MICHOACÁN: A STRUGGLE FOR IDENTITY
By John P. Schmal
The State of Michoacán de Ocampo, located in the west
central part of the Mexican Republic, occupies 59,864 square kilometers (23,113
square miles) and is the sixteenth largest state in Mexico, taking up 3% of the
national territory. With a population that was tallied at 3,985,667 in the 2000
census, Michoacán is divided into 113 municipios and has a common border with
Jalisco and Guanajuato (to the north), Querétaro (on the northeast), the state
of Mexico (on the east), Guerrero (to the southeast), and Colima (to the west).
In addition, Michoacán's southeast border includes a 213-kilometer (132-mile)
shoreline along the Pacific Ocean.
Dominated by the mountains of the Sierra Madre Occidental, Michoacán extends
from the Pacific Ocean northeastward into the central plateau. The climate and
soil variations caused by this topography make Michoacán a diverse agricultural
state that produces both temperate and tropical cereals, fruits, and vegetables.
Mining is a leading industry in the state, with significant production of gold,
silver, zinc, and iron.
The Purhépecha
For more than a thousand years, Michoacán has been
the home of the Purhépecha Indians (more popularly known as the Tarascans). The
modern state of Michoacán preserves, to some extent, the territorial integrity
of the pre-Columbian Kingdom of the Purhépecha. This kingdom was one of the
most prosperous and extensive empires in the pre-Hispanic Mesoamerican world.
The name Michoacán derives from the Náhuatl terms, michin (fish)
and hua (those who have) and can (place) which
roughly translates into "place of the fisherman."
Because the Purhépecha culture lacks a written language, its origin and early
history are shrouded in mystery. Its stories, legends and customs pass from one
generation to the next through oral traditions. A Tarascan origin myth relates
the story of how Curicaueri, the fire god, and his brother gods founded the
settlements along Lake Pátzcuaro. The primary source of information about the
cultural and social history of the Purhépecha Indians is Relación de
Michoacán (published in English as The Chronicles of Michoacán), which was
dedicated as a gift to Don Antonio de Mendoza, the first Viceroy of Nueva
España (1535-1550). Professor Bernardino Verástique's Michoacán and Eden:
Vasco de Quiroga and the Evangeliztion of Western Mexico, frequently cites
"The Chronicles" in his publication and is an excellent source of
information about the history of Michoacán in general.
The Tarascans of Michoacán have always called themselves Purhépecha. However,
early in the Sixteenth Century, the Spaniards gave the Purhépecha a name from
their own language. The name of these Indians, Tarascos, was derived from the
native word tarascué, meaning relatives or brother-in-law. According to Fray
(Friar) Martín Coruña, it was a term the natives used mockingly for the
Spaniards, who regularly violated their women. But the Spaniards mistakenly took
it up, and the Spanish word Tarasco (and its English equivalent, Tarascan), is
commonly used today to describe the Indians who call themselves Purhépecha.
Today both the people and their language are known as Tarasca. But Professor
Verástique comments that the word Tarasco "carries pejorative connotations
of loathsomeness and disgust."
"The Purhépecha language," writes Professor Verástique, "is a
hybrid Mesoamerican language, the product of a wide-ranging process of
linguistic borrowing and fusion." Some prestigious researchers have
suggested that it is distantly related to Quecha, one of the man languages in
the Andean zone of South America. For this reason, it has been suggested that
the Purhépecha may have arrived in Mexico from Peru and may be distantly
related to the Incas. The Tarascan language also has some similarities to that
spoken by the Zuni Indians of New Mexico.
Early Purhépecha History
The ancient Tarascan inhabitants were farmers and
fishermen who established themselves in present-day Michoacán by the Eleventh
Century A.D. But, in the late Twelfth Century, Chichimec tribes from the north
crossed the Lerma River into Michoacán and settled in the fertile valley near
the present-day town of Zacapu. "The entry of these nomadic hunters, writes
Professor Verástique, "was facilitated by the fall of the Toltec garrisons
at Tula and the political vacuum created in the region by the city's fall."
Once in Michoacán, the nomadic Chichimecs began to intermingle with the
Purhépecha, to create what Verástique calls "the Purhépecha-Chichimec
Synthesis."
By 1324 A.D., they had become the dominant force in western Mexico, with the
founding of their first capital city Pátzcuaro, located 7,200 feet (2,200
meters) above sea level along the shore of Lake Pátzcuaro (Mexico's highest
lake). The name, Pátzcuaro, meaning "Place of Stones," was named for
the foundations called "Petatzecua" by Indians who found them at the
sites of ruined temples of an earlier civilization. Eventually, however, the
Purhépecha transferred their capital to Tzintzuntzan ("Place of the
Hummingbirds"), which is about 15 kilometers north of Pátzcuaro, on the
northeastern shore of the lake. Tzintzuntzan would remain the Purhépecha
capital until the Spaniards arrived in 1522.
