino Alto and the Río Mimbres
region brought surprising news. The small Apache
groups had united as never before and appeared to intent upon the
extermination of the foreigners. In their zeal, they attack a town of
two or three hundred houses in broad daylight. The Confederates
continued having more difficulty with Indians than from Union forces. On the 5th of October, Colonel Roberts at Union
Fort Craig reported to Colonel Canby that all his problems at Fort Craig
stemmed from drink. He charged that all the problems of the Territory
came from the drunkenness of the officers. Chapman at Fort Union was
also beginning to encounter drinking problems. He added in his report
that of the five Independent Volunteer companies under his command, they
did not average 50 men each. Colonel Roberts’ companies under Captain
Hubbell, Captain Mink, Barrientos,
Vidal, and Hatch were just being organized. With Mink and his Lieutenant captured, Captain
James Graydon was on temporary assignment duty in charge of Captain
Mink’s men until his own company could be mustered. Graydon’s
company would not be ready until the end of October. Notes on Union
Captain James Graydon: Captain Patrick
“Paddy” Graydon was born in 1832 C.E. at Lisnakea, Ireland. He came
to the United States in
his teens and joined the US Army, 1st Dragoons, as a bugler. Graydon
arrived in Santa Fé in 1853
C.E. In 1856 C.E., Graydon’s company was sent to present-day southern
Arizona. It was there that he served out his term. At the age of
twenty-six, Graydon left the Army and opened a hotel called Casa
Blanca, in Arizona. The establishment was located near Fort
Buchanan, 60 miles south of Tucson.
He was also the self-proclaimed law in the area. In addition, the
ex-Captain served as a guide to the troops at Fort Buchanan. When the US Army
Dragoons left Fort Buchanan for New Mexico, Graydon accompanied them. He
soon received a commission as a Captain. The Captain was authorized to
recruit an independent company and quickly mustered 84 Hispanos
from Lemitar, New Mexico. There were those that saw Graydon as the most
colorful man of the era, a quintessential western, self-made man. It was
thought that he was also more in tune with the culture of the Hispanos,
as he could motivate a large number of volunteers quickly. Due to events in the south, during October,
Colonel Canby had decided to assign more of his forces to the middle
reserve point in Albuquerque,
between Fort Craig and Fort Union. He ordered the Regimental
Headquarters and four companies of the 1st Volunteer Regiment there.
This included companies I, K, E, & H. The four companies finally
left for Albuquerque on the
15th, with Chacón as their
designated battalion commander. Sometime in mid-October, the trading company
owned by the Speigelberg Brothers was officially designated as the
Sutler for the 1st Regiment at Fort Union, selling provisions to the
Volunteer troopers. They found space next to the other Sutler who
selling to the Regulars, William H. Moore. As the Volunteers and the
Regulars hadn’t been paid for some time, both Sutlers must have
allowed credit. Contrary to Army regulations, liquor was getting to the
troopers at the Fort, leaving some too drunk to work. Though there was
no proof as to who selling the liquor, the Speigelberg Brothers were
accused. They responded that their agent on site had been carefully
instructed not to sell any liquor to the troops. It was stopped. Colonel
Canby again reminded Chapman about the eight mile limit rule and
reauthorized him to clear out the rumrunners. Another problem was
occurring at Fort Union. Its jails becoming crowded with alleged CSA
sympathizers. On October 11th, Colonel Canby wrote to
Governor Gilpin in Colorado stating that he was disappointed in the lack
of recruits in Colorado. It had been Canby’s plan that the Coloradans
would relieve his Regulars at two forts. One was Fort Wise,
previously Fort Fauntleroy,
for duty in New Mexico. The other was Fort Garland, the gateway to the San Luís Valley
in Costilla
County, Colorado. These delays in raising Volunteers in Colorado
were further exacerbated by Captain Vidal’s
Independent Company being mustered out on October 12, 1861 C.E. On the 18th of October, Captain Samuel Archer
commanding the middle reserve point in Albuquerque
received Companies I and K 1st Regiment under the command of Deus’ and
Chacón, respectively. At his
post they said their oaths of allegiance. Deus was having problems
obtaining mounts for his company which had been recruited as cavalry,
but had been mustered in as infantry. Companies I & K remained at Albuquerque.
Companies E & H continued south to Lemitar on temporary assignment,
escorting a supply train on its way to Fort Craig before their return to
Fort Union. Kit Carson and the Regimental Staff established
their Headquarters there at Albuquerque
on October 19th. At this time, he was engaged in raising recruits to
fill out the regiment, as well as training the troopers he had. The
remaining companies of the 1st Regiment remained at Fort Union under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Cháves. There, his Hispanos continued working on the star fort,
field works. By late-October, 1861 C.E., the CSA San
António regiments were filled, armed, trained, and the expedition
was ready to proceed. Sibley had raised three regiments, the 4th, 5th,
and 7th Texas Mounted Volunteers. The 7th was raised almost as an
afterthought for use primarily for garrison duty in Mesilla
in conquered Arizona Territory. These regiments were temporarily
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel William Reed Scurry who was actually
second-in-command of the 4th. His superior, Colonel James Riley, had
been detached for diplomatic duty in Méjico. His subordinates were Colonel Tom Green and Colonel William
Steele. Sibley's total force numbered approximately 2,500 men. Sibley
had also been able to obtain two howitzer batteries which he assigned,
one each to Scurry and Green. Once again, the bearer of bad news, Colonel
Canby’s report to headquarters in Saint Louis on the 20th informed
that nothing had changed. He had 12 companies of Regulars and 11 of
Volunteers now stationed at Fort Craig. Two of the Cavalry companies had
been combined into an artillery battery of four tubes, two 6#, and two
12# howitzers. These would soon to be on their way to Fort Craig. The
garrison troops for Forts Garland and Wise from Colorado had not yet
been provided and recruiting was going very slowly in New Mexico. By October
21st, in Virginia, a small Union force was overwhelmed and
crushed at Ball's Bluff. This included a friend and ally of President
Abraham Lincoln. Political repercussions of that battle would outstrip
its military significance. By the 22nd of October, duties previously the
responsibility of the 1st Regiment, were now assigned to companies of
the 3rd Regiment. Their troopers were being sent out on patrols east and
southeast of Fort Union, New Mexico. On the 23rd, Colorado Governor Gilpin wrote to
Colonel Canby. He advised Canby that there could be as many as 7,500
well-organized CSA sympathizers in his Territory. At present, the
sympathizers had withdrawn. It was thought that they had left in order
to gain strength from the surrounding Native tribes and become a
formidable foe. He also suggested to Canby that they would soon return
in force in the eastern part of the Territory. Since the land there had
no natural defenses the Governor would require a large number volunteers
to resist them. It was also Gilpin’s opinion that the CSA sympathizers
also intended to capture Fort Garland and Fort Wise (previously Fort
Fauntleroy), in New Mexico. Given these circumstances, he would be
unable to send aid to New Mexico. The combined stage and Pony Express stations
along the Central Route across Utah and Nevada were joined by the first
transcontinental telegraph stations which were completed on October
24, 1861 C.E. From Salt Lake City, the telegraph line followed much of
the Mormon-California-Oregon trail(s) to Omaha, Nebraska. Soon after the
completion of the telegraph system, the Pony Express was terminated. Also on October 24, 1861 C.E., the Virginia
voters in the counties for proposed statehood of West Virginia had their
say. They affirmed their allegiance to the USA by voting for the
creation of the new state. Back in New Mexico, Colonel Canby continued to
keep a close watch on the officers of the 2nd Regiment. On the 30th,
Captain Alexander McRae of the Army Regulars reported that Colonel Miguel Pino was absent without leave in Santa Fé. McRae reported that as Pino had not gained any new recruits, “That this want of success
is due to a lack of exertion on the part of the officers detailed for
this duty is plain from the fact that Captain Graydon of the independent
Mounted Volunteers, who has just returned here, after an absence of less
than eight days, has succeeded in raising sixty men. …the aggregate of
the four volunteer companies (of the 2nd Regiment) is…” Here, there
is an assertion that Colonel Pino should have tried Graydon’s
successful recruiting methods, but chose not to due to a lack of
interest. To make matters worse, the remainder of Captain John Mink’s
company had mustered out the day before. Now, Captain Hubbell’s
company mustered out on the same day. As Mink could not reenlist,
Hubbell’s brother Charles proceeded to organize a new company which
became Company B of the 5th Mounted Volunteer Regiment. Charles would
remain as a 1st Lieutenant. The 2nd Lieutenant, Francisco
Aragón decided to leave and join the Peréa
Battalion as a Captain. Captain
Aragón then proceeded to recruit his own company. The local
constables combed the countryside and provided him with 74 volunteers. On that same 30th of October, Captain Barrientos
was still near Manzano. He was
having trouble with Marauding Indians stealing horses. At Abo,
near today’s village of Mountainair, New Mexico,
Navajó raiders had stolen most of the horses belonging to Captain Gonzáles’
and Captain Sarracino’s
companies. Barrientos had
chased the thieves with fifty-seven men. Fifty-eight horses were
recaptured, one was killed by a Native, and another injured. Peréa's
Battalion, New Mexico Militia Infantry, New Mexico Mounted Infantry was
organized at large for the defense of New Mexico from November, 1861 C.E.
through December, 1861 C.E.,. The unit would be mustered out later on
February 28, 1862 C.E. The following members of the de
Ribera (Rivera) clan were
attached to this unit:
The 5th Regiment, New Mexico Infantry was
organized at Albuquerque, New
Mexico in November, 1861 C.E. It would remain on duty there until
February, 1862 C.E. The unit would see action later at Valverde,
New Mexico on February 21, 1862 C.E. It would also participate in an
engagement at Glorieta or
Pigeon Ranch on March 28, 1862 C.E. After that, it remained on duty in
Central, Northern, and Santa Fé Districts
until May 31, 1862 C.E., when it was mustered out. The
Union Army would again be defeated in Missouri on November 7, 1861 C.E.,
this time at The Battle of Belmont. Also on November 7th,
the Battle of Port Royal Sound, South Carolina was fought.
It was located between Savannah, Georgia, and the city of
Charleston, South Carolina. The Sound was guarded by two forts, Fort
Walker on Hilton Head Island to the south and Fort Beauregard
on Phillip's Island to the north. They were built on opposite
sides of its entrance. A small force of four CSA gunboats supported
the forts, but had little effect on the battle’s outcome. The Battle
was one of the earliest amphibious operations of the American
Civil War. A USA Navy fleet and USA Army expeditionary
force together captured Port Royal Sound. On November 9, 1861 C.E., the Sibley Brigade
from San António, Texas,
started its 650 mile trek to Arizona. Due to the scarcity of water along
the desert route, the regiments were divided into small groups which
marched a day apart from each other. Each regiment was accompanied by a
beef herd and a wagon train, lengthening the column considerably. Here, we must stop and discuss the unfortunate
experiences of New Mexico Militia that had been dragooned. As the number
of men enlisting voluntarily remained low, men who had not joined the
Volunteers or Militia were soon “dragooned” or rounded up. One
example is this one. When the men were delivered to the New Mexico
Militia, those rounding them up turned in receipts such as the
following: The United States to O. P. Hovey, November 13, 1861 C.E., For
amount paid for Collecting recruits from the 3d Division for Captain Francisco
Aragón’s Company as per….vouchers herewith viz: For Amount paid
Expressmen, constable, $68.75. (signed) Francisco
Aragón, Capitan, N.M. Militia. By November, 1861 C.E., Governor Connelly had
appointed Oliver (O). P. Hovey as the commander of all New Mexico
Militia with the rank of Major-General and his Adjutant, General Charles P. Clever. As noted before, there wasn’t enough
money to supply the New Mexico militia. Interestingly, there was enough
to pay these and their administration. Why was there a need for a
commander of all New Mexico Militia charged with enlistment? Critical
here, is the fact that Americans in the northern states had not done
well in recruitment. There, only small percentages of men enlisted
voluntarily. A draft had to be invoked in order to bring up the numbers
of those serving. In fact, it has been suggested that some Americans
stood on the docks to find the next pauper just off a boat from Europe
to bribe, in order to pay him to be drafted in their place. One must first ask the question, why was there
a need to have these Nuevo Méjicanos
dragooned? For one thing, to
the Nuevo Méjicano Peónes this war being fought by Américano
foreigners didn’t make any sense? Another reason was that most of the
men knew that their families would be left hungry and exposed to Indian
attacks back home. There are many more reasons for their reticence which
cannot be answered sufficiently here. So why, once dragooned into service, did
Nuevo Méjicanos performed so well once engaged in their duties? To
be sure, there were certainly many opportunities to desert on the lonely
New Mexican frontier, but by and large they didn’t. There were a few Hispanos
who deserted, however, less than those in the Anglo companies on the
frontier. The Anglo companies’ desertion rates were sometimes as high
as 25%. In California, entire companies of US Regulars deserted for the
riches of the gold fields. It should be noted that thousands of Nuevo
Méjicanos did show up willingly, or unwillingly, and stayed on
duty. This they did despite poor food, hard labor, loneliness, and the
lack of pay or slow pay. To compound this enforced enlistment and
service, they served under constant disparagement from the foreigners
they served with. Yet they served and served well! So why, once dragooned, did Nuevo
Méjicanos fight so well under Americans? Why did the Nuevo
Méjicanos respond well to men like James Hubbell, Paddy Graydon,
Kit Carson, and others? And why did they supposedly fight so poorly
under other Anglo officers? The answer explained by Kit Carson who said
that, “When well officered, their courage is unquestionable.”
That statement also goes to the issues of loyalty and courage.
For almost 300 years, Nuevo Méjicanos
had been forced to defend themselves alone and unaided. Help was over
800 miles away in Méjico
City, the Virriento of Nuéva España and
later, Méjico’s capital.
With difficulties on a continual basis, they appreciated and respected
competent leadership and intelligent assertiveness. For centuries in the Nuevo Méjico provincia a
great deal had been asked of them. In this semi-arid, unforgiving land
with its hard winters and long-hot summers, the environment alone
exacted a tremendous toll. The lack of water was a persistent curse
which had for generations caused crop failure. Dependence on horses,
mules, cows, cattle, and pigs for subsistence demanded hard labor and
continued vigilance to keep them well and safe. Surrounded on all sides
by the Greater Indian Nations and tribes, the Navajó,
Apache, Comanche, Utes,
and other marauders brought hundreds of years of continual warfare with
its death and destruction. These Hispano
Nuevo Méjicanos expected a
great deal of themselves, and in turn, they demanded even more from
their leaders. If competent leadership and intelligent assertiveness was
the bar, men like Colonel Canby and the majority of his subordinates
could never gain their respect. By the end of 1861 C.E., Canby’s
actions did not inspire. His appearing confused, indecisive, and having
failed his command, made him few friends or admirers.
Hispanos saw Canby as a
man with misplaced priorities, the building forts and stand in line for
roll call his first considerations. The retaking of Mesilla,
Fort Fillmore, Fort Stanton, and Fort Bliss would have been what a man
of intelligent assertiveness would have focused upon. Action would have
satisfied many a volunteer. To add insult to injury, Canby had
restricted the troops from responding to Indian depredations. For the Nuevo
Méjicanos generations of marauding by their long-time Indian
enemies, was personal to the Hispanos.
In their eyes, Canby had failed the most basic test of competent
leadership. CSA Sibley departed with his Brigade staff from
San António on its 650 mile
trek to Arizona on November 18, 1861 C.E. Delegate G. H. Oury was not initially seated in
the CSA Congress. He did, however, meet with Confederate States leaders
as well as President Jefferson Davis. While Oury was there, Texas
Congressman John Reagan introduced a bill on November 22, 1861 C.E. for
then formal creation of the CSA Territory of Arizona. On November 28, 1861 C.E., the CSA recognized the pro-Confederate Missouri claimants.
The CSA then laid claim to the state, granting them Congressional
representation. In
the South, by December 1861 C.E., CSA cavalry leader J.E.B. Stuart
fought a small affair at Dranesville, Virginia. All of the military
actions fought in 1861 C.E. combined would not equal in scope a single
day of the famous battles fought later in the war. The Peréa
Battalion was raised by Colonel Francisco
Peréa to serve for three months as the 3rd New Mexico Militia
Division, but referred to historically as the Peréa
Battalion. During the summer of 1861 C.E., Peréa
helped raise the 2nd Regiment. By December 1861 C.E., he would muster his own unit at his own expense. Peréa’s
unit would recruit almost 500 men in five companies to serve for three
months. Besides Aragón, the other four captains in the battalion would be Juan
de Días (Díos?) Baca, Francisco
Montoya, Augusto del Balle, and John R. Hubbell. It appears that recruitment
for the militia was so difficult at the time that men had to be pressed
into service at gunpoint. In the USA’s
Territory of New Mexico, Romero's
Independent Company A, New Mexico Militia Infantry was established for a
3 month period, from 1861 C.E. through 1862 C.E. The following members
of the de Ribera (Rivera) clan were attached to this unit:
Ortíz y
Alaríd’s Independent
Company, New Mexico Infantry was organized at large for 3 months, from
1861 C.E. through 1862 C.E. The following members of the de
Ribera (Rivera) clan were
attached to this unit:
On the first of December, Union Colonel Canby
reported from New Mexico to Headquarters in Saint Louis in his usual
anxious and depressed tone. The Indian attacks had become worse. In
fact, the Nuevo Méjicanos
were under pressure from all sides. Some Navajós
were in from the west and marauding, the Mescalero
Apaches had come in from the southeast and east and were raising
havoc, Kiowas, and Comanches
were invading from the north and northeast. He stated truthfully that
the Indian raiders usually fell upon the peaceful Navajós.