Tzintzuntzan, the home of about 25,000 to 30,000 Purhépecha, was the site of
the Tarascans' peculiar T-shaped pyramids that rose in terraces. The Tarascans
became skilled weavers and became known for their feathered mosaics made from
hummingbird plumage. With time, these gifted people also became skilled
craftsmen in metalworking, pottery, and lapidary work. In the Michoacán of this
pre-Hispanic period, gold, copper, salt, obsidian, cotton, cinnabar, seashells,
fine feathers, cacao, wax and honey became highly prized products to the
Tarascans. Neighboring regions that possessed these commodities quickly became
primary targets of Tarascan military expansion. When a tribe was conquered by
the Tarascans, the subjects were expected to pay tributes of material goods to
the Tarascan authorities.
The Purhépecha Empire
During the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, the
Purhépechas grew militarily strong and economically prosperous. An early
Tarascan king named Tariácuri initiated numerous wars of expansion. In addition
to occupying and establishing garrisons in the western frontier (now Jalisco),
he cut a wedge through the Sierra Madre into the tierra caliente (hot country)
of the present-day state of Guerrero. With this acquisition, he incorporated
Náhuatl people into his empire. However, the region was also a primary source
of certain precious objects that were used in the religious cults of the time:
copper, gold, silver, cotton, copal incense, cacao, beeswax, and vegetable fats.
Confrontations with the Aztecs
Eventually, the Purépecha Kingdom would control an
area of at least 45,000 square miles (72,500 square kilometers), including parts
of the present-day states of Guanajuato, Guerrero, Querétaro, Colima, and
Jalisco. However, 240 miles to east, the Aztec Empire, centered in Tenochtitlán,
had begun its ascendancy in the Valley of Mexico. As the Aztecs expanded their
empire beyond the Valley, they came into conflict with the Tarascans. More than
once, the Aztecs tried to conquer the Tarascan lands. But, in all of their major
confrontations, the Tarascans were always victorious over the Aztecs. The Aztecs
called the Tarascans Cuaochpanme, which means "the ones with a narrow strip
on the head" (the shaven heads), and also Michhuaque, meaning "the
lords of the fishes".
During the reign of the Tarascan king Tzitzic Pandacuare, the Aztecs launched a
very determined offensive against their powerful neighbors in the west. This
offensive turned into a bloody and protracted conflict lasting from 1469 to
1478. Finally, in 1478, the ruling Aztec lord, Tlatoani Axayácatl, led a force
of 32,000 Aztec warriors against an army of almost 50,000 Tarascans in the
Battle of Taximaroa (today the city of Hidalgo). After a daylong battle,
Axayácatl decided to withdraw his surviving warriors. It is believed that the
Tarascans annihilated at least 20,000 warriors. In the art of war, the
Purhépecha had one major advantage over the Aztecs, in their use of copper for
spear tips and shields.
The Arrival of the Spaniards
In April 1519, a Spanish army, under the command of
Hernán Cortés, arrived on the east coast of Mexico near the present-day site
of Veracruz. As his small force made its way westward from the Gulf coast,
Cortés started meeting with the leaders of the various Indian tribes they found
along the way. Soon he would begin to understand the complex relationship
between the Aztec masters and their subject tribes. Human sacrifice played an
integral role in the culture of the Aztecs. However, the Aztecs rarely
sacrificed their own. In their search for sacrificial victims to pacify their
gods, the Aztecs extracted men and women from their subject tribes as tribute.
Cortés, understanding the fear and hatred that many of the Indian tribes held
for their Aztec rulers, started to build alliances with some of the tribes.
Eventually, he would align himself with the Totonacs, the Tlaxcalans, the Otomí,
and Cholulans. Finally, on November 8, 1519, when Cortés arrived in
Tenochtitlán (the Aztec capital), he was accompanied by an army of at least
6,000.
Aware that a dangerous coalition was in the making, the Aztec Emperor Moctezuma
II quickly dispatched ten emissaries to Tzintzuntzan to meet with the Tarascan
King, Zuangua. The Aztec messengers arrived in October 1519 and relayed their
monarch's plea for assistance. But Zuangua, after consulting with his sages and
gods, came to believe that the "new men from the east" would triumph
over the Aztecs. Unfortunately, the Aztec emissaries brought more than a cry for
help. Apparently, one of them carried the disease smallpox into the capital city
and into the presence of the King.
With this initial exposure to the dreaded disease, King Zuangua became ill and
died. In a matter of days, a deadly plague of smallpox ravaged through the whole
kingdom. Horrified by this bad omen, the Tarascans threw the Aztec
representatives in prison and sacrificed them to their gods. Shortly thereafter,
as Tenochtitlán was locked in a life-and-death struggle for survival against a
massive attacking force, the Purhépechas in Tzintzuntzan choose as their new
monarch, the oldest son of Zuangua, Tangoxoán II.