It is also true that there were a few Nuevo
Méjicanos who sometimes plundered the Navajós,
thus complicating the situation. Colonel Canby’s potential plans were
to if necessary eradicate the Indians in the Region or intern them in
some for away place. Canby’s other continued complaint was that his
forces still greatly lacked adequate supplies. What is also correct is that this vicious cycle
of marauding was centuries old. The Nuevo
Méjicanos under both España and
Méjico were never given the
necessary resources to adequately deal with the situation. The one
attempt by the Españoles to
establish force the Indians onto a reservation in the 1700s C.E. had
been was an absolute failure. Therefore, implementing either of
Canby’s plans was not an option. When the Indians were not marauding
and raiding they were good trade partners. In short, New Mexico of 1861
C.E had no good solution. Later, unfortunately for the Navajós
and Mescaleros, Canby’s words turned would turn out to be true. On the 4th of December, Colonel Canby had not
yet completed his investigation. No formal charges were yet preferred
against Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel
Cháves of the Second Regiment. Yet, Cháves
was formally relieved of his command at Fort Fauntleroy and sent to Albuquerque
to be placed under house arrest by Colonel Kit Carson. Carson offered Cháves the choice of staying at his own home instead of at the post
facilities. With either choice, he would remain subject to the same
conditions of arrest given his situation. Cháves’
commanding officer, Colonel Manuel
Pino, proceeded with the promotion of Major Jesús
M. Baca y Salazar to Lieutenant-Colonel and Captain Manuel D. Pino to Major. Rafael
Ortíz y Cháves was also promoted in place, from 1st Lieutenant to
Captain of Company A. Captain Andrew W. Evans of the 6th US Cavalry was
then given command of the three companies of the Second Regiment at the
Fort. In today’s Tulsa County, Oklahoma,
on December 9th, there was an engagement at Chusto-Talasah,
Indian Territory which took place in bad weather. The Battle of
Chusto-Talasah also known as Bird Creek, Caving Banks,
and High Shoal was fought at what is now Tulsa County,
Oklahoma. This was one of a series of battles fought in December,
between the CSA Cherokee and Choctaw Indians and the
USA’s Creek and Seminole Indians which were led by the
Muscogee Creek chief Opothleyahola. Chief Opothleyahola had known the
Confederates were on their way but did not lose faith. It was the second
of three battles in the campaign for the control of Indian
Territory during the American Civil War. Chief Opothleyahola’s Union force was in a
strong position at Chusto-Talasah on the Horseshoe Bend of Bird
Creek. His troops were holding in an area with heavy timber. 1,300
CSA troops under the command of Colonel Douglas H. Cooper would not
be deterred. They attacked the USA India troops. The battle raged for
almost four hours. The Confederates attacked and attempted to outflank
the Federal troops. The Union forces were finally driving across Bird
Creek just before dark. For some reason the Confederates but did not
pursue the Federals. Instead, after the Battle, the CSA troops camped
there overnight. In the end, the CSA claimed victory. For the
Confederates, this was only a minor tactical victory. Later in the
month, they would win a resounding one at Chustenahlah. The CSA
casualties at Chusto-Talasah were 15 killed and 37 wounded.
The USA forces lost an estimated 500 troops. Following the defeat, the
Union military forces Chief Opothleyahola left the area. They
headed northeastward in search of security which they found it at Round
Mountain. In Kentucky on December 10, 1861
C.E., the CSA recognized the pro-CSA claimants and laid claim to
the state, granting them Congressional representation. On December 12, 1861 C.E., Sibley had at last
arrived. He took command instead of Lieutenant-Colonel Baylor. Baylor
found himself reduced to the position of a harried bureaucrat in charge
of a struggling territory. His visions of empire would apparently have
to wait...at least until Sibley headed north. Passing his San António Brigade along the road, Sibley arrived at Fort Bliss a
few days ahead of them on December 13, 1861 C.E. There, he established
his headquarters and took command of all forces in the region, including
Baylor's men. The renamed all forces now under him, the Confederate Army
of New Mexico. While waiting for his extended columns to arrive, Sibley
issued a proclamation "to the people of New Mexico" announcing
his upcoming campaign, promising protection and prosperity to "the
peaceful people of the country." He warned, however, that
"those who co-operate with the enemy...must be prepared to share
their fate."
Local recruitment was moving slowly, and the
CSA Texans were falling victim not only to Union skirmishers and raiding
Apaches, but to smallpox and
other diseases as well. During the autumn months, word had arrived
of large Union forces gathering in California and Méjico.
There were also reports of heavy reinforcements from Kansas soon
expected to augment Colonel Canby's 2,500 the Unions troops now
concentrated at nearby Fort Craig and Fort Union, northeast of Santa
Fé. Lieutenant-Colonel Baylor, without hesitating
to confirm the rumors, feared an imminent and overwhelming gathering of
these forces at or near Mesilla.
He ordered preparations for immediate evacuation. The local citizens,
reacting to Baylor's panic, began packing and fleeing to Méjico.
Soon more accurate information arrived, indicating that the rumors were,
so far at least, unfounded. Baylor soon hero came under scathing verbal
attack, especially by Robert Kelly, editor of the Mesilla
Times. During the panic, this leading advocate of Arizona secession,
after printing erroneous reports, and thus adding to the public
hysteria, dismantled his press and had it shipped across the border.
Embarrassed, he became Baylor's greatest critic, "Such a stampede
was never witnessed, save at Manassas." The difference between
Manassas and Mesilla was that the local stampede lacked "a fight or even a
sight of the enemy." CSA troops undertook a
campaign in the Indian Territory to subdue pro-Union Native
Americans and consolidate Confederate control there. In command of
the CSA Indian Department, Colonel Douglas H. Cooper planned a
coordinated,
combined attack on the Union camp
at Chustenahlah with CSA Colonel James M. McIntosh.
They were to move against it with each of their columns coming from
different directions. McIntosh left Fort Gibson on December
22nd, with 1,380 men. It was only on December 25th, that he learned that
Colonel Cooper’s force would not be joining him immediately for the
assault. Despite being outnumbered and severely cold weather conditions,
McIntosh decided to launch the attack on the following day. It was to be
the third and final engagement over the Indian Territory between the
North and the South. December 26, 1861 C.E., CSA
Colonel James M. McIntosh’s force engaged the USA forces
at Chustenahlah near Skiatook, Oklahoma. The Colonel attacked at
noon. 1,700 pro-Union Creek and Seminole defenders along the slope of a
rugged hill were secluded in the underbrush. Colonel McIntosh devised a
plan to converge on the crest of the hill with one force and use the
South Kansas-Texas Cavalry or the 3rd Texas to charge directly up the
steep bluff on foot. The 11th Texas was to advance to their left using a
narrow pass between hills marching in a column for
concealment. The 6th Texas was to circle to the right. For almost four hours, the Confederate attack would attempt to outflank
the Union troops and drive them east across Bird Creek. As the Confederates attacked, the Union Creeks
and Seminoles began to fall back. They took cover for a short period and
then continued moving back. The retreat soon became a rout as the
Federals reached their camp. The Union Indians attempted to make a stand
at their camp, but were forced away again by 4:00 p.m. The survivors
began fleeing, many making their way to Kansas, hoping to find loyal
Unionists. Three hundred Cherokees under Confederate Colonel Cherokee
Chief, Stand Watie, intercepted the fleeing Union Creeks and
Seminoles, killing 15 of them. Sonuk Mikko’s band of Union
Seminole Indians had attempted to cover the rear after the battle
against Cherokee chief Stand Watie. In the aftermath, Chief
Opothleyahola’s band could mount no further resistance. Nearly 2,000
of them died on or shortly after the trek to Fort Row, Kansas. Most
died due to exposure and disease. The survivors eventually settled near
Fort Belmont, in southern Woodson County, Kansas. There more
members of Opothleyahola’s band died of exposure and starvation during
the winter. Also, by the end of 1861 C.E. approximately,
1,000,000 men of the armed forces of the South and the North, as the
warring states of the divided Union, were confronting each other across
battle lines. These stretched some 1,200 miles from Virginia to
Missouri. At the end of that year, the CSA would consist
of eleven states: ·
Virginia ·
North
Carolina ·
South
Carolina ·
Georgia ·
Florida ·
Alabama ·
Mississippi ·
Tennessee ·
Louisiana ·
Arkansas ·
Texas 1862 C.E. had arrived, and both sides, Union
and Confederate, understood the importance of defending their respective
capital cities against the enemy’s military threats. This knowledge
would result in each side vigorously attacking the enemy army. The
armies of the USA and CSA would make it a fight to the death, often on
that relatively small strip of land situated between Washington and
Richmond in the Virginia countryside. The Union had made attempts by way
of the narrow central Virginia corridor to dislodge determined CSA
defenders in the CSA capital at Richmond. The Union command would next
create a well-developed plan for using waterway routes to reach areas
close to the CSA capital. Once recognized, the immense,
effective might of the Union’s naval forces would continue to be used
to advantage over the course of the War. On the CSA side, early
successes had offered several opportunities to take the war north into
Maryland and Pennsylvania. Once there, it was their plan to threaten the
Union’s Capital in Washington. The consequence of these failed
attempts by each side was to be several years of extraordinarily bloody
war. In the South, for three long years, from 1862
C.E. to 1865 C.E., General Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia
would hold off Union invasions and attacks on the South by the Union
Army of the Potomac. The major fighting would begin in 1862 C.E.
with the great battles of Tennessee at Shiloh, Gaines' Mill, the
Second Battle of Manassas, in Virginia at Fredericksburg, and in
Maryland at Antietam. These battles would foreshadow even
larger campaigns with their various battles in subsequent years. From Pennsylvania
at Gettysburg, to Mississippi at Vicksburg on the Chickamauga
Creek, to Georgia at Atlanta, bloody battles were to be fought. By the spring of 1862 C.E., the Border States
would be secured. A string of Union victories at Forts Henry and
Donelson, Pea Ridge, Shiloh, Island No. 10, and New Orleans would show
Union resolve and power. These defeats would lead many to believe that
the Confederacy was in its death throes. The North's blockade of CSA ports had taken
longer than expected. Denying the CSA access to much-needed foreign war
materiel and manufactured goods and keeping them from exporting cotton
had not been as successful had been hoped for. Soon, however, the
long-term, multi-year strategy for the blockade would work. The noose
would continue to tighten and Confederate ports would fall to Union
forces, one by one. The Union’s amphibious plans to regain
control of the Mississippi River would also begin in 1862 C.E. Initially
thwarted, eventually Grant's successful Vicksburg Campaign of 1863 C.E.,
and the subsequent fall of Port Hudson would bring about the control of
the important waterway. Closing down the South's most important
commercial waterway, would also sever the Confederacy on a north/south
axis. In the American West and Southwest, by 1862 C.E.,
the war would enlarge. In the Theater of the West, nearly all of the men
who volunteered as Union soldiers would stay within the Department
of the Pacific to guard forts and other facilities, occupy secessionist
regions, and fight Indians in the western territories. Some 2,350 men in
the California Column would march east across Arizona in 1862
C.E. to aid in the expulsion of the Confederates from Arizona and New
Mexico. The California Column would then spend most of the remainder of
the war fighting hostile Indians in those areas. By 1862 C.E., the American West and Southwest
would see a speedier integration into the greater America transportation
system. Mail and stage routes to the new US western territories had been
laid out and would begin to function well. These tied the newly annexed
areas closer to the nation. This also meant more efficient and effective
communications which could aid the Union’s war efforts. In New Mexico by 1862 C.E., Vicentita Ribera Vigil
the daughter of José Luís Ribera,
my progenitor, was born in New Mexico. BIRTH: 1862 C.E. At: San
Miguel County, New Mexico, USA DEATH: November 13, 1946 C.E. (aged 83–84) At: San
Miguel County, New Mexico, USA BURIAL: Saint Anthony's Catholic Church
Cemetery Pecos, San
Miguel County, New Mexico, USA MEMORIAL ID: 116139248 Vicentita Ribera Vigil
married Pedro Vigil in Pecos,
New Mexico The
daughter of José Luís Ribera
(1811 C.E.-1891 C.E.) and Isabel Martín Ribera
(1816 C.E.-1880 C.E.), Vicentita Ribera Vigil,
was born in 1862 C.E. in Pecos,
New Mexico.
Burial: In 1862 C.E., two members of the de
Ribera (Rivera) clan serve in Sena's
Company A, of the 1st New Mexico Militia for two months:
In short order, the furthest west the American
Civil War would come was to the small town of Pecos, New Mexico. Its beautiful old Saint Anthony’s Catholic
Church would be built at the beginning of 1862 C.E., in the home of my
progenitors, the de Riberas. From January
through June of 1862 C.E.,
Union forces would drive their way deep into the South. This followed
earlier defeats at Mill Springs, Kentucky, Forts Henry and Donelson,
Tennessee, and Pea Ridge, Arkansas. The thrust would force CSA forces to
abandon southern Kentucky, much of Middle and West Tennessee, and
southwest Missouri. And senior CSA
military commander, Joe Johnston, would be forced to abandon his
long-held lines around Manassas in early-March 1862
C.E. and withdrew his troops toward Richmond. In the first part of that year, the CSA’s
Sibley waited for his regiments to complete their long march through the
desert and prepare themselves for the upcoming campaign. During those
first two weeks of January, 1862 C.E., Brigadier-General Sibley’s army
moved slowly north through the Mesilla
Valley and began to concentrate in the vicinity of Fort Thorn. Ninety
miles north, lay Fort Craig, Sibley's first objective. He would then
dispatch his diplomatic envoy, Colonel Reily, into neighboring Chihuahua
to attempt to persuade the Méjicano
authorities to help the CSA cause. First, he wanted them to prevent
Union advances from that direction. Secondly, Sibley wanted the Méjicanos to become a source of supply for his army. He would then
select the abandoned Union post at Fort Thorn, forty miles up the Río
Grande from Mesilla, as the base from which he would begin his conquest of New
Mexico Territory. In order to open and maintain the roads to the
west, CSA Sibley ordered the Arizona Rangers, a 60-man company that had
been raised by Baylor, to move immediately to Tucson.
While enroute, the Rangers would serve as escort to Colonel Reily,
headed for a second diplomatic mission, this time to Sonora. His
first effort had produced mixed results. Governor
Terrazas of Chihuahua had
so far proved reluctant to honor the request to deny Union transit over
his soil. He did at least agree to permit the purchase of supplies for
Sibley's army. For whatever it was worth, Reily interpreted the Méjicano leader's response as "the first official recognition
of the Government of the Confederacy by a foreign power." His
visit to Sonora would involve
a request to permit the establishment of a Confederate supply base at
the port of Guaymas. This, of
course, would be a partial fulfillment of Baylor's original plan of
conquest, providing the Confederacy with a connection to the Pacific.
The presence in Tucson of the
Arizona Rangers, under Captain Sherod Hunter, a strong Baylor supporter,
could also provide the means for a revival of the remainder of
Baylor's dream. After two months of debate, legislation was
passed on January 13, 1862 C.E., officially making the Territory of
Arizona a CSA state. On
January 19, 1862 C.E. Battle of Mill Springs was fought in
Kentucky. In late-January 1862 C.E., Brigadier-General
Sibley in charge of the CSA Army of New Mexico remained overly
confident. From his headquarters in El
Paso, Texas, his invasion force consisting of three regiments of
cavalry and a battery of artillery was now in the USA Territory of New
Mexico. He had previously issued a proclamation to the people of New
Mexico announcing his intention to take possession of the Territory
and he meant to do it. His immediate plan was to take Fort Craig, then
move upriver to occupy Albuquerque
and Santa Fé, the territorial
capital. New Mexico's lifeline, the Río
Grande, would then be under Sibley's control. In effect, the
territory would be his. He could then move further north into his first
prize, Colorado. He could next strike out west into California. As the main route to California, the USA’s
New Mexico Territory had become disputed Sibley
had no choice but to take it. This southern region of the
Territory which had been carved out earlier by the Gadsden
Purchase and had become a place in which new settlers willingly join the Confederate
States of America. Much of the rest of the present-day state of New
Mexico northern area would remain loyal to the Union. The
significant CSA push to seize the Territory would result in what was
called the New Mexico Campaign, battles taking place from February
1862 C.E. to April 1862 C.E. The Arizona Organic Act to organize
the USA Arizona Territory passed the US Senate in February 1862 C.E.,
without the Tucson as capital
stipulation which had been demanded. Later, in March, 1862 C.E., the
USA’s House of Representatives, now devoid of the southern delegates
and controlled by Republicans, would pass a bill to create the United
States Arizona Territory using the north-south border of the 107th
meridian. The use of a north-south border rather than an east-west one
had the effect of denying a de facto ratification of the
Confederate Arizona Territory. That US house bill would stipulate that Tucson
was to be capital and that slavery was to be abolished in the new
territory. The 2nd Regiment, New Mexico Infantry remained
attached for duty to the Department of New Mexico at Fort Craig, New
Mexico, until February, 1862 C.E. It was to see action at Valverde,
New Mexico on February 21, 1862 C.E. The 2nd would remain on duty in
Central, Northern, and Santa Fé
Districts until May, 1862 C.E. That same month, on May 31, 1862 C.E. it
would be consolidated with the 1st New Mexico Infantry to form the 1st
New Mexico Cavalry. From February 6th-16th, 1862 C.E., the Forts
Henry and Donelson Campaign took place in Tennessee. Between February 7th and 8th, 1862 C.E., the Battle
of Roanoke Island, an amphibious
operation, was fought in the North
Carolina Sounds a short distance south of the Virginia border. It was
the opening phase of what came to be called the Burnside
Expedition. On
February 9, 1862 C.E., a USA Army detachment was organized at Fort
Craig, New Mexico. It remained on duty at Fort Craig until April 1862
C.E. They would see action at Valverde,
New Mexico, on February 21, 1862 C.E. The detachment would also see
action again at Albuquerque on
April 8, 1862 C.E. From April 13, 1862 C.E. through April 22, 1862 C.E.,
they would purse CSA forces. The Unit would be mustered out on April 29,
1862 C.E. The following two de
Riberas (Rivera) belonged to it:
Meanwhile, the newly minted CSA proclaimed the
Confederate Arizona Territory on February 14, 1862 C.E., north
to the 34th parallel. President Jefferson Davis of the
Confederate States issued a proclamation regarding The Territory of
Arizona. Davis officially proclaimed the Territory of Arizona as part of
the Confederacy. A critical link between Texas and California had been
established. He said, "I, Jefferson Davis, President of the
Confederate States of America, do issue this, my proclamation, declaring
said "Act to organize the Territory of Arizona" to be in full
force and operation, and that I have proceeded to appoint the officers
therein provided to be appointed in and for said Territory." Marcus
H. MacWillie would serve in both Confederate Congresses as
Arizona's delegate. Exactly fifty years later, on the same date, Arizona
would be made a state of the Union in 1912 C.E. Here
begins the unfortunate story of the American Civil War Battle of Valverde. This Battle fought in
the year 1862 C.E., matters to some of those that are descendents of the
original Hispano Nuevo Méjicano
settlers of the region who participated in that war. The following two
Union Army officers from New Mexico and members of the de
Ribera (Ribera or Rivera)
clan served there as officers were:
Second
Lieutenant Seberiano Ribera,
Company G, 1st Regiment, New Mexico Infantry (New)
As we shall soon find out, there was a battle
at fought by Union and Confederation forces at Valverde, New Mexico. Accounts of that battle remain a point of
contention between those who carry the banner for USA Anglo-American and
Norther European Regulars and those who support members of the USA Hispano
Nuevo Méjicano Volunteers. As a personal note, I believe one must question
rumors, true or false. In this regard, rumors about the failure of two
companies of Union Nuevo Méjicanos
led by Captains Santiago Hubbell and William Mortimore to do their duty. It has been
suggested that during that Battle, they broke from their assigned
positions. This, they supposedly did at a critical time when they were
to support and defend the Union Captain Alexander McRae’s battery. One might ask how is it possible that the
service and sacrifice made by New Mexican natives could be questioned in
light of the facts. For example, of the troops fighting in the battle of
Valverde, the one suffering
the second highest number of casualties was Captain Santiago
Hubbell's Company B, 5th New Mexico Infantry Volunteers. That company
was on the front lines of the Battle of Valverde,
defending the battery of Captain McRae. From a company of 74 men, 39
(53% of the total company) were killed, wounded, or missing in action.