The Conquest
On August 13, 1521, after a bloody 75-day siege,
Tenochtitlán finally fell to a force of 900 Spaniards and a hundred thousand
Indian warriors. Almost immediately, Hernán Cortés started to take an interest
in the surrounding Indian nations. Once in control of Tenochtitlán, Cortés
sent messengers off to Tzintzuntzan. These messengers returned with Tangoxoán's
emissaries, who were greeted by Cortés and taken on a canoe tour of the
battle-torn city. The famous conquistador made a point of demonstrating his
cavalry in action. In concluding his guided tour, Cortés assured Tangoxoán's
representatives that, if they subjected themselves to the King of Spain, they
would be well treated. They soon returned to Tzintzuntzan to report to their
king.
Convinced that the Spaniards would allow him to continue ruling and fearing a
terrible fate if he challenged them, Tangaxoan allowed the Spanish soldiers to
enter Tzintzuntzan unopposed. The only precaution the Purhépechas took was to
sacrifice eight hundred slaves who they feared would join the Spanish if a fight
did occur. In July 1522, when the conquistador Cristobal de Olíd, with a force
of 300 Spaniards and 5,000 Amerindian allies (mainly Tlaxcalans) arrived in the
capital city of Tzintzuntzan, they found a city of 40,000 inhabitants.
Horrified by the sight of the temples and pyramids awash with the blood of
recent human sacrifices, The Spanish and Tlaxcalan soldiers looted and destroyed
the temples of the Purhépecha high priests. The occupying army, writes
Professor Verástique, "required an enormous exertion of human labor and
the preparation of vast quantities of food." During the four months that
the occupying army stayed in Michoacán, it soon became apparent that the
Spaniards were interested in finding gold and silver in Tangoxoán's mountainous
kingdom. The discovery of gold in western Michoacán near Motín in 1527 brought
more of the invaders. However, several of the Náhuatl tribes in the region
resisted the intrusion vigorously. With the influx of adventurers and treasure
seekers, more of the Tarascans were expected to help labor in the mines or help
feed the mineworkers and livestock.
On a visit to Mexico City, in 1524, King Tangoxoán II was baptized with the
Christian name of Francisco. It was Tangoxoán II himself, on another visit to
Mexico City, who asked the bishop to send Catholic priests to Michoacán. In
1525, six Franciscan missionaries, led by Fray Martín de Jesus de la Coruña,
arrived in Tzintzuntzan in 1525. The next year, they built a large Franciscan
monastery and a convent. They saved a great deal of labor by tearing down much
of the Purhépecha temples and platforms, using the quarried stones for their
own buildings. Augustinian missionaries would arrive in Michoacán during 1533.
In the meantime, however, Cortés, seeking to reward his officers for their
services, awarded many encomienda grants in Michoacán to the inner core of his
army. The tribute-receiving soldier, known as an encomendero received a grant in
the form of land, municipios or Indian labor. He was also obliged to provide
military protection and a Christian education for the Indians under his command.
However, "the encomienda grant," comments Professor Verástique,
"was also fertile ground for bribery and corruption." Continuing with
this line of thought, the Professor writes that "forced labor, especially
in the silver mines, and the severe tribute system of the conquistadors"
soon inflicted "extreme pressures on Purhépecha society."
Nuño de Guzmán
Concerns for the impending devastation of the
indigenous people of Mexico soon reached the Spanish government. The Crown
decided to set up the First Audiencia (Governing Committee) in Mexico in order
to replace Cortés' rule in Mexico City and reestablish their own authority. On
November 13, 1528, the Spanish lawyer, Nuño Guzmán de Beltran, was named by
the Spanish King Carlos V to head this new government and end the anarchy that
was growing in Nueva España.
Unfortunately, writes Professor Verástique, "the government of Spain had
no idea of the character of the man whom they had appointed as president of the
Audiencia." Eventually it became apparent that the "law and order
personality" of Guzmán would be replaced with "ruthlessness and
obstinancy." As soon as Guzmán took over, "he sold Amerindians into
slavery, ransacked their temples searching for treasure, exacted heavy tribute
payments from the caciques, and kidnapped women." Guzmán was "equally
spiteful with his own countrymen," confiscating the encomiendas that
Cortés had awarded his cronies.
Almost immediately, the Bishop-elect of Mexico City, the Franciscan Juan de
Zumárraga came into conflict with Guzmán. Appointed as the "Protector of
the Indians" and inquisitor of Nueva España, Zumárraga initiated court
proceedings to hear Amerindian complaints about Spanish injustice and
atrocities. By 1529, Guzmán was excommunicated from the church for his defiance
of the church and his abuse of the Indian population. Anticipating loss of his
position as well, Guzmán set off for Michoacán at the end of 1529.
Accompanied by 350 Spanish cavalrymen and foot soldiers, and some 10,000 Indian
warriors, Guzmán arrived in Michoacán and demanded King Tangoxoán to turn
over all his gold. However, unable to deliver the precious metal, on February
14, 1530, the King was tortured, dragged behind a horse and finally burned at
the stake. Guzmán's cruelty stunned and horrified the Tarascan people who had
made their best efforts to accommodate the Spaniards and Tlaxcalans. Fearing for
their lives, many of Purhépecha population either died or fled far into the
mountains to hide. Guzmán's forces plundered the once-grand and powerful
Purhépecha nation. Temples, houses, and fields were devastated while the
demoralized people fled to the mountains of Michoacán.
Guzmán now declared himself "King of the Tarascan Empire" and
prepared to leave Michoacán. However, before moving on to plunder Jalisco,
Guzmán drafted 8,000 Purhépecha men to serve as soldiers in his army. News of
Guzmán's blatant atrocities rippled through the countryside and reached the
ears of church authorities. While Guzmán moved on in an attempt to elude the
authorities in Mexico City, Bishops Bartolomé de Las Casas and Zumárraga
prepared a case against Guzmán. Eventually he would return to the capital,
where he was arrested and shipped to Spain for trial.
A New Beginning: Vasco de Quiroga
Guzmán's cruelty had destroyed the relationship
between the Spanish and the Tarascans. In a short time, the grand and powerful
Purhépecha nation had been completely devastated. Had it not been for the
effort of one man whose ideals, good judgment and ability to put into practice
the morals that he preached, it is possible that the Purhépechas would not have
survived this catastrophe. This man was Don Vasco de Quiroga, who at the age of
60, arrived in Mexico in January 1531, with a mandate to repair both the moral
and material damage that had been inflicted upon Michoacán by Guzmán. A
Spanish aristocrat born in Galicia, Don Vasco de Quiróga was trained in the law
but would play an important role in the evangelization of the Purhépecha
people.
According to Bernardino Verástique, the primary task assigned to Quiroga was to
assume "the pastoral role of protector, spiritual father, judge and
confessional physician" to the Purhépecha. On December 5, 1535, Vasco
Quiroga was endorsed by Zumárraga as Bishop-elect of Michoacán. The nomination
was approved on December 9, 1536, and in 1538, he was formally ordained by
Bishop Zumárraga in Mexico City. Quiroga, upon arriving in Michoacán, very
quickly came to the conclusion that Christianizing the Purhépecha depended upon
preserving their language and understanding their worldview. Over time, Quiroga
would embrace the Tarascan people and succeed in implanting himself in the minds
and hearts of the natives as "Tata", or "Daddy" Vasco, the
benefactor and protector of the Indians.
To attract the Indians to come down from their mountain hideouts and hear the
Word of God, Don Vasco staged performances of a dance called "Los Toritos",
a dance that is still performed today in the streets of local villages during
certain festivities. All the dancers wear colorful costumes and masks, one of
which is a great bull's head. The bull prances to the music of guitars and
trumpets as the others try to capture him with capes and ropes.
Little by little, small groups of natives came down from the hills to
investigate this strange phenomenon and Don Vasco befriended them with gifts. He
treated the Indians with "enlightened compassion" and soon many
families came down from the hills to settle near the monastery, as much for
protection as to embrace the new faith. Don Vasco stood at odds with the cruel
treatment the Spanish soldiers meted out to the Indians, and with his influence
and personal power, he was able to put an end to the crippling tribute system
the Spaniards had inherited from the Purhépecha kings.
Recovery and Rejuvenation
Don Vasco ensured that the old boundaries of the
Purhépecha Kingdom would be maintained. He began construction of the Cathedral
of Santa Ana in 1540. He also established the Colegio de San Nicolas Obispo. As
a Judge (oidor) and Bishop, Quiroga was driven by a profound respect for Spanish
jurisprudence and his desire to convert the Purhépecha to a purified form of
Christianity free of the corruption of European Catholicism. He strove to
establish "New World Edens" in Michoacán by congregating the
Purhépecha into repúblicas de indios, or congregaciones (congregations)
modeled after Thomas More's Utopia. Guided spiritually by the friars, the
natives of these communities became self-governing. Under this system,
Augustinian and Franciscan friars could more easily instruct the natives in the
fundamental beliefs of Christianity as well as the values of Spanish culture.
Quiroga's efforts to raise the standard of living for the Tarascans gradually
took hold. Labor in the communal fields or on the cattle ranches was performed
on a rotating basis to permit the people to become self-supporting and to allow
them free time for instruction, both spiritual and practical, and to work in
specialized industries. Gathering the dispirited Purhépechas into new villages
made possible the development of a particular industrial skill for each
community. Soon one town became adept at making saddles, another produced
painted woodenware, and another baskets, etc. In time, the villages developed
commerce between one another, thus gaining economic strength. Don Vasco de
Quiroga finally died on March 20, 1565 in Pátzcuaro.