These casualties do not suggest that these Hispano
Nuevo Méjicanos were cowardly,
panicked, deserted their posts, and retreated. In addition, whether the two commanding
officers of the New Mexico battles, the CSA’s Colonel Sibley, and the
USA’s Colonel Canby were brothers-in-laws, and may have kept the truth
in the family, so to speak, is not at issue. Nor is it important that
they may have been on earlier military campaign together. What is more
important is that they gave of themselves to a great American cause.
They fought for this nation and its eventual reunion. By this time, the ongoing fighting for the USA
Territory of New Mexico began to escalate. The CSA Army of New Mexico’s 2,500
troops from Fort Bliss, Texas, pushed northward along the Río
Grande. Under the command of CSA Army Brigadier-General Sibley,
it hoped to soon meet Colonel Edward R.S. Canby’s USA forces in
battle. Sibley’s force would briefly occupy southern New Mexico
Territory after arriving there in February 1862 C.E. Sibley's goal was
to seize Fort Craig on the Río
Grande south of Socorro in
order to strengthen the CSA’s foothold in New Mexico. From there, it
was planned to push north to Colorado. Colonel Canby, the Union
commander with overall responsibility for the New Mexico military
Department and the Fort, would move to halt this assault. USA Territory of
New Mexico’s Governor Connelly had arrived at the federal stronghold
at Fort Craig for a briefing. There, the Union commander Canby
assured the governor that he had approximately 4,000 men, of whom 1,200
were US Army Regular, and all were prepared to engage. On February
20, 1862 C.E. through February 21,
1862 C.E. they would have that opportunity. They would experience
a hard-fought battle, known as the Battle of Valverde.
After his meeting with the Governor, USA
Colonel Canby had left Fort Craig with a combined force of Regulars and
Volunteers. His plan was to stop the CSA forces from crossing the Río
Grande. Canby’s force of 3,800 troops including 2,500 Hispano
from northern New Mexico, soldiers
of the New Mexico Volunteers and Militia. It also had a contingent of troops
from the Colorado Territory. These USA troops would soon
engage CSA forces on a battleground outside Fort Craig,
in what is today Socorro County in the
state of New Mexico. It was then in the USA’s New Mexico
Territory near the town of Valverde, at a ford of Valverde Creek in what the CSA considered the
Confederate Territory of Arizona. CSA cavalry from Texas and
several companies of CSA Arizona militia had moved
across the Río Grande River
and up the east side of the river to the ford at Valverde,
the battle site. By this
deployment, the Confederates intended to cut Federal communications
between the fort and military headquarters in Santa
Fé at a location north of Fort Craig, New Mexico. Colonel Canby’s
troops then arrived and positioned themselves opposite the CSA force
that faced him across the river. The two sides had now met. Soon, the Union troops opened with a volley of
fire and Canby then ordered his cavalry over the river, forcing the
Confederates back. Canby then crossed the river with his entire force.
Once there, he decided that a frontal assault was not possible. He then
began deployment of his forces to assault the CSA troops and then turn
their left flank. In response, the CSA troops halted their retirement at
the Río Grande riverbed.
There, they attempted to secure a stronger position. They were soon
ready for action. Before Canby’s could mount an assault on the
CSA troops and turn their left flank, the Confederates counter attacked.
The Union troops received and survived that first CSA cavalry charge.
There was then a frontal attack by the main Confederate force, leading
to the capture of Captain Alexander McRae’s Battery and the taking of
six Union artillery pieces. The attack also forced a break in the Union
force’s battle line and many of the men to flee. This it is said,
forced Canby to order of retreat. Later, CSA reinforcements arrived as CSA
Brigadier-General Sibley was about to order another attack upon the
Union troops. To his surprise, Canby requested a temporary truce. Under
a white flag, Union Colonel Canby removed the bodies of his dead and
tended to the wounded. Interestingly, of the Union troops fighting at Valverde,
the one suffering the second highest number of casualties was Captain Santiago Hubbell's Company B, 5th New Mexico Infantry Volunteers.
That was the company in the front lines at Valverde,
defending the McRae Battery. From a company of seventy-four men,
thirty-nine (53% of the total company) were killed, wounded, or missing
in action. Those names are spelled here as Meketa found them written in
the records: José Clemente Alaria,
musician, killed In the end, the Confederates won the day.
It was a major Confederate success in the New Mexico
Campaign of the American Civil War. The debate,
however, continues even to this day. Why hadn’t Canby’s Federals
counterattacked? What was critical about this engagement was how a
superior Union force was defeated by a lesser CSA force. In addition,
the USA troops, specifically Hispanics, had supposedly broken from their
positions and ran. With one failure under their belts, the Union troops
had much to think about. Would they fail again? Were the CSA forces
better fighters than they? Here it should be noted that, though
defeated, the New Mexico Volunteers under commanders J.
Francisco Cháves and Christopher "Kit" Carson at Velvarde
fought admirably. It should also be understood that while it is
true that the battle resulted in a Confederate victory at Socorro County, it resulted in little advantage. Following the battle at Valverde fought on February 21, 1862 C.E., Confederate General
Sibley continued northward along the Río
Grande with the goal of seizing Fort Union via Santa Fé. Upon reaching Albuquerque,
he received news that 2,000 Union "Pikes Peakers" or Colorado
Volunteers under USA Colonel John P. Slough were on their way. And
though the Confederates later did occupied Santa
Fé, they would be forced to leave New Mexico within four months. As
military commanders might suggest, “one battle does not a war make.” The heavy CSA casualties resulting from the
Battle of Valverde forced the
Confederates to cease their advance on the Union’s Fort Craig. The
Battles of Velvarde and later,
Glorieta Pass, would end Confederate occupation of New Mexico,
allowing the Union to continue its Americanization of the New Mexican
Hispanos. The de
Riberas did duty in this Regiment at Fort Union until February 1862
C.E. During that month, on February 21st, they saw action at Valverde. The following month, on April 13, 1862 C.E. through April
22, 1862 C.E., the Regiment would pursue Confederate forces. They would
then do Duty in Central, Northern and Santa
Fé Districts until May, 1862 C.E. By May 31, 1862 C.E., they would
be consolidated with 2nd Infantry to form 1st New Mexico Cavalry.
Members of the de Ribera (Rivera/Ribera)
clan serving in the Regiment at this time were:
Some say, it is not always necessary to know or
understand a problem or situation. But if there are questions which
matter, you must raise them. Here, I provided three recollections of
what happened at Valverde. A search of the Battle of Valverde suggests that evidence of slanted reports were sent to
Washington D.C. in order to shift blame for the Union loss at the
battle. "Castigated for their role in the Battle of Valverde were the two companies of New Mexicans which formed part of
the support for McRae's battery, those of Captains Santiago Hubbell and William Mortimore. A US Regular Army officer, Captain P.W.L.
Plymptom, sent in a report to explain that his battalion had failed to
save the guns from the Confederate charge because, “. . . a body of
Volunteers (Mexican) . . . broke from their position . . .” This
accusation was subsequently repeated by Colonel Canby in his official
report to Washington. For many, Canby's report supplied an easy, pat
explanation. No one asked obvious questions such as why volunteer troops
would have been placed in the front line by Captain Plymptom? What sort
of casualty rate the two companies suffered during the action? Interestingly, one Howard W. Henry, after
reading Albuquerque newspapers
of 1893 C.E., was able to locate a letter from a Confederate veteran
further clarifying the battle. As second one from a Union veteran was
also located. Each author states his own perception of the Battle at Valverde. Henry states, "This is probably the first time this
material has been presented to historians of the Civil War, as I am sure
not much research has been done in these old newspapers." The differing views of the facts offered by
these two veterans provide fuel for the fire of controversy. Historians
will certainly attempt to refute some of the facts stated by each of the
men, and then debate their recollections where each fails to agree. As
in many cases, the dates and specific locations were taken from memory.
Occasionally, some might be found to be inaccurate. The importance of
the letters is that they provide personal recollections of the Civil War
in New Mexico not previously reported. Source: Albuquerque Evening
(Daily) Citizen, June 14, 1893 C.E. "In the States
(a New Orleans newspaper) of Thursday appeared an inquiry from a reader
asking for information regarding the battles of Valverde
and Glorieta, New Mexico. The
information given was very meager [sic], as the official records do not
give the Confederate participants, nor the result of the battles. Mr. L.
H. Kaufman, of No. 13 Chartres Street, was a member of the second Texas
cavalry and was in the battles mentioned, and gives the following
account of the engagements: Howard W. Henry,
in reading Albuquerque
newspapers of 1893 C.E., found a letter from a Confederate veteran,
followed by one from a Union veteran. Each stated his own perception of
the Battle at Valverde. Henry
says, "This is probably the first time this material has been
presented to historians of the Civil War, as I am sure not much research
has been done in these old newspapers." It is obvious that
differing views (and facts) are offered by the two veterans, and
historians will certainly refute some of the facts stated by each man.
Dates and locations were stated from memory and are occasionally
inaccurate. Nevertheless, the letters give a view of the war not
previously reported. Albuquerque Evening (Daily) Citizen, June 14, 1893
C.E., "In the States [a New Orleans newspaper] of Thursday appeared
an inquiry from a reader asking for information regarding the battles of
Valverde and Glorieta, New Mexico. The information given was very meager [sic],
as the official records do not give the Confederate participants, nor
the result of the battles. Mr. L. H. Kaufman, of No. 13 Chartres street,
was a member of the second Texas cavalry and was in the battles
mentioned, and gives the following account of the engagements: "In
February, 1861, Colonel John R. Baylor organized the Fourth regiment of
Texas cavalry and with a battalion of six companies marched from San
António to El Paso,
Texas, capturing the forts on the line of march which had been vacated
by the Union troops. The forts taken were:
Fort Clark, Fort Stockton, Fort Davis, Fort Bliss and Camp
Hutchinson. From there the battalion proceeded to New Mexico and
captured Fort Fillmore." "At Fort
Fillmore Colonel Baylor halted and waited for Sibley's brigade, which
had been organized and was on the way to join his battalion. The brigade
consisted of the First regiment commanded by Colonel Scurry, the Second
brigade commanded by Colonel Green, and the Third brigade commanded by
Colonel Bugsby. The command was also strengthened at this point by the
addition of a company of Texans organized by and under the leadership of
Captain Capewood." "The Federal
troops in this section of the country at this time were those who had
been stationed at Albuquerque,
Santa Fé, Fort Union and Fort Craig, or Valverde,
and they were all concentrated at the latter place, having evacuated the
above forts when the hostilities were opened. The troops of Fort Craig
were under the command of Colonel E. R. S. Canby. In addition to the
regular United States troops was a company of mountaineers, under the
command of the dauntless Kit Carson.” “After resting
for a time at Fort Fillmore, the Confederate cavalry moved upon Fort
Craig. Upon the arrival of the troops at the Río
Grande River, the officers found that it would be impossible to
cross the river in the vicinity of the fort, as the soldiers stationed
there would have an opportunity of offering resistance without placing
themselves in any danger." "The troops
then skirmished around the vicinity of the fort and endeavored to draw
the soldiers out, but they refused to fight and a flank movement was
executed by the Confederates at night by which they crossed the river
below the fort and marched upon one of the hills, where they encamped.
In the morning the federal sentries in the fort discovered the camping
place of the enemy, but on account of the secure position occupied could
not attack or dislodge them. The Confederates marched all day over the
stony hills and endeavored to get to the river, but could not succeed on
account of the opposition offered by the Union troops." "That night
Colonel Sibley camped his men a little back from the reach of the
federal batteries and the next morning again marched his men towards the
river. This time he found the enemy ready to receive them, as they had
constructed entrenchments and thrown up earthworks during the night. The
river was the objective point for the Confederates, as the troops had to
reach the water. Colonel Sibley saw that it would be impossible to
accomplish his purpose without fighting,…..” Under the hot fire
of the attacking party the Unionists had to retreat, and they crossed
the river on pontoon bridges. As it was impossible for Colonel Sibley to
pursue them he took his men back and made camp for the night. During the
night the Federals returned to the same side of the river as the fort
and their presence was discovered the next morning by Colonel Green, who
charged upon them with his regiment and captured their batteries,
completely routing them. At
this point the entire column moved forward, and the Federals were
literally slaughtered. Some
of them endeavored to recross the river, and were shot in the water by
the Confederate sharp shooters on the shore. The loss sustained by the
Confederates during the engagement was 150 wounded, none killed;
Unionists, 82 killed, 140 wounded. This battle was fought on the
afternoon of February 21st and the morning of the 22d, 1861 C.E. [1862
C.E.]. The battle of Glorieta,
or Apache Cañon, as it is more generally called, took place on the
24th of March of the same year." "The
Confederates, under the command of Colonel Green, marched to Fort Union,
and on the line of march captured the forts at Santa
Fé and Albuquerque. Just
before reaching Fort Union, in what is known as Apache
Cañon, they were attacked by the troops from Fort Union, reinforced
with several companies of Colorado volunteers. The noise of the battle
was heard by Colonel Scurry at Santa
(sic), and he immediately issued marching orders for his regiment and
went to the assistance of Colonel Green. When Green's men heard of the
approach of soldiers from Santa Fé
they made one grand charge, dislodged the Union troops and put them
to flight. Casualties in
this battle were: Union, 40 killed, 120 wounded; Confederates, 36
killed, 60 wounded, 93 missing." "The
Confederates, after their victories, remained in the vicinity for about
six weeks, and failing to find means for subsistence (sic) they
retreated to Fort Bliss. The Federals were watching them and when they
began to fall back they communicated with the troops stationed at Fort
Craig, and they confidently expected to be able to get them between the
Fort Craig batteries in the rear and the Fort Union troops in the front,
where escape would be impossible. Colonel Sibley became aware of this
plan of action, and on the second night of the retreat the Confederates
camped near Fort Craig, with the troops stationed there on one side of
them and the troops from Fort Union on the other. It was impossible to
pass Fort Craig without being detected, and to remain in the position
meant a slaughter of his troops when the Federals attacked so Colonel
Sibley obtained a guide and abandoned all of his wagons and traveled
through the mountains all night, when the guide brought them out several
miles below Fort Craig, and by ten o'clock in the morning they had
reached the Río Grande
without being molested. From there they proceeded to San
António . . . [then] assigned to duty in different parts of the
South." A few days later,
on Saturday, June 17th, 1893 C.E., another unsigned letter to the editor
appeared under the headlines of "Battles in New Mexico,"
"Reply to Confederate Version of Sibley Raid," "Sketch of
the Valverde Fight by One of
the Participants", and "Interesting war reminiscences."
It is datelined from Los Lunas,
the home ground of several prominent Spanish gentlemen who were in the
Union service. Los Lunas, N.M., June 16, '93 Editor Daily Citizen. I read an article
in your valued paper headed "Battles in New Mexico," which I
very much doubt whether any of the surviving participants would
recognize, or in fact whether they would not be themselves convinced
that during those troublous times they were in a state of somnolency or
in the spirit world. Having had the
honor of being a soldier in the Union army of the volunteer force, I
will attempt from memory to give you an account of the battle of
Valverde, which I venture will be pronounced correct, strictly so,
except probably as to the exact date of occurrence. [The soldier then
describes how the Confederate troops moved north after capturing Fort
Fillmore, and engaged the Union forces in several skirmishes near Fort
Craig. The main battle developed when the Confederates on the east side
of the Río Grande attempted
to cross at Valverde.] “. . . The bulk
of the Confederate troops as soon as it became dark [marched] north in
order to make the river at the place known as Valverde,
leaving a command of about 500 men under the command, as we were
informed, of Major Lock-ridge, to watch our movements. On the next
morning, which I believe was the 22d of February, three companies of the
Third United States Cavalry, and about as many more of Colonel Valdéz's
regiment under the immediate command of Major Luís M. Baca, now a resident of Socorro,
the whole command of Colonel Benjamin S. Roberts, were ordered to
proceed north on the west side of the river, and prevent the Confederate
troops from getting down to water at the river at the place known as Valverde, opposite the present site of San Marcial. The moment that our troops reached the place, they were
greeted with cannonading from the Confederate troops which were already
at the river on the Valverde side, and our troops unlimbered their guns
at once and both sides cannonaded each other until it was evident to
Colonel Roberts that the Confederate troops had been driven toward the
bluffs away from the river. He then crossed his command to the east side
of the river, and sent for reinforcements to the fort, and at 8 a.m.