On February 28, 1534, King Carlos issued a royal edict, awarding Tzintzuntzan
the title of City of Michoacán, and in 1536 it became the seat of a newly
created Bishopric. However, Tzintzuntzan lost its importance when the Spaniards
changed their administrative center to Pátzcuaro in 1540. Then, in 1541 the
Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza issued an order to raise a city called Valladolid,
185 miles northwest of Mexico City. This town - originally known as Guayangareo
by the indigenous people - was elevated to the status of a city in 1545, with
the approval of the King of Spain. Almost three centuries later, in 1828,
Valladolid, the birthplace of Jose Maria Morelos was renamed Morelia in honor of
the revolutionary patriot who served in the War of Independence. Although
Tzintzuntzan remained the headquarters of the Franciscans, it soon dwindled in
size and significance as the royal title of City of Michoacán passed to
Pátzcuaro.
The Colonial Period
During the colonial years, thanks to Quiroga's
efforts, Michoacán flourished and came to occupy an important position in
regard to its artistic, economic and social development. The prosperity that
flourished in Michoacán has been explored in a number of specialized works.
Professor Verástique has suggested that "Vasco de Quiroga's ideals of
humanitarianism and Christian charity had a critical influence on the conversion
process."
Unfortunately, the repercussions of Guzmán's cruelty also had long-range
effects on Michoacán's population. Professor Verástique writes that
"three factors contributed to the loss of life in Michoacán: warfare,
ecological collapse, and the loss of life resulting from forced labor in the
encomienda system." Between 1520 and 1565, the population of Michoacán had
declined by about thirty percent, with a loss of some 600,000 people. For the
rest of the colonial period - the better part of three centuries - Michoacán
would retain its predominantly agrarian economy.
Michoacán in The Twentieth Century
Michoacán - known as the Intendancy of Valladolid
during the Spanish period - saw a significant increase in its population from
the 1790 census (322,951) to the 1895 census (896,495). The 1900 census tallied
935,808 individuals, of whom only 17,381 admitted to speaking indigenous
languages. It is likely, however, that during the long reign of Porfirio Díaz,
many indigenous-speaking individuals were afraid to admit their Indian identity
to census-takers.
In the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920, one in eight Mexican citizens lost their
lives. The armies and battlegrounds of this civil war shifted from one part of
Mexico to another during this decade. Michoacán was not the site of major
active revolutionary participation, but Jennie Purnell, the author of Popular
Movements and State Formation in Revolutionary Mexico: The Agraristas and
Cristeros of Michoacán, writes that Michoacán endured "attacks by rebel
bands, wide-spread banditry, prolonged drought, and devastating epidemics."
As a result, the population of Michoacán in 1910 (991,880) dropped to 939,849
in the 1921 census.
The 1921 Mexican Census
The 1921 census was unique among Mexican tallies
because it asked people questions about their racial identity. Out of a total
population of 939,849 people in Michoacán, 196,726 persons claimed to be of
"indígena pura" (pure indigenous) descent, representing 20.9% of the
total population. The vast majority of Michoacán residents - 663,391 in all -
identified themselves as "indígena mezclada con blanca" (indigenous
mixed with white, or mestizo), representing 70.6% of the total state population.
Only 64,886 individuals referred to themselves as "blanca" (white).
The 2000 Mexican Census
According to the 2000 census, the population of
persons five years and more who spoke indigenous languages in the state of
Michoacán totaled 121,849 individuals. The most common indigenous languages in
Michoacán are: Purépecha (109,361), Náhuatl (4,706), Mazahua (4,338), Otomí
(732), Mixteco (720), and Zapoteco (365).
In all, 121,409 persons who spoke Purépecha were tallied in Mexico's 2000
census, with the vast majority of them living in Michoacán. It is noteworthy
that the vast majority of these Purépecha-speaking persons - 103,161, or 85% -
also spoke the Spanish language, indicating a significant level of assimilation.
In recent decades, the people of Michoacán have developed a new appreciation of
their Purépecha roots and culture. Today, the people of Michoacán can look
back with pride on several hundred years of evolution: from an indigenous
kingdom to a Spanish colony to a free and sovereign state of the Republic of
Mexico.
The 2010 Mexican Census
In the 2010 census, Michoacán was ranked 13th among the Mexican states with 3.5% of its population speaking indigenous languages (136,608 individuals in all). The single largest group among the indigenous speakers were the Purhépecha who represented 83.1% of total indigenous-speaking language. Náhuatl was the second most common language spoken in the state.
The 2010 census also included a question that asked people if they considered themselves indigenous, whether or not an indigenous language was spoken. The results of this question indicated that 15.7 million Mexicans 3 years of age and older identified themselves as "indigenous:" 14.9% of the total Mexican population. This time Michoacán ranked 14th, with 14.6% of its population 3 years of age and older being considered indigenous.