Carson's regiment was ordered to recross the river from the eastern
bluffs where they had passed the night, and proceed after fully
supplying themselves with ammunition to the battle field and to report
to Colonel Roberts for orders; which was done, the regiment arriving at
the scene of battle about ten o'clock a.m. Colonel Roberts ordered that
the regiment be held in readiness for orders, and it was kept in line of
battle parallel to the river on its west bank. Soon thereafter a battery
of twenty-four pounder howitzers under the command of Lieutenant R. M.
Hall arrived from the fort, and reported for duty to Colonel Roberts,
and an order was given to Carson's regiment to furnish 100 volunteers to
help cross the battery over the river, and they were furnished, and the
battery was duly and safely crossed. Some desultory fighting was going
on all that day on the east side of the river, and the Confederate
troops were driven up against the bluffs, and kept from reaching the
water, and it was the opinion of everybody that it was only a question
of a short time when the Confederates would be compelled to sur-render,
or that they would be vanquished. During this time the casualties upon
the Union side were not to exceed fifteen in all. [Then] about 3 p.m.,
Colonel Canby reached the field of battle and assumed chief command, and
the First regiment of New Mexico Volunteers, Colonel Carson's, was
ordered to cross the river, and take position as the right wing of the
line of battle. An advance movement was ordered to be made against the
Confederate troops, and they in turn charged the regiment which was
supporting Hall's twenty-four pounder battery of howitzers; the charge
was successfully repulsed by the First Regiment of New Mexico
Volunteers. It was repeated twice, thereafter in succession by the
Confederate cavalry, and as many times gallantly and successfully
repulsed by the regiment, and the Confederates drive (sic) in confusion
to the foot of the sand hills. About five p.m.
the Confederate troops under the cover of trees charged Captain McRae's
battery on the left, and captured it, killing the gallant McRae and
Lieutenant Michler, who gallantly stood by their battery to the last;
there-upon a panic appeared to have seized the troops both regular and
volunteer who were supporting that battery, and they fled
indiscriminately into the river, the Confederates firing into their
backs, many of the Union soldiers doubtless but slightly wounded were
drowned to the waters of the Río
Grande. Twice upon that same
fateful afternoon for the Union troops, orders from the commanding
officer were then to the commander of the First New Mexico volunteers on
the right to retire across the river, because of the capture of McRae's
battery, and the order was disobeyed, because neither the officers nor
the soldiers of that regiment believed that they were defeated, and
because as against the force that the Confederates had to bring against
them, they were confident that they could remain upon that battlefield
until dooms-day. But another, and preemptory order was brought by one of
the aides de camp, and the regiment was ordered to march off the field
left on front to the river, where many of the soldiers of the regiment
failed to go into the river in their clothes, and divested themselves of
them before taking to the water, and when they had crossed to the east
side they formed in column, and marched up the river towards the fort,
and were not aware that the union cause had suffered defeat, until fired
at by the Confederates with the selfsame guns which they had captured
from us [McRae's battery]. The marching of our regiment in retreat from
the field of battle in such order drew expressions of encomium from the
Confederates in their description of the battle, and of the retreat of
the Union troops, by the statement that the federal troops had marched
off the field as if upon dress parade, mistakenly believing that our
regiment must have been necessarily a regiment of regular troops to have
preserved such order under such trying circumstances.
It was nevertheless the fact, for the first regiment of New
Mexico volunteers (sic) was assigned to the support of Hall's battery at
the extreme right of the battle field, and they marched off as (sic)
stated and brought over Hall's battery safely, and sunk a small mounted
howitzer captured on the field in the river before crossing. I cannot
account for the many inaccuracies of M. L. Kauffmann. He speakes of
Carson, the 'dauntless,' commanding a company of mountaineers, when he
was in command of a full regiment of infantry, being the First New
Mexico Cavalry Volunteers and four additional companies attached thereto
. . . We lost the
battle, but it is a mooted question, who was responsible party for its
loss; the regular officers, who disliked Colonel Roberts very much,
always stated that he had committed a very grave military mistake in
having crossed the river, thereby having a river at his back; but they
fail to remember that the Confiderates (sic) had been whipped all the
livelong day with less troops than when Colonel Canby unfortunately came
into the field and took supreme command with the additional
re-enforcement of Colonel Miguel Pino's Second Regt. of N. M. Vols. Our regiment, Kit
Carson's, never believed that they were whipped except because of, and
on account of the orders to abandon the field at once, and proceed to
the fort given by the commanding officer of the department of New Mexico
through his aide de camps, thrice repeated. The volunteers are
firmly of the belief that if Colonel Canby had never come on the field,
that the Confederate troops would have been defeated, and that at his
arrival on the battlefield they were in fact and in truth defeated; and
in proof of that they point towards their conduct as described by the
Confederates believing them to have been regular troops on account of
their orderly and brave conduct in leaving the field. [Italics added.] Another thing, the
Confederates never crossed at night; for while they were actually
crossing the river in the vicinity of Paraje,
nearly the whole of the regular troops were on top of the houses of the
buildings of Fort Craig seeing them cross without molestation, and
wondering the reason that the commanding officer did not order troops to
annoy them while crossing the river . . . Our loss in the battle as it
turned out was very great, and I presume the writer of the article
mentioned may be correct in the number; but our loss up to the time that
Colonel Canby assumed command, and just previous to the capture of
Captain McRae's battery was not as great as that of the Confederates,
and then the loss was of men retreating under a panic, and crossing a
river, and most of them were regular soldiers, who with two companies of
New Mexico Volunteers, Captains Mortimer and Hubbell [had been] left of
the line and ordered to support McRae's battery. Mr. Kauffmann's
account of the Confederate retreat 'after their victories' is no doubt
very entertaining reading for people in New Orleans, who never saw New
Mexico, and know nothing of the circumstances of the disastrous retreat
of the Confederate troops out of the territory, which, but that they
were made of such brave stuff as they were, would have been worse and
more calamitous than any retreat recorded in military histories. The
fact is that the battle of Glorieta
was a victory of the Federals, but they did not know it; the
Confederates knew it, and they succeeded after the bluff made to Colonel
Slough to surrender, which he refused; they then became very humane, and
obtained a cessation of hostilities for twenty four hours to bury the
dead, and immediately asked for medicines and blankets for their
wounded, which were granted. But neither party kept faith of their
plighted word, for the Confederates retreated during the night to Santa
Fé, and the Federals made a forced march without a halt as far as
Bernal. In their own estimation both sides were very badly whipped, but
the Confederates were certain of it, for as soon as they got to Santa
Fé, they began without loss of time to get ready to evacuate the
territory, and their many and glorious victories were to be forgotten,
and not to be accounted for thereafter. Now, Mr. Editor,
this is written entirely from memory, but it is mainly a correct history
of the Confederate occupation of New Mexico, their battles, their
bravery, their constancy and gallantry under the most adverse
circumstances, battling not only against armed men, as brave as
themselves, but with that fell of all diseases, the small pox, and the
deadly pneumonia, which carried off many a poor, brave and gallant heart
to an unknown, unmarked and untimely grave. Peace to their
ashes. Yours very truly, Federal Volunteer. To be sure, these three recollections
accomplish very little relative to clarification of what actually
happened at the Battle of Valverde.
It is simply an attempt by this writer to offer some insight into how
these brave men may have met the great challenge of life and death at
one time, and in one place. For me, however, this matter will never be
forgotten until my progenitors, the de Riberas, are vindicated and their
honor and good names restored. A Union army under Samuel Ryan Curtis met
and defeated the CSA forces at the Battle of Pea Ridge in
northwest Arkansas during March
6, 1862 C.E. through March 8,
1862 C.E. It was fought against with the Confederacy and its
allies, the Missouri State Guard. This battle solidified the
Union’s control over most of Missouri. March 9th, 1862 C.E., the USS
Monitor and the CSS Virginia battle each other in Hampton Roads,
Virginia. This was the first naval battle between ironclad vessels. March 23rd,
1862 C.E., the Battle of Kernstown took place. March 23rd,-June
9th,
1862 C.E., Stonewall Jackson's Shenandoah Valley Campaign was
conducted in Virginia. From March 26th through the 28th
of 1862 C.E., the Battle of Glorieta Pass, New Mexico Territory was fought. As a result of these
engagements, the Union would recapture those portions of the USA’s New
Mexico Territory which had been seized by the CSA. Following the major
battle, the Confederates would be forced to retreat. In the spring of 1862 C.E., Confederate forces
were pushing north along the Río
Grande River from El
Paso, Texas through the USA’s New Mexico Territory. They
would be stopped at the Battle of Glorieta
Pass. Dubbed the "Gettysburg of
the West," it was intended to be a decisive blow by CSA forces
to break the Union’s possession of the West along the base
of the Rocky Mountains. Fought at Glorieta
Pass at the southern tip of the Sangre
de Cristo Mountains, its importance was due to its strategic location.
Situated southeast of Santa Fé, it
was on the Santa Fé Trail. The
Battle was an important event in the history of the New Mexico
Territory in the American Civil War. On March 26th the first engagement took place
in the area of the Glorieta
Pass, New Mexico. CSA forces were led by
Lieutenant-Colonel Scurry. Scurry's contingent included nine
companies of the 4th Texas Mounted Rifles under Major Henry
Raguet, five companies of the 7th Texas Mounted Rifles under
Major Powhatan Jordan and three additional cannons. CSA Major Charles L.
Pyron had his battalion of the 2nd Texas Mounted Rifles, four
companies of the 5th Texas Mounted Rifles under Major John
Shropshire and two cannons. Encamped at Johnson's Ranch was a CSA force
of 200-300 Texans under the command of Major Charles L. Pyron. At the other end of the pass from the
Confederates, was the Union Major John M. Chivington. With him were
three infantry companies and one mounted company of the 1st Colorado and
a detachment of the 1st and 3rd U.S. Cavalry
regiments. His force was more than 400 soldiers strong. The USA forces began their deployed to the
opposite end of the pass on the morning of March 26th. Sometime after
noon on March 26th, USA Major Chivington's men captured a few
Confederate advance troops, only to find the main CSA force behind them.
Chivington then ordered an advanced upon them. In response, the CSA
force’s opened up with artillery fire, throwing back the Union troops.
USA troops were then forced to regroup. Chivington then divided his
force, deploying troops on both sides of the pass toward the
Confederates. With both groups of Union troopers in position, the CSA
forces were in a cross-fire and they were soon forced them to retire.
Though Major Charles L. Pyron had hoped to be in an advantageous
position before USA Major Chivington's force arrived, he was too late. Major Pyron’s Southerners retired about a
mile and a half to a narrow section of the pass, where they formed a
defensive line. The Union force soon flanked Pyron's Confederates again.
The USA troops then began punishing the Confederates with gunfire
directed along the length of their formation. The CSA forces again
retreated, with a Union cavalry charge disrupting the force. The Union
forces next captured the CSA force’s rearguard. The confident USA
Major Chivington then retired and encamped at Kozlowski's Ranch. The following day, March 27th, there was no
fighting, only the arrival of reinforcements for both sides. With these,
CSA Lieutenant-Colonel William R. Scurry's ranks had grown to about
1,100. On the Federals side, Union Colonel John P. Slough arrived with a
force of about 900. Both Colonel Slough and Lieutenant-Colonel Scurry
felt confident enough to prepare for an attack. About the 28th of March 1862 C.E., Union troops
appeared at Albuquerque, where
the CSA troops were already in full retreat. After firing a few shots
into the town, at 2 p.m. the Union troops began departing from the mouth
of Tijeras Cañon on the road
to Peralta. The USA troopers
continued their march under the cover of darkness to Tijeras
Cañon where they were to join
Colonel G. R. Paul's forces. His troops were in pursuit of other CSAs
retreating from Santa Fé via Apache Cañon via Galisteo,
San Pedro, San Antónito, and Tijeras.
On March 28th, Confederate and Union troops
would clash again on the rugged terrain of Glorieta
Pass. The battle was intended as the decisive blow by CSA forces.
Their earlier skirmish on March 26th
between advance elements from each army had proven little. Prior to the battle, a large contingent of
Union forces led by Colonel John P. Slough had performed a
forced march covering the distance of 400 miles in 14 days from Denver,
over Raton Pass, to Fort
Union and then to Glorieta
Pass. Combat would commence shortly after their arrival at the
battlefield, leaving the Colorado force little time to recuperate.
During the main battle on the 28th, Union forces would be led by Colonel John
P. Slough of the 1st Colorado Infantry, with units under the
command of Major John M. Chivington who had proved himself
competent at the earlier engagement on March 26th. Colonel Slough
commanded, in person, nine companies of the 1st Colorado, a detachment
from the 1st, 2nd and 3rd U.S. Cavalry regiments and two
artillery batteries. Major Chivington commanded five companies of
the 5th Union Infantry, one company from the 1st Colorado, James
Hobart Ford's Independent Company from the 2nd Colorado and some New
Mexico militiamen. Both CSA’s Scurry and the USA commander
Slough decided to attack early on March 28th. Expecting the Confederates
to remain in Apache Canyon,
Colonel Slough sent Major Chivington with two infantry
battalions, under Lewis and Wynkoop, out in a circling movement with
orders to go conceal themselves at Glorieta
Pass. Once Slough's main force had engaged the enemy front Major
Chivington was to hit the CSA Texans in the flank. Major Chivington did as ordered. His force
waited hidden above the Pass for Slough and his troops to arrive.
Instead of remaining at Apache
Canyon as Slough had expected, CSA Lieutenant-Colonel William
Read Scurry advanced down the canyon more rapidly than Slough had
anticipated. At that point, the CSA Lieutenant-Colonel
believed the Union forces were retreating to Fort Union. His intension
was now to attack the Union force until his subordinate Green could
arrive. One cannon and a small guard was left at Johnson's Ranch.
The remainder of the CSA force, more than 1000 men, marched eastwards
along the Santa Fé Trail. When Slough found the CSA Texans so far
forward, he launched an attack. His force moved against the Confederates
some half a mile from Pigeon's Ranch at about 11:00 a.m. A Union
provisional battalion commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel
Samuel Tappan with four companies from the 1st Colorado, supported by
both batteries, deployed across the trail. The CSA forces soon
dismounted and formed a line across the canyon. The terrain caused some
companies to become intermingled. Initially, Union Lieutenant-Colonel
Tappan had been successful. His force had been able to hold their ground
for a half-hour. But the Confederate numerical superiority enabled them
to outflank Tappan's line by noon. The action threw back the Union
troops in confusion for a time, but they managed to take up position
around Pigeon's Ranch’s adobe
buildings. USA Colonel Slough quickly reformed his command
several hundred yards closer to Pigeon's Ranch. The four companies
under Lieutenant-Colonel Tappan
and an artillery battery were on a hill to the left. The other battery
was supported by two companies in the center across the road. The
remaining two companies were positioned on the ridge to the right. CSA Lieutenant-Colonel William
Read Scurry then launched a three-pronged attack. Major Charles L.
Pyron’s subordinate Major Henry Raguet was ordered to attack the Union
right, Major John Shropshire the Union left, with the remainder led by
Scurry against the Union center. The CSA artillery was to fire in
support. The CSA attack on the Union left was beaten back and Shropshire
killed. The attack on the Union center stalled. Their supporting CSA
artillery was forced to withdraw after one cannon was disabled and a
limber destroyed. The entire attack then stalled. The Confederates were
now fighting desperately by squads. At around 3:00 pm, the CSAs finally
managed to outflanked the Union right, but Major
Llewellyn Raguet was mortally wounded. From what later became
known as "Sharpshooters Ridge," Confederate riflemen started
picking off the Union artillerymen and infantry below them. Lieutenant-Colonel Scurry
once again pressed the Union center. The Union’s Colonel Slough was
reluctantly forced to order a retreat when the action made the Union
position untenable. Union Lieutenant-Colonel
Tappan immediately formed the companies on the left into a rear guard.
Colonel Slough was able to reform his Union line a half-mile east of
Pigeon's Ranch. There, the skirmishing continued until dusk. The Union
force finally retreated first to Pigeon's Ranch, and then to Kozlowski's
Ranch, leaving the CSA forces in possession of the battlefield. Soon the
CSA force under Colonel Scurry left the field, assuming they had won the battle. It should be noted here that the conclusive
action of the engagement took place at Apache
Canyon near Johnson's Ranch, located on the west side of the mountain
pass. There, a contingent of Chivington's force, guided by
Lieutenant-Colonel Manuel Chávez,
attacked and destroyed the CSA supply train with all its supplies and
animals. The loss of food and ammunition obliged the Confederates to
abandon the field and forced them to retreat to Santa
Fé. This would be CSA Lieutenant-Colonel Scurry’s beginning of a
long trek back to San António,
Texas. Despite the Union Regulars, 1st
Colorado Infantry, and New Mexican Volunteers being defeated earlier on
the battlefield, they ultimately won the campaign. Glorieta now belonged to the Union. Following an additional
skirmish at Peralta, south of Albuquerque,
the undersupplied, overextended, and outnumbered Confederates left New
Mexico, ending their quest to create a gateway to California. On March 29, 1862
C.E., a small party of Confederates moving northwest from Tucson met a Union cavalry patrol near Stanwix Station which
was a stop on the Butterfield
Overland Mail Stagecoach line built in the later 1850s C.E. It
is located in western Arizona
near the Gila River about
80 miles east of Yuma. A skirmish followed, only one Union
cavalryman was wounded. This was the westernmost engagement of the Civil
War. The Confederates left Albuquerque on the morning of the 31st of March 1862 C.E. That
night, Union force arrived within 1,000 yards of the house of Union
Governor Connelly at Los Piños
where the Confederates were dancing. The Union troops could have taken
the Confederates entirely by surprise, but Colonel Canby did not allow
it. Colonel Canby explained that he did not want to take them prisoners
because he could not feed them. Immediately following the Battle of Glorieta Pass, on March 31, 1862 C.E., Union Colonel E.R.S. (Edward
Richard) “Sprigg” Canby was promoted to Brigadier-General.