In 2010, a total of 124,494 Mexicans identified themselves as speakers of the Purépecha language. Purépecha was the 15th most commonly spoken language in Mexico, and more than 94% of those persons lived within the borders of Michoacán. However, the rate of monolingualism in the Purépecha speakers declined from 12.9% in 2000 to 7.8% in 2010.
The Future
The future of Mexico’s indigenous languages is not certain, but there does appear to be some effort to carry on some of the nation’s ancient languages. The movement of indigenous peoples from their places of origin to other parts of Mexico will play some role in the continued decline of some languages. On the other hand, the sense of pride and cultural identity among some indigenous groups will ensure the survival of many of the languages well into the future.
Copyright © 2012, by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
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Eugene R. Craine and Reginald C. Reindorp, The Chronicles of Michoacán. Norman,
Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970.
Departamento de la Estadística Nación, Annuario de 1930. Tacubaya, Distrito
Federal, 1932.
Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, A.C., Familia Tarasca : Tarascan Family.
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Jennie Purnell, Popular Movements and State Formation
in Revolutionary Mexico: The Agraristas and Cristeros of Michoacán. Durham:
Duke University Press, 1999.
Bernardino Verástique, Michoacán and Eden: Vasco de Quiroga and the
Evangelization of Western Mexico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000.
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LOS ANTEPASADOS INDÍGENAS DE LOS GUANAJUATENSES:
A Look into Guanajuato's Past
By John P. Schmal
For the better part of a hundred years, thousands of people have emigrated from the central Mexican state of Guanajuato to the United States. A hundred years ago, fifty years ago - and today - Guanajuatenses have represented a significant portion of all Mexican immigrants to Los Estados Unidos. It can thus be stated that millions of Americans look to the state of Guanajuato as their "madre patria" and that we all know people whose roots are nested in this beautiful state. As a matter of fact, a paternal great-grandmother of my nieces and nephews came from Valle de Santiago in the state of Guanajuato.
But what do most Guanajuato-Americanos know of their ancestral homeland? The Free and Sovereign State of Guanajuato is a landlocked state in the center of the Mexican Republic. It shares borders with San Luis Potosí and Zacatecas on the north, with Querétaro on the east, the state of México on the southeast, Jalisco on the west, and Michoacán on the south.
Guanajuato is a relatively small state - twenty-second in terms of size among the Republic's thirty-one states - with a surface area of 30,768 square kilometers of territory, giving it 1.6% of the national territory. Politically, it is divided into 46 municipios. The capital of Guanajuato is the city of Guanajuato, founded in the middle of the Sixteenth Century after Spanish entrepreneurs found rich veins of silver in the mountains surrounding the city.
The Chichimecas
But there was a large group of people who inhabited Guanajuato long before Spanish businessmen arrived with their Náhuatl-speaking allies from the south of Mexico. When the strangers first entered this land, they made no effort to distinguish between the various cultures living in Guanajuato. Instead, they applied the term Chichimeca to these aboriginal peoples. Utilizing the Náhuatl terms for dog (chichi) and rope (mecatl), the Aztec Indians had regarded their northern neighbors - the Chichimecas - as being "of dog lineage." (The implication of the term rope was a reference to "following the dog," hence a descendant of the dog).
But the Chichimecas were also given other labels, such as "perros altaneros" (arrogant dogs), or "chupadores de sangre" (blood-suckers). The late great Dr. Philip Wayne Powell - whose "Soldiers, Indians, and Silver: North America's First Frontier War" is the definitive source of information relating to the Chichimeca Indians - referred to Chichimeca as "an all-inclusive epithet" that had "a spiteful connotation."
But it is important to mention that the word Chichimeca was just an umbrella term that the Spaniards used to describe most of the indigenous groups scattered through large parts of Guanajuato, Jalisco, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, Aguascalientes, and Durango. The Chichimeca peoples were actually composed of several distinct cultural and linguistic groups inhabiting this area.
Because these indigenous groups are, in fact, the ancestors of the present-day Guanajuatenses and their Mexican-American cousins, it is worth exploring them as the individual cultures they once were. The group that occupied the western end of present-day Guanajuato was known as the Guachichiles.
Guachichiles
The Guachichiles, of all the Chichimeca Indians, occupied the most extensive territory stretching north to Saltillo in Coahuila and to the northern corners of Michoacán in the south. Considered both warlike and brave, the Guachichiles roamed through a large section of the Zacatecas, as well as portions of San Luis Potosí, Guanajuato and northeastern Jalisco. Some bands of Guachichile Indians reached as far south as the present-day boundary of Guanajuato and Michoacán.
The name "Guachichile" that the Mexicans gave to these Indians meant "heads painted of red," a reference to the red dye that they used to pain their bodies, faces and hair. According to John R. Swanton, the author of "The Indian Tribes of North America," (Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 145-1953) classified the Guachichile tribes as part of the Uto-Aztecan linguistic family. This would make them linguistic cousins to the Aztecs.