After recombining his earlier divided forces, Brigadier-General Canby
set off in pursuit of the retreating Confederate forces. CSA Captain Sherod Hunter's troops faced
limited resistance in the Territory of Arizona during the spring (End of
March end of to June) of 1862 C.E. Union soldiers in Arizona forts had
been ordered to support the war on the east coast and before leaving had
burned their buildings and stores to prevent them from falling into
Confederate hands. The departure of Union troops left Hispanic and
Anglo-Americans in the region unprotected from bands of Apache
raiders and local outlaws that roamed the region. Fearing for their
lives and property, these settlers had little choice but to accept
protection from Confederate troops. CSA Captain Sherod Hunter's
mounted riflemen entered Tucson
without resistance. He bore orders from Governor Baylor to lure the Apaches
into Tucson for peace talks
and exterminate the adults. Captain Hunter and his CSA Arizona
Rangers then occupied southern Arizona. Captain Hunter's frontiersmen
spent most of their time expelling Union supporters and
skirmishing with Federal troops. This made stopped his initial
order for the extermination of the Apaches
form being enforced. A detachment of Hunter's main force traveled along
the Overland Mail route and destroyed caches of hay to prevent their use
by Union forces; it traveled to within eighty miles of Fort Yuma.
On the 1st day of April 1862 C.E., there was
little fighting at the ranch of Los
Piños. As the road had been left clear, the Confederates crossed
the river opposite Los Lentes
during the night and marched on the west side of the river southward.
The Union troops later followed, marching in the same direction, but on
the east side of the river. It was during this trip that the CSA troops
buried a large amount of artillery and caissons on the east side of the Magdalena
Mountains. By early-April 1862 C.E., CSA General Albert Sidney Johnston's (1803 C.E.-1862
C.E.) army hurled itself against Federal troops under Grant at Pittsburg
Landing, Tennessee. Between April 5th,-May
4th,
1862 C.E., USA General McClellan's Army of the Potomac began its
advance up the Virginia peninsula toward Richmond. Between April 6th and 7th, 1862 C.E. the Battle
of Shiloh in Tennessee took place. Following a string of CSA losses in
early 1862 C.E., General Joseph (Joe) Eggleston Johnston (February
3, 1807 C.E.-March 21, 1891 C.E.) engaged Union forces at Shiloh. The
battle ended in a Union victory and Johnston was mortally wounded. He
died at the age of 59. Notes
on General Joseph (Joe) Eggleston Johnston (February 3, 1807
C.E.-March 21, 1891 C.E.): Joe was a career United
military officer and Texas military officer who served as a CSA general
during the Civil War (1861 C.E.-1865 C.E.). A veteran of the Black Hawk
War (1832 C.E.), Johnston resigned from the U.S. Army in 1834 C.E. He
served in the Texas Army during the Texas Revolution (1835 C.E.-1836
C.E.) and as a colonel of Texas volunteers during the Mexican-American
War (1846 C.E.-1848 C.E.). He was reappointed to the U.S. Army in 1849
C.E. and led troops during the Utah War (1857 C.E.-1858 C.E.) before
joining the Confederacy at the start of the Civil War in 1861 C.E.
Johnston was appointed a full general and served in the war’s Western
Theater as commander of all Confederate troops between Texas and the
Appalachian Mountains. April 7th, 1862 C.E. Capture
of Island No. 10, Tennessee. Brigadier-General Canby moved his army 860 Regulars
and 350 Volunteer troops up from Fort Craig to ascertain the
strength of the Confederates and the position of the enemy’s batteries
in Albuquerque. He arrived at Albuquerque
on the afternoon of the April 8th. Union Captain Graydon’s Spy
Company, supported by the Regular cavalry established the position of
the CSA batteries. By that night, Brigadier-General Canby was in a
position from which the bombard Albuquerque without danger of opposition from Santa Fé. Canby's artillery opened fire at long-range from the edge
of town for two days. During the night of the April 9th, and the
succeeding day, April 10th, further Union forces arrived. Union
artillery fire ceased on Albuquerque
only after a local citizen informed Canby that the Confederates would
not permit the civilians to seek shelter. By that time, Canby felt he
had accomplished his mission, though the CSA troops were still willing
to put up resistance. His Union spies at Santa
Fé reported that the entire CSA force under Colonel Tom Green had
left the city and were enroute to Albuquerque
upon the news of the Union attack. Though their preparations indicated
an intention to leaving New Mexico, Canby believed that Green’s move
to Sibley's aid would develop into a counterattack the next morning.
Canby chose to remain at Albuquerque
and watch their movements until his suspicions were confirmed. He had
also instructed Colonel Paul’s force to join him there. That night, under the cover of darkness Canby's
forces slipped away without the Confederates' knowledge. By that point,
Canby was in communication with the commander of the troops from Fort
Union and can join with them at any time. Lacking the resources to take
a large force captive, Canby hoped the Confederates would concentrate
their forces together and move out of New Mexico in one unit. April 10th-11th, 1862 C.E., there was
a bombardment and capture of the CSA Fort Pulaski,
Georgia. On the evening of April 13th, Colonel Paul’s
Union command was at Tijeras.
There, he received information that the Confederate force had left Albuquerque,
New Mexico moving down the river. That same day, on April 13, 1862 C.E., after
the CSA loss at Glorieta Pass,
retreating Confederate troops of the 5th Texas Mounted Volunteers under
Colonel Thomas Jefferson Green had camped in Peralta,
in what is Today’s València County, New Mexico.
It was their plan to cross a series of irrigation canals the next
morning and continue the CSA retreat. During the day and night of April 14th, Colonel
Paul’s Union command marched 36 mile to Peralta, New Mexico, arriving there before the Confederates had any
knowledge of their movement. Here, The Battle of Peralta would take place. Before the CSA force could begin its
march, Brigadier-General Edward Canby’s pursuing force had caught up
with Colonel Green. The Confederates were trapped in the low adobe houses in the town, which they were using as fortifications.
Soon an artillery duel began. It lasted for several hours. The exhausted
Confederates had no supply train, it having been captured near Glorieta.
With two Union cavalry units sent some distance away to scout for and
prevent CSA reinforcements from arriving, the CSA force had little hope.
Fortunately for the Confederates, a dust storm blew in. a desperate
Colonel Green took advantage of it, making a complete withdrawal. The
battle ended with that act of nature. Meanwhile, California pro-Union supporters were
eager to aid their fellow Unionists in Arizona to prevent a CSA
takeover. So much so, that they dispatched 2,000 Union volunteers known
as the California Column led by Colonel James Henry
Carleton east east to Fort Yuma,
California. From there, members of the California Column guided by Hispano scouts familiar with the trails and water sources of the
region made their way into Arizona. Soon, the Confederates in Tucson
found themselves threatened by Colonel James H. Carleton's troops. On April 15, 1862 C.E., these Californian troops skirmished with
Confederates near Picacho Pass
at Picacho Peak some
50 miles northwest of Tucson, Arizona, making it the westernmost battle of the American
Civil War. It was called the Battle of Picacho
Pass. Like many Civil War era engagements in Arizona, the fighting at Picacho
Pass occurred near remount stations along the former Butterfield
Overland Stagecoach route. Specifically, a Union
cavalry patrol from California and
a party of Arizona CSA pickets from
Tucson met about a mile
northwest of Picacho Pass
Station. Union Lieutenant James Barrett of the 1st California
Cavalry, his twelve cavalry troopers, and his scout, Tucson
resident John W. Jones, were conducting a Confederate sweep of the Picacho
Peak area. They were looking for the CSA Captain Sherod Hunter’s troops
commanded by Sergeant Henry Holmes reported to be nearby.
Lieutenant Barrett was under orders not to engage them, but to wait
for the main Union column. Barrett acting on this own, and without
orders, surprised the Confederates. He should have been able to capture them without a shot being
fired. Instead, in the middle part of the
afternoon, the lieutenant led his mounted troopers single file
into the thicket. The first Confederate fire caused four of his troopers
to dismount allowing the enemy time to retire farther into the dense
thicket. By the time Barrett followed after them, they had reloaded.
After Barrett called to his men to follow him, they quickly had three of
the Confederates surrender. Barrett then secured one of the prisoners
and was remounting his horse when a bullet struck him in the neck,
killing him. Soon, confused fighting began and continued among the mesquite
and arroyos for 90 minutes. It was a fierce exchange, with two Union
troopers dead and three wounded. Leaderless now, the exhausted
Californians broke off the fight, secured three prisoners, and looked
after their two dead. The Union troops then retreated to the Pima Indian
Villages and hastily built Fort Barrett at White's Mill
and waited to gather resources to continue the advance. The Confederates
had prevailed in this engagement. The unfortunate, Lieutenant Barrett was buried in an unmarked grave
near the present railroad tracks. The bodies of the two Union enlisted
men killed at Picacho, George
Johnson and William S Leonard, were later removed to the
National Cemetery at the Presidio
of San Francisco in San
Francisco, California The CSA Arizona Rangers mounted and carried back a warning to Tucson
that a Union army was on its way. Barrett's actions had cost the Union
forces a surprise attack on Tucson.
Following the Battle of Picacho
Pass, the lead detachment of Union Colonel James H. Carleton's California
Column continued marching toward Tucson.
Soon thereafter, the California Column drove the Confederates under
Captain Sherod Hunter out of Tucson
and occupied it. They next advanced on Mesilla,
the capital of Confederate Arizona. The goal of expanding CFS influence
into southern California and to the Pacific Ocean was never
realized. Following the Confederate abandonment of the New Mexico and
Arizona territories, the Union quickly occupied many strategic points in
the newly founded Territory of Arizona. Texas was to remain critical to CSA’s
fortunes in the Southwest and some of the bitterest fighting occurred
there with Hispanics serving on both sides. Here a civil war within a
civil war occurred as "Tejano"
or Hispanic Texans, fought "Tejano."
Tejanos faced particularly
complex choices as to where to place their loyalties. Living in a region
where the institution was relatively scarce, slavery played less of a
role in these decisions. Many had grown up on the northern frontier of Méjico as proponents of Méjicano
Federalism, a belief in regional autonomy that coincided with the
states' rights policies of the Confederacy. Others had engaged in
frequent clashes with USA troops stationed on the border in the
aftermath of the Américano-Méjicano War
and welcomed the removal of these forces from the region. Wealthy Tejano
ranchers mirrored their Criollo counterparts
in Louisiana and were linked to the CSA leaders of Texas by marriage,
politics, and shared economic interests. Such was the situation of Santos Benavides, a member of a wealthy Laredo family who accepted the rank of colonel in the CSA Army. Also on April 15th, in New Mexico a mountain
howitzer, and a train of 7 wagons, loaded with supplies and escorted by
a lieutenant and 30 men, were captured in the morning. During the
engagement, 6 of the Confederates were killed, 3 wounded, and 22
captured. To cover the movement, Union Colonel Paul’s column and three
companies of cavalry, under Captain Morris received permission to clear
the enemy’s force at bosque. Located there, was a well
fortified hacienda in the front
of Peralta. Once cleared,
Union forces were to occupy it. Bosque Farms is a small, rural community
which lies about 18 miles south of Albuquerque,
situated along the braided routes of the Camino
Real, and follows the Río
Grande. Bosque Farms was originally part of the António
Gutiérrez and Joaquín
Sedillo land grant in 1716 C.E. The Gutiérrez
and Sedillo properties
were sold to Nicolás Durán de Chábes
in 1736 C.E. and eventually to Clemente
Gutiérrez. A few years later
in 1739 C.E. a flood moved the course of the river two miles to the
west, and the area became known as "Bosque
de Los Piños" or "Los
Piños." After some sharp skirmishing, in which the
Union loss was 1 killed and 3 wounded, the bosque
in front and in the rear of the town were occupied by Colonel Paul’s
troops. Bosque de Los Piños
was known to be the second strongest point occupied by the Confederate
troops after Fort Union, New Mexico. Nearly all the CSA troops there had
been without food for twenty-four to thirty-six hours. In New Mexico, no all out attack would take
place at Albuquerque until
after the approaches to the place had been thoroughly reconnoitered and
the Union troops allowed time to eat and rest The reconnaissance was
made on the afternoon of the same day, April 15th. Defensive points and
direction of attack had been selected, and the command camped near the
town. During the night, the able bodied CSA troops abandoned their
position and crossed to the right bank of the river. They left their
sick and wounded behind them, without anyone to attend to them, without
medical supplies, and very little food. Union Staff officers were detached and left for
the Department Headquarters to make arrangements for future military
operations and to obtain a train that could be spared for needed
supplies. The pursuit of the retreating CSA troops was begun down the
left bank of the river, in order to cross at La
Joya, Polvadera, Sabino, or Fort Craig. That night, the camp was 5
miles behind the CSA troops. In New Mexico, the following day of the 16th,
the Union troops nearly overtook the rear of the retreating CSA troop
column from Albuquerque. The
march continued on opposite sides of the river from the Confederates
throughout the remainder of the day while in sight of, and almost
within, cannon range of the retreating CSAs. That night though their
camps were directly opposite each other, the Confederates fled into the
mountains abandoning a large portion of their train, 38 wagons and the
supplies that they contained. On the 17th, after
making arrangements for securing the abandoned property, Captain
Morris’ Union troops continued their march to Polvadera,
New Mexico. At this place, the Union command finally halted for a day. On April 18th
through the 28th of 1862 C.E. the Battle
of Forts Jackson and Saint Philip, Louisiana were fought. It was the
decisive battle for possession of New Orleans in the American Civil War.
The two Confederate forts on the Mississippi River south of the city
were attacked by a Union Navy fleet. Captain Morris’ Union troops continued their
march until they reached their latest march destination on the afternoon
of the April 22nd. The Confederate force was still in operating in
the mountains west of the Union force. If they were taking the route by
the Miembres it would have
been impossible for the Union troops to overtake them. If they chose to
take the route by Cañada Alamosa,
the Union force was still without hopes of intercepting them. Union
scouts had report that the CSAs had abandoned everything that would slow
down their retreat. By April 23, 1862 C.E., it was being reported
to Central at Santa Fé, and
Northern Military Districts, Department of New Mexico, that the Union
troops had established and garrisoned the posts at Albuquerque
and Santa Fé. It was also
reported that the CSA Texan troops were in retreat out of the country
via the mountain route behind the Socorro
range to avoid capture. Of the original 3,000 troops that had invaded
the Territory, the remaining CSA force was abandoning their sick and
wounded everywhere along the line of retreat. By now the defeated,
suffering, disorganized CSA army was taking that long line of retreat
over Jornada and the waste
lands without water and supplies. Unfortunately, the condition of the
Union animals, without cavalry, and deficient of supplies made the
successful pursuit by the Union troops impossible. Canby soon gave up
the chase and allowed them to reach Texas. Shortly after the failure of that CSA invasion
of northern New Mexico, Brigadier-General Canby was relieved of his
command by General James H. Carleton and reassigned to the
east. From April 29th-May 30th, 1862 C.E. the Siege
of Corinth, Mississippi also known as the First Battle of Corinth,
was fought between union and Confederate forces. Union forces under the
overall command of Major General Henry Halleck engaged in a
month-long siege of the city. The Confederates were commanded by General P.G.T.
Beauregard. The siege would
result in the capture of the town by USA forces. The town was a strategic point at the junction
of two vital railroad lines, the Mobile and Ohio Railroad and
the Memphis and Charleston Railroad. The intersection was called
"the vertebrae of the Confederacy. A second important reason was
that if the town was captured by Union forces, it would threaten the
security of Chattanooga and render Southern control of the track west of
that East Tennessee bastion meaningless. The siege ended when the outnumbered
Confederates withdrew on May 29th, effectively cutting off the prospect
of further Confederate attempts to regain western Tennessee. Union
forces under General Ulysses S. Grant took control of Corinth
and made it Grant's base of operations to seize control of the Mississippi
River Valley, and especially the Confederate stronghold of Vicksburg,
Mississippi. From April, 1862 C.E. through August, 1862
C.E., Admiral David Farragut (1801
C.E.-1870 C.E.) continued his
Mississippi River Operations. Earlier, in December of 1861 C.E.,
Farragut was assigned to command the Union blockading squadron in the
western Gulf of Mexico with orders to enter the Mississippi River
and capture New Orleans, a port through which the South was receiving
much of its war supplies from abroad. The War Department recommended
that he first reduce the two forts that lay some distance downstream of
the city by mortar fire. On April 24, 1862 C.E., the Admiral
successfully carried out his own, bolder plan. He ran past them with
guns blazing in the dark. His naval force then destroyed most of the
Confederate river squadron that was stationed just upstream of the
forts. Farragut’s Union transports then carried troops and land them
almost under his protecting batteries. The result was the surrender of
both forts and city. May 8th,
1862 C.E., Battle of McDowell May 15th, 1862 C.E., Battle
of Drewry's Bluff, Virginia May 23rd,
1862 C.E., Battle of Front Royal May 25th,
1862 C.E., First Battle of Winchester May 31st-June
1st, 1862 C.E., the Battle of
Seven Pines was fought at Fair Oaks, Virginia. From
May 31st through June 1st, a Southern offensive at Seven Pines in Fair
Oaks, Virginia failed to dislodge the Union troops. CSA General Joseph
E. Johnston was wounded there and Robert E. Lee assumed command
of the Army of Northern Virginia. He soon drove Union Major-General George
B. McClellan’s troops away from the Southern capital in the
Seven Days' Battles. General Johnston was dead and his army was beaten
in that two-day battle. After the Texans
were defeated in March of 1862 C.E., over 8,000 troops from New Mexico
Territory served the Union. The 1st Regiment, New Mexico Cavalry was
organized on May 31, 1862 C.E., by consolidation of the 1st, 2nd, 4th
and 5th Regiments of New Mexico Infantry. It was attached to Department
of New Mexico, and engaged in operations against Indians in New Mexico
and Arizona. During its entire term of service, the 1st Regiment, New
Mexico Cavalry was also on garrison duty by detachments, at Forts
Stanton, Goodwin, McRae, Wingate, Craig, Canby, Sumner, Marcy, Bascom,
Union, and other points in that Department. The following are the de
Riberas (Rivera) that
served in this unit:
In Mississippi in
June, Union amphibious forces converge upon Vicksburg. But the
Confederate stronghold of was not captured.
Union Major-General George
B. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac moved by water to Fort
Monroe and Newport News located at the tip of the Virginia peninsula.
There, the Army of the Potomac prepared to march on Richmond, Virginia,
some seventy miles to the northwest. CSA delaying tactics and heavy
rains slowed Major-General McClellan's
advance for nearly two months. On June 1st, 1862 C.E., Robert
E. Lee assumed command of the Army of Northern Virginia On June 6th, 1862 C.E.,
the Battle of Memphis, Tennessee was fought On June 9th, 1862
C.E., the Battle of Port Republic was fought in Rockingham County, Virginia On June 8th, 1862
C.E., the Battle of Cross Keys was fought
in Rockingham County, Virginia On June 25th, 1862
C.E., the Battle of Oak Grove was fought in Henrico County,
Virginia On June 25th-July 1st,
1862 C.E., the Seven Days' Battles around Richmond, Virginia On June
26th, 1862 C.E., the Battle of
Mechanicsburg was fought in a borough in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania On June
27th, 1862 C.E., The Battle
of Gaines's Mill, sometimes known as the First Battle of Cold
Harbor or the Battle of Chickahominy River, took place in Hanover
County, Virginia On June 29th, 1862
C.E., the Battle of Savage's Station was fought in Henrico
County, Virginia On June 30th, 1862
C.E., the Battle of Glendale (Fraser's Farm) was fought at
Glendale, Virginia By July, 1862 C.E., the Confederates had
retreated to Texas. But the Union troopers still had other enemies
to defend against. After being ambushed by Cochise
and Mangas Coloradas, Union
forces fought The Battle of Apache
Pass at Apache Pass, Arizona.
The engagement was between Apache warriors and the Union volunteers of the California
Column as it marched from California to capture CSA’s
Arizona and to reinforce New Mexico's Union army. It
was one of the largest battles between the Americans and the Chiricahua during
the Apache Wars. Even
though the California Column withstood the Apaches
and established Fort Bowie to secure the pass, the
Californians and the Apache
would continue fighting throughout the War and beyond. On July 1, 1862
C.E., the Battle of Malvern Hill, also known as the Battle
of Poindexter's Farm was fought near the Confederate capital of Richmond,
Virginia and just one mile from the James River. On July 20, 1862 C.E., the advance guard of the
First California Volunteer Infantry under Lieutenant Colonel Joseph B.
West, took possession of Tucson
without firing a shot. All the CSA troops have fled the Territory to the
Río Grande and secessionists
citizens to Sonora. The
arrival of Union troops was hailed with great joy by all the people who
remain. There were also rumors that Sibley has met with a serious
reverse. During August,
there were Southern victories by Major General Thomas J.
"Stonewall" Jackson at Cedar Mountain and by Lee's army at the
Second Battle of Manassas where he pushed the Union forces back to the
outskirts of Washington. Within nine weeks, Lee had transferred the war
from his own capital to the edge of his enemy's. Fortunately for the
North, by mid-September, an over confident Confederate offensive across
the Potomac would be halted and turned back after battles at South
Mountain and Antietam (Sharpsburg), Maryland.
On August 5th,
1862 C.E., the ground and naval battle of Battle of Baton Rouge was fought in East Baton Rouge
Parish, Louisiana On August
9th, 1862 C.E., Battle of Cedar Mountain, Virginia, was fought On August
28th-30th, 1862 C.E., Battle of
Second Manassas (Bull Run), Virginia, was fought.
It ended as a Union victory and made
the creation of the new state of West Virginia possible. August 29th-30th, 1862 C.E., Battle
of Richmond, Kentucky, was fought Meanwhile, in the Southwest, given the recent
CSA military activities there, the Union took measures to prevent
Confederate expansion westward. President Abraham Lincoln had wisely
selected territorial officials for the USA’s New Mexico Territory from
within the local communities. This he felt would ensure that leaders
would remain loyal to the Union. The President appointed as governor,
Henry Connelly, who had married into a prominent Hispano
family. In September, 1862 C.E., Connelly called out the New Mexico
Territory militia to defend the Union cause.
Notes on Governor
Henry Connelly of New Mexico: Governor Henry
Connelly of New Mexico had attended medical school at Transylvania
University at Lexington Kentucky, graduating in 1828 C.E. That same
year, he moved west and became a clerk in a store in Jesús
María, Chihuahua, Méjico. By 1830 C.E., Connelly purchased the
store. He then married a Mexican
woman (name unknown) in 1838 C.E. and they had three sons together.
After leaving New Mexico for Missouri his wife died. During this time in
Missouri, Connelly attempted to locate an alternate trade route from
Independence, Missouri to Chihuahua.
His expedition was a failure. In 1842 C.E., Connelly formed a business
partnership with Edward J. Glasgow and re-married. Her name was Dolores
Peréa Cháves, the wife of the late Don
Maríano Cháves, parents of Major J.
Francisco Cháves. Connelly built a mercantile store at Peralta near the Cháves
family mansion. In 1846 C.E., he
assisted Governor Armijo in
his negotiations with Captain Philip Saint George Cook and James
Magoffin prior to the American invasion. He served on the Territorial
Council from 1853 C.E.-1859 C.E. The ranks of the New Mexico Volunteers were
soon filled with "Nuevo
Mexicanos" (Hispano
New Mexicans). Many of the volunteers lacked formal military training.
Nevertheless, these descendants of Españoles
were excellent horsemen, knew the terrain, and had experience in combat
against Apache, Navajó, Ute, and
the Comanches. This made them
prized officers, soldiers, and scouts. A few had professional skills
that made them even more valuable to the Union cause. Men like Captain José Sena, who had practiced law in Santa Fé prior to the war. There was also Captain Rafael
Chacón, a graduate of a Méjicano
military school. These New Mexico units were commanded primarily by Hispano
officers.
On September 1st, 1862
C.E., Battle of Chantilly (Ox Hill), Virginia, was fought On September 19th, 1862 C.E., Battle
of Luka, Mississippi, was fought On September 14th-17th, 1862 C.E., Siege
of Munfordville, Kentucky, took place On September 14th-17th, 1862 C.E., Battles
of South Mountain and Antietam (Sharpsburg), Maryland were fought On September 12th-15th, 1862 C.E., the Siege and
capture of Harpers Ferry, Virginia (now West Virginia) occurred By early October,
the offensives by Lee's army were halted. On October 3rd-4th, 1862 C.E., the Battle
of Corinth, Mississippi, took place On October 8th, 1862 C.E., the Battle
of Perryville, Kentucky, was fought On November 7th, 1862 C.E., Ambrose
E. Burnside replaced McClellan as commander of the Union Army of the
Potomac On December 7th, 1862 C.E., the Battle
of Prairie Grove, Arkansas, was fought On December 11th, 1862 C.E., the Battle
of Fredericksburg, Virginia, was fought On December 11th-January 1st,
1862 C.E., Forrest's West Tennessee Raid occurred.
On December 17th-28th, 1862 C.E., Van Dorn's Holly Springs Raid occurred On December 27th-29th, 1862 C.E, the Battle
of Chickasaw Bayou, Mississippi, was fought In north
Mississippi, Grant's attempts to take Vicksburg were thwarted by
devastating Confederate cavalry raids on his supply lines. The final
action of that year ended in a Federal disaster. McClellan's successor,
Major General Ambrose E. Burnside, engaged Lee's army near
Fredericksburg, Virginia. In
a series of frontal assaults the Federals were easily and bloodily and
repulsed. The blockade,
however, was very successful. Union forces captured Roanoke Island and
Fort Macon on the North Carolina sounds and bombarded Fort Pulaski,
Georgia, into surrender. That
year had been an exercise in resolve. Each side was committed to the
early destruction of the other. On land and sea, the North and South
challenged one another. Between 1863 C.E. and 1869 C.E., the First
Transcontinental Railroad, or the the Great Transcontinental
Railroad, was constructed. It was a 1,912-mile continuous railroad line
that connected the existing eastern U.S. rail network at Omaha,
Nebraska/Council Bluffs, Iowa, with the Pacific Coast at the Oakland
Long Wharf on San
Francisco Bay, California. The
American Civil War had been pressing for two years, but life in New
Mexico went on. By 1863 C.E., and well into 1880 C.E., the coming of the
railroads was awaited. The War was already a distant memory for the West
They simply wanted an end to this increasingly miserable chapter in
American history, one which was neither glorious nor comforting. In
1863 C.E., USA forces under newly arrived Kit Carson waged a
full-scale campaign against the Navajó
and ultimately swept up about 8,000 of them. The
Navajó had been for some time
a predatory tribe of some 50 clans. Frequently with their allies the Apache,
they regularly pillaged the Pueblo Indians.
The Pueblo Indians were among the best and most peaceable citizens
of New Mexico. Early after the Spanish settlement, they had embraced the
religion, manners, and some customs of the Españoles.
Later, the Españoles and Méjicano settlements
in New Mexico were raided principally for livestock. The Pimos and
Maricopos were also peaceful tribes who farmed and tried to be good
citizens. They too had become victims of ongoing attacks by the Apache
and Navajó. It
must be remembered that since 1846 C.E., Américano
troops had made little progress pacifying the Indians in the
Southwest mail-carrying stagecoaches operated on a local and
interregional basis from the 1854 C.E.-1861 C.E. period through Fort
Davis over the San António-El
Paso Road, had offered connections with Saint Louis, Santa
Fé, and California. These had become tempting targets to the
warriors. These included the George H. Giddings (1854 C.E.-1857 C.E.)
and James Birch (1857 C.E.-1861 C.E.) lines, and Butterfield’s
Overland Mail (1859 C.E.-1861 C.E.). The
Indians in New Mexico were numerous and far more formidable than those
farther west of the Southwest areas. The Apache and Navajós were
the most powerful tribes west of the Mississippi. They had practiced
active and skillful warfare and terrorized the New
Mexicans even before the territory was occupied by the United
States. Kit
Carson forces drove the Navajó
from their lands by destroying their means of subsistence, using his
"Scorched Earth Policy." His soldiers killed livestock,
poisoned wells, burned crops and orchards, destroyed hogans, and other
buildings. As a result of the Kit Carson campaign’s battles of 1863
C.E., thousands of Navajó went into hiding in the deep redoubt of Cañon de Cililí. The Civil War years brought notoriety to New
Mexican clothing as knowledge of it reached the East. The three hundred
year history of Hispanic development of the cowboy hat and boots would
prepare J.B. Stetson to design his first western hat in 1863 C.E. The
Hyer Boot Company became the first American manufacturer of high-heeled
cowboy boots. On
January 1, 1863 C.E., President Lincoln issued the
Emancipation Proclamation.
From January 1st-2nd, the Battle of Stones River,
Tennessee, continued.
On
January 1st, the
Battle of Galveston, Texas, was fought From January 9th-11th, the Battle of Arkansas Post, Arkansas, was fought From January 19th-23rd, the Burnside's Mud March
was made. Union General Ambrose Burnside’s Army of the Potomac began
an offensive against CSA General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia
which quickly bogged down as several
days of heavy rain turn the roads of Virginia into a muddy quagmire. The
campaign was abandoned three days later. On
January 26th,
Union General Joseph Hooker succeeded General
Burnside as commander of the Army of the Potomac On February 24, 1863 C.E., The Arizona
Organic Act was signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln. This
was the date of the official organization of the USA Arizona Territory.
The first capital was at Fort Whipple, followed by Prescott,
in the northern Union-controlled area. To accomplish this, New Mexico was subdivided
in half. The American government was expanding its influence and
establishing control over its new lands. The New Mexicans were given
little consideration in the new formula. Its newly established boundary
would create an Arizona on the west separated from New Mexico on the
east On
March 29th-July 4th,
Union General Grant's Second Vicksburg Campaign, Mississippi, occurred From April-May, the Chancellorsville Campaign, Virginia, occurred On
April 7th, Union
Ironclads attack Charleston, South Carolina From April 11th-May 3rd, Streight's Raid of
Tennessee and Alabama occurred From April 11th-May 4th, the Siege of Suffolk, Virginia, took place From April 16th-22nd, the Union fleet passed by
Vicksburg’s river batteries. From April 17th-May 2nd, Grierson's Raid of
Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana occurred. On
April 29th, the
Battle of Grand Gulf took place. In 1863 C.E.,
campaigns opened along the Rappahannock in the final days of April.
Burnside's replacement, Union Major General Joseph Hooker, led the Army
of the Potomac upstream to slip around Lee's left flank. The CSA’s Lee
responded aggressively. From April 29th-May 8th, Stoneman's Raid was
conducted. Union Major General Joseph Hooker put his army in
motion to force CSA General Lee out of his Fredericksburg positions.
Hooker sent Major General George Stoneman's 10,000-strong
cavalry to move between Lee and the CSA capital, Richmond. On
May 1st, During the Vicksburg Campaign of the American
Civil War, the Battle of Port Gibson was fought near Port
Gibson, Mississippi. It was between Union and Confederate forces
and the Union Army led by Major-General Ulysses S. Grant. He
was victorious. From May
1st-4th, 1863 C.E., the Battle of Chancellorsville took place. Union
Major General Joseph Hooker won what has been called his greatest
victory. Hooker’s Army of the Potomac met Robert E. Lee’s Army of
Northern Virginia at the Battle. Despite having a significant
numerical advantage, Hooker was hesitant to engage. He would order his
men to fall back during the battle’s early stages. CSA General Lee
seized on this opportunity by dividing his army in half and flanking the
right side of Hooker’s forces in a daring surprise attack. Under heavy
pressure, General Hooker elected not to counterattack. Instead, he
ordered a retreat back across the Rappahannock River in order to shield Washington,
D.C., and Baltimore. That victory was costly to the CSA. The great
southern warrior Stonewall Jackson was mortally wounded. However, it
gave the Confederate the opportunity to march northward into
Pennsylvania. On May 2, 1863 C.E., Confederate General Thomas
“Stonewall” Jackson was accidentally wounded by his own men at the
Battle of Chancellorsville in Virginia. The Confederate forces won the
battle, but the loss of General Jackson greatly damaged their war
efforts. He survived the amputation of
his left arm in the field, but infection set in. The General died of
pneumonia on May 10, 1863 C.E. On
May 3rd, the Second Battle of Fredericksburg was fought. From May 3rd-4th, the Battle of Salem Church was
fought. On
May 10th, CSA
General Stonewall Jackson died at Guiney's Station, Virginia On
May 12th, the Battle of Raymond was fought On
May 14th, the Battle of Jackson was fought. On
May 16th, the Battle of Champion Hill was fought On
May 17th, the Battle of Big Black River Bridge was fought On
From May 19th-July 4th,
the Siege and surrender of Vicksburg occurred. On
From May 21st-July
9th, the Siege and surrender of Port Hudson, Louisiana, occurred. From June 3rd-July 13th, the Gettysburg Campaign, Pennsylvania On
June 7th, the Battle of Milliken's Bend was fought. On
June 9th, the Battle of Brandy Station, Virginia, was fought From June 13th-15th, the Second Battle of
Winchester, Virginia, was fought. West Virginia was admitted to the Union on
June 20, 1863 C.E. From June 23rd-July 4th, the
Tullahoma Campaign, Tennessee, occurred.
The Union Army of the Cumberland under Major-General William
Rosecrans fought the brilliant Tullahoma Campaign from June
24, 1863 C.E. through On
June 28th, Union General George G. Meade replaced General Hooker as
commander of the Army of the Potomac. In 1863 C.E., General Edmund Kirby Smith took
command of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department. His CSA
command unsuccessfully attempted to relieve the Union’s “Siege
of Vicksburg,” in the state of Mississippi under Lieutenant
General Ulysses S. Grant. His forces were holding positions the
opposite eastern banks of the Mississippi River. As a result of the
long campaign, siege, and surrender in July 1863 C.E. by Confederate
General John C. Pemberton, the Union gained control of the entire Mississippi River,
thus splitting the Confederacy. This action also left the
Trans-Mississippi Department almost completely isolated from the rest of
the Confederate States to the east. As the Confederate
armies invaded Union territory from the trans-Mississippi to the
Atlantic seaboard, July brought a dramatic From July 1st-3rd, the Battle of Gettysburg was
fought. The
Union Army of the Potomac under Major General George G. Meade's command
handed CSA’s General Lee a devastating defeat at Gettysburg on July 1,
1863 C.E.-July 3, 1863 C.E. After one of the great campaigns of military
history, and forty-seven day of siege, the CSA's strong point mighty
succumbed to Union efforts. Five days later, Port Hudson surrendered and
President Lincoln proclaimed "The father of Waters again goes
unvexed to the sea." The CSA was effectively cut in half along the
Mississippi. After
Lee's retreat into Virginia, in July 1863 C.E., both armies had spent
the next three months recuperating while the military fronts alternated
between the river lines of the Rappahannock and Rapidan west of
Fredericksburg. Both armies
are also reduced in strength as troops are ordered west to bolster
operations around Chattanooga. From July 2nd-26th, Morgan's Raid of Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio occurred. Union
General Grant's efforts to capture CSA’s Vicksburg were finally
rewarded on July 4, 1863 C.E. From July 10th-16th, the Siege of Jackson,
Mississippi occurred From July 11th-18th, Assaults on Fort Wagner,
Charleston, South Carolina occurred From July 13th-16th, the New York City draft riots
occurred On
July 17th, the
Battle of Honey Springs (Elk Creek), Indian Territory, was fought Union Brigadier-General E.R. (Edward
Richard) Sprigg Canby (November 9, 1817 C.E.-April 11, 1873 C.E.)
had commanded the Department of New Mexico. He defeated CSA General Henry
Hopkins Sibley at the Battle of Glorieta
Pass, forcing him to retreat to Texas. After a period of clerical
duty, Canby was assigned as "commanding general of the city and
harbor of New York City" on July 17, 1863 C.E. This assignment
followed the New York Draft Riots by ethnic Irish against
blacks, which caused numerous deaths and extensive property damage. The areas of Missouri, Kansas, and the Indian
Territory in today’s modern-day Oklahoma were marked by ongoing guerrilla military activities throughout the remainder
of the war. The most well-known incident of these guerrilla actions
was the infamous Lawrence massacre. It occurred on August 1863
C.E. in the Unionist town of Lawrence, Kansas. From August-September,
the Chickamauga Campaign,
Georgia, occurred On September 8th, the Battle of Sabine Pass, Texas,
was fought From September
18th-20th, the Battle of Chickamauga was fought. Major-General William
Rosecrans occupied Chattanooga and pursued CSA’s General Braxton Bragg into Georgia, where, at Chickamauga
Creek, the Confederates turned upon the Northerners and drove them back.