Guamares
The Guamares - another Chichimeca group - inhabited a large section of Guanajuato. They were centered in the Guanajuato Sierras, but had some bands that ranged as far east as the state of Querétaro. The author Seventeenth-Century author Gonzalo de las Casas called the Guamares "the bravest, most warlike, treacherous and destructive of all the Chichimecas, and the most astute (dispuesta)."
One of the few scholars to study the lifestyle of the Guachichiles, Guamares, and other Chichimecas in detail was the archaeologist, Dr. Paul Kirchhoff. His work, "The Hunting-Gathering People of North Mexico," is one of the few reference works available that describes the social and political organization of both the Guamares and Guachichile (See "Sources" below for the citation).
The Pames
The semi nomadic Pames constituted a very divergent branch of the extensive Oto-Manguean linguistic family. They were located mainly in the north central and eastern Guanajuato, southeastern San Luis Potosí, and also in adjacent areas of Tamaulipas and Querétaro. To this day, the Pames refer to themselves as "Xi'úi," which means indigenous. This term is used to refer to any person not of mestizo descent. They use the word "Pame" to refer to themselves only when they are speaking Spanish. But in their religion, this word has a contemptuous meaning and they try to avoid using it.
The Chichimeca War (1550-1590)
From 1550 to 1590, the Guachichiles, Guamares and Pames waged a fierce guerilla war against the Spaniards and Christian Indians. The Spaniards and their allies had entered Guanajuato and Zacatecas to exploit their rich mineral resources. But to the Chichimeca groups, this land was home, so they regarded these intrusions as a disruption of their sovereign rights. Dr. Powell's work (mentioned above) discusses this war in great detail. And the people of Guanajuato can be proud of the fact that their ancestors had to be bribed into making peace.
Unable to defeat the Chichimecas militarily in many parts of the war zone, the Spaniards offered goods and opportunities as an incentive for the Guachichiles and Guamares to make peace. Many of the Chichimecas had been nomadic (or semi-nomadic) and had not possessed most of the luxury items that the Spaniards had (i.e., warm clothes, agricultural tools and supplies, horses, and beef). Those who made peace were given agricultural implements and permitted to settle down to a peaceful agricultural existence. In many cases, Christian Indians from the south were settled among them to help them adapt to their new existence.
The Otomíes: Spanish Allies
The Otomíes were another Chichimeca tribe, occupying the greater part of Querétaro and smaller parts of Guanajuato, the northwestern portion of Hidalgo and parts of the state of México. The Otomíes are one of the largest and oldest indigenous groups in Mexico, and include many different groups, including the Mazahua, Matlatzinca, Ocuiltec, the Pame and the Chichimec Jonaz.
Many of the Otomíes aligned themselves with the Spaniards during the Chichimeca War. As a result, wrote Dr. Powell, Otomí settlers were "issued a grant of privileges" and were "supplied with tools for breaking land." For their allegiance, they were exempted from tribute and given a certain amount of autonomy in their towns. The Otomí are described in great detail by the U.C. Davis graduate student, Kerin Gould, in her work, "The Otomí: Complex History, Adaptable Culture, Common Heritage" at the following website:
http://home.earthlink.net/~kering/history.html
In pre-Hispanic times, the Purépecha Indians - also referred to as the Tarascan Indians - occupied most of the state of Michoacán, but they also occupied some of the lower valleys of both Guanajuato and Jalisco. Celaya, Acámbaro, and Yurirapúndaro were all in Purépecha territory.
Spanish Settlement
It is believed that the Spanish explorer Cristóbal de Olid, upon arriving in the Kingdom of the Purépecha in present-day Michoacán, probably explored some parts of Guanajuato in the early 1520s. Then in 1529-1530, the forces of the ruthless Nuño de Guzmán ravaged through most of Michoacán and some parts of Guanajuato with an army of 500 Spanish soldiers and more than 10,000 Indian warriors.
In 1552 Captain Juan de Jaso discovered the mining veins of the present-day city of Guanajuato. This picturesque city - founded a few years later - nestles snugly into a valley of the mountains of the Sierra de Guanajuato. The indigenous tribes of the area made note of the numerous frogs in the area and referred to it as Quanax-juato - "Place of Frogs," the sound of which the Spanish would translate to "Guanajuato."
The Valenciana silver mine located near the City of Guanajuato was one of the richest silver finds in all history. In the Eighteenth century this mine alone accounted for 60% of the world's total silver production. For this reason, Guanajuato flourished as the silver mining capital of the world for three centuries, producing nearly a third of the world's silver during this time.