As Grant was named to command in the west, he replaced Rosecrans with
Major General George H. Thomas. It was during the American Civil War that my
great-grandfather, José de la
Anastácio, married Nicolása
Quintana on September 22, 1863 C.E. With the war going strong, the
newlyweds would have been concerned about the Texas threat to New
Mexico. The South had made it known that they wanted New Mexico as their
own. Anastácio and other Hispanos
would have taken strong exception to this idea of Santa Fé under the banner of slavery. On the family's occasional visits to the pueblo
of Pecos from their farms and ranches, the ruins must have had an aura
of mystery. The landowners told of legends of lost Spanish gold and
ghosts of Indian deities. Trails through the ruins revealed rough,
poorly fitting stones in uneven rows marking the lower tiers of the two
terraced community houses. These had once reached a height of four
stories. Their children must have enjoyed playing in the old pueblo.
From October-November, Chattanooga
Campaign, Tennessee, occurred. In several battles around
Chattanooga Grant's armies defeated CSA General Braxton
Bragg's troops, forcing them to retreat to Dalton, Georgia. There Bragg
was succeeded in command be General Joseph E. Johnson.
October 1, 1863 C.E. 1st Regiment, New Mexico
Infantry (New) was organized and attached to Department of New Mexico.
It was on garrison duty by detachments during entire term of service at
Forts Union, Solden, Craig, Bowie, Cummings, McRae, Goodwin, and other
points in that Department. Company "K" at Fort Lyon, Colorado,
September, 1864 C.E., to February, 1865 C.E. It would be on expedition from Fort Craig,
N.M., to Fort Goodwin, Arizona, May 16 to August 2, 1864 C.E. (Company
"I"). 1st Regiment would later be on expedition to Pinal
Mountains July 18-August 17, 1864 C.E. (Detachment Company
"I"). From October 1-November 27, 1864 C.E., it continued its
expedition to Pinal Creek. By
August 1-5, 1864 C.E., the unit would be on expedition from Fort Craig
to Fort Goodwin, Ariz. 1st Regiment, New Mexico Infantry (New) would be
mustered out on November 7, 1866 C.E. Those de
Riberas serving in the unit were:
On October 14th, the Battle of Briscoe
Station was fought. CSA General Lee's attempt to turn Union General
Meade's flank in back in October 1863 C.E. crested in defeat at Bristoe
Station. From October 28th-29th, the Wauhatchie Night Attack occurred.
From November-December, the Knoxville Campaign, Tennessee, occurred In November 1863 C.E., a large Union force
landed on the barrier islands of south Texas and occupied Fort Brown in
the city of Brownsville. From this base, the USA force continued west in
an attempt to capture Laredo
and its cotton stores in an attempt to injure Texas’ economy. On
November 6th, the
Battle of Droop Mountain, W. Virginia was fought On
November 7th, the
Engagement at Rappahannock Station, Virginia was fought Union Brigadier-General E.R. (Edward
Richard) Sprigg Canby served until November 9, 1863 C.E. reviving
the draft, and overseeing a prisoner of war camp in New
York Harbor. He then went to work in the office of the Secretary of War,
unofficially describing himself in correspondence as an "Assistant
Adjutant General." Looking back on Canby's record, a 20th-century
adjutant general, Edward F. Witsell, described Canby's position as
"similar to that of an Assistant to the Secretary of the
Army." From November 17th-December 4th, the Siege of
Knoxville occurred On
November 19th,
President Lincoln delivered his Gettysburg Address From November
23rd-25th, the Battle of Chattanooga was fought From November 26th-December 2nd, the Mine Run Campaign,
Virginia, occurred. A move by Union General Meade to turn the CSA flank
south of the Rapidan culminated in stalemate at Mine Run. By
the winter, of December 1863 C.E. through March of 1864 C.E., Kit
Carson's troops erected a blockade at the Cañon
de Cililí’s entrance. His soldiers fired upon Navajós attempting to flee the
Cañon. During this period, by March, 1864 C.E., Kit Carson’s
troops rounded up thousands of starving Navajó
in New Mexico. The
two-week siege of Union-occupied Knoxville by CSA Lieutenant General
James Longstreet's troops ended on December 3, 1863 C.E. with the
approach of a relief column led by Union General Sherman.
Charleston had been under attack much of the year. It entered the
third winter of the war battered but unconquered. After 1863 C.E., the tribal governments sent
representatives to the Confederate Congress. Elias Cornelius
Boudinot represented the Cherokee and Samuel Benton
Callahan represented the Seminole and Creek people.
The Cherokee Nation, aligning with the Confederacy, alleged
northern violations of the Constitution, waging war against slavery
commercial and political interests, abolishing slavery in the Indian
Territory, and that the North intended to seize additional Indian lands.
Unfortunately for the Union Army, it would
remain commanded by a series of ineffective generals until 1864 C.E.
There would also be a change of the Northern strategic goal of a limited
war to restore the Union. By 1864 C.E., a unified Union command system
and Northern strategy focused on dividing the Confederacy along an
east/west axis. The last full year of campaigning in the east would
begin with Union forces in the east and west making a unified effort to
wear down the South's will to fight. This new goal included the
destruction of the Old South, the dismantling of its institution of
slavery, and to restore the Union. It was to be a, "new birth of
freedom," as President Lincoln stated in his address at
Gettysburg to dedicate a cemetery for Union soldiers killed in the
battle there. Destruction of the South’s food supply and its ability
to wage war was pivotal to Northern success. Industrial capacity in the
Deep South also had to be eliminated.
Sherman's Atlanta Campaign in April and his “March to the
Sea” would achieve the needed outcomes by the end of the year. 1864
C.E. was to be another year of
bloody fighting. A very determined South continued to attack the
Northern forces with great fury. The North would put forth a new
strategy of "total war." For this task, in March of that year,
General Ulysses S. Grant would come to from the Western theater in to
Virginia to become General-In-Chief of all Union armies. President
Lincoln gave Ulysses S. Grant the rank of lieutenant-general.
His immediate mission was to destroy Joe Johnston's Army of
Tennessee and Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. To counter the
Union’s “war of attrition” against the Confederacy two principal
armies were created. One was Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia
and the other Joseph E. Johnston's Army of Tennessee. From February 3rd-March 4, 1864 C.E., the Meridian Expedition in Mississippi was
carried out On February 22nd, the Battle of Okolona was fought. On February 20th, Battle of Olustee (Ocean Pond),
Florida, was fought From March 12th-May 20th, the Red
River and Camden Campaigns, in Louisiana and Arkansas were conducted On March 19, 1864
C.E., CSA Colonel Santos Benavides
in Texas forced Union invaders back down the Río
Grande. From March 23rd- May 3rd, Camden Expedition in
Arkansas was carried out. From April 8, 1864
C.E. through April 9, 1864 C.E., the Red River Campaign was
conducted. On April 8th,
the Campaign’s Battle of Mansfield, Louisiana, was fought. Under the
command of Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks, a Union force
attempted to gain control over northwestern Louisiana. A smaller
CSA force commanded by General Richard
Scott "Dick" Taylor (January 27, 1826
C.E.-April 12, 1879
C.E.) thwarted this attempt by defeating Union General Banks’ force. The the Battle
of Mansfield, also known as the Battle of
Sabine Crossroads, was fought at De
Soto Parish, Louisiana. Despite having asked to be
relieved because of his distrust of his superior in the campaign, General Edmund
Kirby Smith, on April 8, 1864 C.E., Taylor was promoted to lieutenant-general.
On April 9th, the Battle of Pleasant Hill,
Louisiana, was fought. CSA General Richard
Scott "Dick" Taylor commanded at the battle
where the Union forces were planning to occupy the state capital
Shreveport. During these two battles, General
Taylor lost
two of his most useful commanders, Brigadier Generals Alfred Mouton and Thomas
Green. Both were killed while leading their men into combat. He then
pursued the defeated Major- General Nathaniel P. Banks back to the
Mississippi River. For his services the Congress of the CSA issued
a joint resolution officially thanking General Taylor and his command
for their military service during the Red River Campaign. The Fort Pillow "Massacre" in
Tennessee, on April 12, 1864 C.E., was one of the most controversial
events of the American Civil War. Most of the Union garrison had
surrendered and should have been taken as prisoners of war. Instead, CSA
soldiers killed many of the prisoners. This included more than 300
African-American Union soldiers. The Confederate refusal to treat these
troops as traditional prisoners of war infuriated the North, and led to
the Union’s refusal to participate in prisoner exchanges. On April 30th, the Battle of Jenkins' Ferry,
Arkansas, was fought. In May of 1864 C.E., Union Brigadier-General E.R. (Edward
Richard) Sprigg Canby was promoted to major-general and
relieved Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks of his command at Simmesport,
Louisiana. On May 4, 1864
C.E., William T. Sherman, Grant's successor in the West, chose
Atlanta as his objective. Sherman would lead one hundred thousand men
into northwest Georgia with a single purpose, to attack and destroy Joe
Johnston’s Army of Tennessee at Rocky Face Ridge west of Dalton. After a winter of
feverish CSA fortification of Rocky Face Ridge, it was covered
with trenches, earthworks, and boulder traps. One Union trooper called
it “the Georgian Gibraltar.” A frontal assault was out of the
question, it would risk disaster. Instead, Sherman dispatched a twenty
five thousand man force to make a wide march around the southern tip of
the ridge. Once there, it was to strike the railhead at Resaca, cutting
the CSA supply line. The remainder of Sherman’s command would launch
attacks on the northern and western faces of the ridge. This he hoped
would draw Johnston’s attention away from the Union’s vulnerable
southern flank. On May 7th, fighting began in earnest on Rocky Face Ridge. A Union
column pressed towards Mill Creek Gap from the north, a second at Dug
Gap from the west. On May 9th, Union General James McPherson led
flankers through Snake Creek Gap in the south and began forming his
forces for an attack on Resaca. There about 4,000 Confederates were
vastly outnumbered by the Unions force of 25,000. The remaining CSA
forces were pinned down on the ridge. Yet, these stubborn Confederates
resisted. The intimidated Union General McPherson failed to order the
kind of full-scale attack which may have taken the town and cut Joe
Johnston’s Army of Tennessee supply line. Commanding General Sherman had no choice but to adapt to the new
situation. On May 10th, he began pulling his troops out of their lines
opposing the Rocky Face. Day after day, he began sending them west and
south to join General McPherson’s forces. The CSA forces countering
Sherman’s maneuver, removed their troops into another fortified ring
around Resaca. Fighting would continue there for four more days as the
main bodies of the armies continued shifting southward. That first week-long battle for Rocky Face Ridge was only the first
of the Atlanta Campaign. For the next eight weeks, these two armies
would engage in battle after battle, as they made their way south into
central Georgia. From May 5th-6th,
the Battle of the Wilderness, Virginia, was fought. Grant had
concentrated on Lee and his forces. Their first encounter, the Battle of
the Wilderness, opened on May 5, 1864 C.E., and for the next forty days,
the armies remained engaged in deadly, fierce combat. The bloody
fighting would lead through Spotsylvania Court House, across the North
Anna River to Cold Harbor, and finally to Petersburg. There, the forces
would engage in a siege. Grant would continue his efforts to outflank
the Confederates. His true interest was to seize vital Southern
transportation arteries. His attempt to capture Petersburg would fail
miserably at the Battle of the Crater. From May 7th-September 2nd, the Sherman's Atlanta
Campaign, Georgia, was carried out. From May 8th-21st, the Battle of Spotsylvania Court
House, Virginia, was fought From May 9th-24th, the Sheridan's Richmond Raid was
carried out From May 13th-15th, the
Battle of Resaca, was fought. On May 15th, the Battle of New Market, Virginia, was
fought On May 16th, the Battle of Drewry's Bluff, Virginia, was
fought From May 23rd-26th, the
Battle of North Anna River, Virginia, was fought From May 25th-28th, the
Battles of New Hope Church, Pickett's Mill, and Dallas were fought. From May 31st-June 12th, the Battle of Cold
Harbor, Virginia, was fought On June 5th, the Battle of Piedmont, Virginia, was
fought On June 10th, the Battle of Brice's Cross Roads,
Mississippi, was fought From June 11th-12th, the Battle of Trevilian Station,
Virginia, was fought From June 15th-18th, the Battle of Petersburg, Virginia,
was fought From June 17th-18th, the
Battle of Lynchburg, Virginia, was fought From June 18th-December 31st, the Siege
of Petersburg, Virginia, was conducted On June 27th, the Battle of Kennesaw Mountain, was
fought. In Texas, after a failed attack on Laredo,
the majority of the Union forces were withdrawn from south Texas and
dispatched for duties elsewhere. Soon, the now numerically superior CSA
forces swept back toward Brownsville. After many skirmishes, in July
1864 C.E., they retook the city. Now, only a small Union force remained
in the region. It occupied Brazos
Island on the Texas coast. It was this small Union garrison occupying Brazos
Island that would fight the final action of the Civil War. Meanwhile, by an act approved by Congress on
July 1, 1864 C.E., in the American West and Southwest, Méjicano land claims survey costs were paid, the surveys advertised
in the newspaper, and only then could the applicant petition the General
Land Office for a final patent. Why was this important? Because of the
time and money involved, the original confirmee was sometimes forced to
sell the property. Consequently, in some cases, the individual who
eventually received the final patent was not the original petitioner, or
confirmee. It spoke to the issue of fairness. In fact, it was nothing
more than American jurisprudence
operating as it always had. The process of land confirmation of private
land claims by the United States was difficult. Arguments by historians
and scholars for and against the process have been for years reviewed by
the interested parties. Criticism has been made about the undue hardship
that applicants endured in order to receive confirmation for land which
they believed they already owned. It is possible that the confirmation
of these private land grants could have been simpler and less expensive.
One must realize that at the time of these confirmation hearings, the
nation was engaged in an epic struggle, the Civil War. Mexico
had been defeated 18 years earlier in 1846 C.E. by the United States in
the Méjicano-Américano war. Americans had by this time accepted the status quo.
They were not inclined to simply give away land that they had won.
Consequently, the burden of proof was placed on the Méjicanos and naturalized citizens of conquered Méjico. On July 9th, the Battle of Monocacy, Maryland, was
fought On July 12th, the Battle of Fort Stevens, near
Washington, D.C., was fought On July 14th, the Battle of Tupelo, Mississippi, was
fought On July 17, 1864
C.E. with General Sherman's armies approaching Atlanta, CSA President
Jefferson Davis fired Joe Johnston and replaced him with General John B.
Hood. Hood then proceeded to abandon Johnston's defensive strategy and
boldly sent his troops to attack Sherman in a series of costly battles
that only served to underscore the futility of the tactics. The South
was losing, and losing badly. On July 20th, the Battle of Peachtree Creek, was
fought. On July 22th, the Battle of Atlanta, was fought From June 23rd-July 25th, Early's Washington Raid was conducted On July 24th, the Second Battle of Kernstown,
Virginia, was fought On July 28th, the Battle of Ezra Church, was
fought. On July 30th, the Battle of the Crater, was fought. On August 5th, the Battle of Mobile Bay, Alabama,
was fought From August 7th-October 19th, Sheridan's
Shenandoah Valley, Campaign, Virginia, occurred. From August 18th-25th, the Battle of Weldon Railroad
and Ream's Station were fought From August 29th-December 25th, Price's Raids on
Arkansas, Missouri, Kansas, the Indiana Territory, and Texas were
conducted From August 31st-September 1st, the Battle of
Jonesboro was fought On September 1,
1864 C.E., after a long siege by Union General Sherman's soldiers,
Atlanta was evacuated. The CSA’s General
John Bell Hood would then withdraw. A
small Union concealed engagement force, led by General Gabriel Drowlass
had awaited Hood's retreat. They ambushed the Confederates in a
semi-circle formation, killing about a third of the CSA troops. On September 2nd,
Union troops occupy Atlanta. On September 19th, the Third Battle of Winchester
(Opequon Creek) was fought. On September 22nd, the Battle of Fisher's Hill was
fought On September 29th, the Engagement at New Market
Heights was fought. On September 29th-30th, the Battle of Fort
Harrison (Chaffin's Farm) was fought From September 29th-October 2nd, the Battle of
Peebles' Farm was fought On October 19th, the Battle of Cedar Creek was
fought From October 27th-28th, the Battle of Burgess' Mill
(Boydton Plank Road) was fought From November 15th-December 21st, Sherman's
Savannah Campaign (March to the Sea), Georgia, was conducted.
From 1864 C.E. through 1865 C.E., the Union Army’s General William
Tecumseh Sherman would lead his army deep into the Confederate
heartland. In Georgia and South Carolina, he would destroy their
economic infrastructure. In November 1,
1864 C.E., the United States Congress issued patents for Spanish land
grants to seventeen Indian pueblos.
Some pueblos had no supporting
documents. The evidence of continuous occupation was great and expedited
the confirmation process. Later, President Abraham Lincoln presented
silver-decorated canes to each Pueblo
leader. Union Major-General E.R. (Edward Richard) Sprigg Canby had been assigned
to the Midwest, where he commanded the Military Division of Western Mississippi.
On November 6, 1864 C.E., he was wounded in the upper thigh by a guerrilla while
aboard the gunboat USS
Cricket on the White River in Arkansas near
Little Island. On November 8th, President Lincoln was reelected
President of the United States. By mid-November,
1864 C.E., Union General Sherman burned CSA’s Atlanta and began his
famous "March to the Sea."
As the Confederates lost ground the Union blockade continued to
tighten. The Union amphibious forces seized the forts guarding the
entrance to Mobile Bay and Union Admiral Farragut's ocean-going squadron
crushes a CSA fleet. On November 22nd, an engagement at Griswoldville,
Georgia, was fought From November 29th-December 27th, Lieutenant-General John
Bell Hood's Tennessee Franklin-Nashville Campaign was conducted. Hood’s Army of Tennessee would be virtually
destroyed in battles at Spring Hill, Franklin, and Nashville. On
November 29th, at the Battle of Spring Hill at Spring Hill,
Tennessee, the CSA Army of Tennessee was commanded by Lieutenant-General
Hood. He attacked a Union force under Major-General John
M. Schofield as it retreated from Columbia through Spring
Hill. On November 30th,
the Battle of Franklin was fought. On November 30th,
an engagement at Honey Hill, South Carolina, was fought. On December 13th,
Fort McAllister, Georgia, was captured. From December
15 th-16th, the Battle of Nashville was fought. The Union Army General
George Thomas would virtually destroy the Confederacy's Army of
Tennessee at the battle of Nashville. On December 21st, Savannah, Georgia, was occupied. The Act for the Government and Protection of
Indians continued until the mid-1860s C.E., when an enlightened
California changed its laws to conform to the 14th Amendment. By 1865
C.E., both sides had tasted
enough death, having lived through so much unbelievable carnage. Each
battle had become fiercer and uglier, and each side more embittered and
determined. That year opened with both exhausted armies largely
inactive and entrenched around Petersburg. As each week passed, the
hopelessness of General Lee's CSA cause became clearer. Thankfully, this
was the year the American Civil War would finally end. Between 1865 C.E. and 1880 C.E. ranching would
spread throughout the Great Plains of the United States. The Old Mill in
Cimarron, New Mexico, was built to provide wheat for the Army in the
Southwest and the Indian Agency. The former guide and trapper
"Uncle Dick" Wootton would construct a toll road over Raton
Pass, which made the mountains much easier to cross. The Mountain Branch
of the Santa Fé Trail would
become the preferred route of travel. The Civil War did not stop the continued growth
and change in New Mexico. In that same year, Santa Rosa, "the city of natural lakes" and the county
seat of Guadalupe County, was
settled. It lies in the semiarid, upper Pecos
River valley where numerous natural artesian-spring lakes abound. Blue
Hole is one of these lakes and is well known for its crystal-clear
water. Also in that year, Don
Celso Baca built his hacienda
and started a cattle operation in the fertile plain between El
Rito Creek and the Pecos
River. From the start of the American Civil War on April 12, 1861 C.E. until its end on May 9, 1865 C.E, the de Ribera clan had sought to live their lives as peacefully as possible. Almost 4 months before for the end of the war, Pedro Ribera (1837 C.E.-1918 C.E.), the brother of my great-Grandfather, Anastácio Ribera, and the son of José Luís Ribera and Isabel Martín Ribera married his second wife, María Antónia Maes, on January 7, 1865 C.E. He was born in August of 1837 C.E. at San Miguel, Nuevo Méjico. He would die from the Spanish Flu in San Miguel County, New Mexico, USA, 4 days after his brothers’ Crestíno and Pablo on October 30, 1918 C.E. at the age of 81 years. He would be buried at Old Saint Anthonys Church Cemetery in Pecos, San Miguel County, New Mexico, USA, MEMORIAL ID: 170925853 Pedro
Ribera died from the Spanish Flu 4 days after his
brothers Crestíno and Pablo.
Pedro
Ribera’s First Wife: was Guadalupe Lobato, married in 1850 C.E. until 1872 C.E.
Pedro
Ribera’s Second Wife: was María Antónia Maes married on January 7, 1865 C.E. Family Members Antónia Maes Ribera,
Daughter of Pedro Ribera and Guadalupe Lobato Rivera
In early-February, 1865 C.E., Union General Grant commanded his cavalry and infantry
to the south and west of Petersburg. It was his intent to sever the only
remaining CSA supply line into the city. CSA General Lee was forced to
expand his already thin defensive positions. Confederate attempts to
stop General Grant’s movement were countered at Hatcher's Run.
From February
5th-7, 1865 C.E., the Battle of
Hatcher's Run was fought Sherman's troops occupied Columbia on February
17, 1865 C.E. and compel
the evacuation of Charleston that evening. Entering North Carolina,
Sherman defeated Johnston at Averasboro and at Bentonville. Within days, on February 22nd, Union forces captured Fort Fisher guarding the
approaches to the Cape Fear River and Wilmington, North Carolina. It was
the same day that CSA General Joseph E. Johnston was restored to the
command of what is left of the Army of Tennessee. He was then given the
impossible task of stopping Union General Sherman's armies then sweeping
northward through South Carolina. In the spring, the months of March 1st
through May 31st, and early summer, desperate Civil War
battles would continue. On March 16th, the
Battle of Averasboro, North Carolina, was fought From March
19th-21st, the Battle of
Bentonville, North Carolina, was fought From March
22nd-April 22nd, Wilson's Alabama and Georgia Raid occurred From March
23rd-April 23rd, Stoneman's North Carolina and Virginia Raid
occurred From March
25th-April 12th, the
Mobile Campaign, Alabama,
was conducted. Union Major-General E.R. (Edward
Richard) Sprigg Canby commanded the Union forces assigned to
conduct the campaign against Mobile during that in the spring of
1865 C.E. This would culminate in the Battle of Fort Blakely, which
would lead to the fall of Mobile on April 12, 1865 C.E. As Mobile was
falling to the Union forces, Major General James H. Wilson's Union
cavalry corps would sweep through Selma, Montgomery, and would move on
to Columbus and Macon, Georgia. By March 25, 1865 C.E., the Battle of Fort
Stedman was fought. CSA General Lee initiated a desperate attempt to
remove his forces by attacking Union Fort Stedman east of Petersburg.
The move was a disaster. Under extreme pressure and having failed, Lee
informed President Davis, "I fear now it will be impossible to
prevent a junction between Grant and Sherman...."
From March
27th-April 8th, the siege of Spanish Fort was conducted. Soon, the
confident USA would achieve the inevitable braking of the wavering
Confederate defenses at Five Forks, southwest of Petersburg. On April 1st, the Battle
of Five Forks was fought On April 2nd, the Battle
of Seima, Alabama, was fought By March, 1865 C.E., CSA General Robert E. Lee had reached a decision that he
could not hold the Petersburg-Richmond lines. On April 2nd, at Petersburg, Virginia, the CSA military lines were
breached. Located in south central Virginia, it was the second-largest
city in the state at the outset of the American Civil War. It
had experienced its first nearby combat in the spring of 1864 C.E.,
during the Bermuda Hundred Campaign. Between June 1864 C.E.
and April 1865 C.E., it would again become the focal point of the Petersburg
campaign. After the breach, the city capitulated to Union forces on
April 3, 1865 C.E. This would initiate the Appomattox Campaign.
Within Just six short days, CSA General Robert E. Lee would
surrender the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox
Court House some ninety miles west of Petersburg. On April 2nd,
the Confederates evacuated
Richmond, Virginia. In a desperate bid to save his army, CSA General Lee
evacuated the city, Richmond had fallen. His one week long retreat was
also destined to fail. Union General Grant would soon cut off a remnant
of the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox Court House. From April
2nd-9th, the Siege and Capture of
Fort Blakely. On April 3rd, USA military forces occupied Richmond,
Virginia On April 6th, the Battle
of Sayler's Creek, Virginia, was fought Union General
Grant had finally forced Lee to meet and negotiate a peace at Appomattox on
April 9, 1865 C.E. CSA General Robert E. Lee without hope of
further victories surrendered at the Appomattox Court House. That spring
of 1865 C.E., the bloody battles at places with names like, The
Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg had
taken place with obvious results. All of the principal Confederate
armies had surrendered. By then, Union armies and river naval fleets in
the CSA states west of the Appalachian Mountain chain had won a long
series of victories over the Confederacy’s armies. Lee's surrender on
that day marked the end of the CSA. Aware of the surrender of Confederate General
Lee at Appomattox, the Union commander of Brazos
Island made one final foray toward Brownsville.
On
April 12th, Mobile, Alabama, surrendered. The Union naval blockade of
Southern ports had choked most of the CSA’s nautical lifelines.
Mobile, Alabama, however, remained a Blockade Runners’ haven for
operating along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. On April 12, 1865 C.E., just three days after
the surrender of CSA General Robert E. Lee at Appomattox
Courthouse, the isolated city of Mobile surrendered to the Union army.
It did this to avoid destruction following the Union victories at the Battle
of Spanish Fort and the Battle of Fort Blakely. Interestingly,
on May 25, 1865 C.E., some three hundred people died as a result of an explosion at
a Union ammunition depot on Mobile’s Beauregard Street. The
explosion left a 30-foot deep crater at the depot's location. The blast
also sunk ships docked on the Mobile River. The resulting fires
destroyed the northern portion of the city. The city had held out since
the battle of Mobile bay back in August,
1864 C.E. After his capture of New Orleans, in April
1862 C.E., Union Admiral David Farragut wanted to storm Mobile
Bay. But he was held back. “If I had the permission I can tell you it
would not be long before I would raise a row with the rebels in
Mobile,” Admiral Farragut wrote to his son in February 1864
C.E. Then, General Ulysses S. Grant made capture of the Alabama
port one of his top priorities and Farragut was finally given
permission. By August 5, 1864 C.E., the sailors in
Farragut’s 18-ship flotilla prepared for battle. Formidable obstacles
awaited them. CSA Fort Morgan and Fort Gaines guarded the entrance to
the Mobile Bay. The Bay was also heavily seeded with floating sea mines
called “torpedoes.” Because of these, ships were forced to thread a
narrow channel directly under the forts’ guns. Fortunately, Mobile Bay
was defended by only four CSA ships under the command of Admiral
Franklin Buchanan. The son of Spanish immigrants, Union admiral
Farragut had joined the U.S. Navy at the age of 9. Three years later, he
became a prize master responsible for captured British vessels during
the War of 1812. Farragut had continued serving in an unbroken
naval career for the United States. He was seasoned, knowledgeable,
effective, and capable. Implementing a battle plan for Mobil Bay, he
ordered his vessels into two parallel columns. He positioned his four
ironclad monitors in one line to pass nearest Fort Morgan. The Admiral
had assigned seven pairs of traditional wooden vessels in the other
parallel column. His larger ships were lashed side-by-side to smaller
gunboats, shielding them from Fort Morgan’s devastating fire. Shortly before 7 a.m., shots rang out through
the overcast skies. The battle had commenced. Black cannon smoke mixed
with the summer haze was everywhere making it difficult to see the
action. Though the Admiral suffered from vertigo, he climbed 20 feet up
the ships rigging. He had made his way nearly level with the pilot, for
a better view of the battle conditions. With one hand clinging to the
ropes, Farragut surveyed the battle while clutching a pair of binoculars
as shots whizzed by him. Suddenly off the starboard side, an explosion
rang out. The bow of one of the Union’s iron-hulled monitors, USS
Tecumseh, suddenly heaved up out of the water and turned on its
starboard side. Next, Tecumseh’s stern was high into the air with its
exposed propeller still revolving. The
ship then suddenly sank out of sight with 90 men still on board. The
able seamen realized that a torpedo had sunk Tecumseh and were fearful
of striking another. The commander of the lead ship, Brooklyn, ordered
the engines stopped. Confusion spread across the Union fleet as it
began to pile up directly in Fort Morgan’s firing line with its
pounding guns. Sensing the confusion and impending disaster, the admiral
took control. Farragut ordered the Hartford and its consort to plow
through the minefield and get to the front of the line, exhorting
“Damn the torpedoes! Full speed ahead Fortunately for Farragut’s
seamen, the torpedoes were either faulty or corroded by salt water and
failed to ignite. His flagship, the Hartford, led the Union flotilla
safely through the mines and out of range of Fort Morgan’s guns. The badly outnumbered CSA naval force had made
its decision. CSA Admiral Buchanan ordered his flagship, the
200-foot-long ironclad CSS Tennessee, to charge Farragut’s flagship
the Hartford. The two vessels passed closely to each other as
Farragut’s forces pounded the Tennessee. Soon it was unable to fight
and the crippled iron monster raised the white flag of surrender. The
Bay was his. The Union seized control of Mobile Bay and sealed it off
from blockade runners. Fort Gaines would surrender three days later.
It would be followed by Fort Morgan on August 23rd. The city of Mobile,
however, remained too fortified to capture. It would not surrender until
April 12, 1865 C.E., three days after Appomattox. On April 13th, Raleigh, North Carolina was
occupied by Union troops.
On April 14th, President Lincoln was shot by John
Wilkes Booth at Ford's Theater, Washington, D.C. At Goldsboro, Union General Sherman was joined
by Major General John M. Schofield's force, fresh from a victory at
Kinston. The outnumbered, General Joseph E. Johnston's Confederate
forces near Durham Station, North Carolina, surrendered his troops to
Sherman on April 26, 1865
C.E. Union Major-General E.R. (Edward Richard) Sprigg Canby accepted the
surrender of the CSA forces under Lieutenant-General Richard Taylor in Citronelle,
Alabama, on May 4, 1865 C.E. Union Major-General William T. Sherman was now
to deal with CSA General Johnston. More bad news came for the Union as Lieutenant
General Jubal Early's Confederate troops expelled Federal troops from
the Shenandoah Valley. They then marched on to the outskirts of
Washington. The Union troops
met them at Fort Stevens and turned them back. The outnumbered and
defiant Southerners returned to the Shenandoah Valley. In a series of
hard-fought engagements, Major General Philip Sheridan devastated
Early's army; it was never to be reconstituted. On May 10, 1865 C.E., Union cavalry forces
under Wilson captured the fleeing CSA President Jefferson Davis in Near
Irwinville, Georgia. He had fled Richmond when that city was evacuated
on April 2nd. Resistance was
to soon totally collapse and the war end. In New Mexico, from May 12, 1865 C.E. through
May 13, 1865 C.E., CSA forces including Hispanic soldiers responded.
They met on the coastal plains near the mouth of the Río
Grande at Palmito Ranch in
Texas. The CSA troops defeated the USA forces, one final CSA victory for
a lost cause. Union Major-General E.R. (Edward Richard) Sprigg Canby accepted the
surrender of the CSA forces under General Edmund Kirby Smith west
of the Mississippi River on May 26, 1865 C.E. By June 1st
through August 31st, of 1865 C.E., the sounds of war were
finally silenced. The authority of the Federal Government of the United
States of America was again restored, re-established, the nation
unified, but permanently scarred. The war had uprooted institutions and
transformed the social life of half the country. The struggle had been
so great and intense that it had profoundly impacted the entire national
character. On June 2, 1865 C.E., after all other major
Confederate armies in the field to the east had been surrendered CSA
General Edmund Kirby Smith officially surrendered his command in Galveston,
Texas. During the summer of 1865 C.E., the First
Battalion of Native Cavalry of the California Volunteers was taken by
Major Cremony to the CSA Arizona Territory and stationed in the southern
part of that territory. It would remain there until early in 1866 C.E. There is little known of the important role
Hispanic Californios played in
this effort. Highly skilled on horseback and accustomed to working in
excruciating heat, they made excellent cavalrymen. Serving under both
Hispanic and Anglo officers, hundreds of soldiers from the First
Battalion of Native Cavalry of the California Volunteers would prove
their ability and loyalty by securing these vast lands for the Union.
They also eliminated the intrusion of French imperialists who supported
Maximilian's rule in Méjico and other backers of the CSA. In 1866 C.E., The First
Battalion of Native Cavalry of the California Volunteers would be
returned to California to be mustered out at Drum Barracks at the Presidio, San Francisco. By June 23, 1865 C.E., the last CSA army surrendered and the long war was
finally over. Stand Watie, the native-American commander of the
Southern troops in the Indian Territory, became the last
Confederate general to surrender. The Northern victory in the war would preserve
the United States of America as one nation. It would also end the
institution of slavery which had divided the country since its
inception. Now the long, difficult, and painful process of rebuilding a
united nation would begin. The price for this came at the cost of
625,000 lives. This represents almost as many American soldiers as died
in all the other wars in which America fought up to the onset of World
War I in 1914 C.E. In fact, the American Civil War was the largest and
most destructive conflict in the Western world, between the end of the
Napoleonic Wars in 1815 C.E. and the beginning of World War I. The Civil War would remain a distant memory for
many New Mexicans. As the participating generation died off few stories
were passed down to future generations. Much was lost of the two
glorious battles that took place in New Mexico. The truth about these
gallant Hispano soldiers of
the Union Army would be forgotten and lies would become the reality. One can only say that a family history is more
that a list of names, and in some cases, faces. As I’ve completed this
chapter on the American Civil War, there is a more in-depth and
clarifying understanding of my progenitors, the de
Riberas. Who they were and how they served the United States of
America matters. In our next chapter we will examine how these Españoles and
Nuevo Méjicanos
continued to serve.
06/19/2018 09:24 AM |