After the Chichimeca Indians were persuaded to settle down in the late Sixteenth Century, Guanajuato experienced a high degree of mestizaje. This would be due in great part to the huge influx of a very diverse group of people from many parts of the Spanish colony of Mexico. The influx of more established and refined Indian cultural groups combined with the establishment of the Spanish language and Christian religion as the dominant cultural practice. And the result was a high degree of assimilation, in which most traces of the old cultures were lost.
Modern Times
In modern times, Guanajuato has had a very small population of people speaking indigenous languages. Although many of the Guanajuatenses are believed to be descended from the indigenous inhabitants of their state, the cultures and languages of their ancestors - for the most part - have not been handed down to the descendants. In the 1895 census, only 9,607 persons aged five or more spoke indigenous languages. This figure rose to 14,586 in 1910, but dropped to only 305 in the 1930 census, in large part because of the ravages of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), which took the life of one in eight Mexican citizens.
The 1921 Census
As a matter of fact, Guanajuato's total population fell from an all-time high in the 1910 census (1,081,651 persons) to a Twentieth Century low of 860,364 in the 1921 census. But the 1921 Mexican census gives us a very interesting view of the widespread mestizaje of Guanajuato's modern population. In this census, residents of each state were asked to classify themselves in several categories, including "indígena pura" (pure indigenous), "indígena mezclada con blanca" (indigenous mixed with white), and "blanca" (white). Out of a total district population of 860,364 people, only 25,458 individuals (or 2.96%) claimed to be of pure indigenous background. A much larger number - 828,724, or 96.33% - classified themselves as being mixed, while a mere 4,687 individuals (0.5%) classified themselves as white.
Twentieth Century Indigenous Guanajuato
From the latter half of the Twentieth Century into the present century, the population of indigenous speakers has remained fairly small. When the 1970 census was tallied, Guanajuato boasted a mere 2,272 indigenous speakers five years of age and over. The Otomí speakers made up the most significant number (866), followed by the Purépecha (181) and Náhuatl (151). The Chichimeca-Jonaz language, a rare language spoken in only in Guanajuato and San Luis Potosí, was not tallied individually in the 1970 census, but was probably among the 790 persons listed under "otras lenguas Indígenas."
The 2000 Census
According to the 2000 Mexican Census, the population of persons five years and more who spoke indigenous languages in Guanajuato amounted to only 10,689 individuals, or 0.26% of the total state population. These individuals spoke a wide range of languages, many of which are transplants from other parts of the Mexican Republic. The largest indigenous groups represented in the state were: Chichimeca Jonaz (1,433), Otomí (1,019), Náhuatl (919), Mazahua (626), Purépecha (414), Mixteco (225), and Zapoteco (214).
The Chichimeca-Jonaz language is found only in the states of San Luis Potosí and Guanajuato. Chichimeca Jonaz is classified as a member of the Oto-Manguean language family and is divided into two major dialects: the Pame dialect, which is used in San Luis Potosí, and the Jonaz dialect used in Guanajuato. With a total of 1,433 Chichimeca-Jonaz speakers living in the state of Guanajuato in 2000, it is interesting to note that the great majority - 1,405 persons five years of age or more - actually lived in the municipio of San Luis de la Paz.
The 2010 Census
In the 2010 census, Guanajuato ranked 30th among the Mexican states and the Distrito Federal in its percentage of indigenous speakers. In all, Guanajuato had only 14,835 indigenous speakers, representing only 0.3% of its population. Only Aguascalientes and Coahuila had smaller percentages. Several native languages were spoken in Guanajuato, but Otomí was the most commonly-spoken language (21.6%), followed by the Chichimeca-Jonaz tongue. Mazahua and Náhuatl were also spoken by a significant number of people.
The 2010 census also included a question that asked people if they considered themselves indigenous, whether or not an indigenous language was spoken. The results of this question indicated that 15.7 million persons 3 years of age and older identified themselves as "indigenous."
By comparison, 6.9 million people in the same age bracket were tallied as indigenous speakers, meaning that approximately 8.8 million Mexicans aged 3 and older did not speak an indigenous language but considered themselves to be of indigenous origin. The represented 14.9% of the total Mexican population. In this category, Guanajuato ranked 26th in the nation, with 4.3% of its citizens 3 years of age and older considered indigenous.
Sources:
Many of the indigenous speakers in Guanajuato are actually descended from migrants who came from other Mexican states. The Mixteco and Zapoteco languages are indigenous to the state of Oaxaca, while the other languages spoken in the State have cultural centers in Querétaro, Puebla and Mexico.
The people of Guanajuato are the living representation of their indigenous ancestors. While most of the languages and cultures have disappeared or been absorbed into the central Hispanic culture, the people of Guanajuato have inherited the genetic legacy of the original Indian people. In this respect at least, the indigenous people of pre-Hispanic Guanajuato will endure forever.
Copyright © 2013 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved. Read more articles by John Schmal.
Sources
Gonzalo de la Casas, "Noticias de los Chichimecas y Justicia de la Guerra Que Se les ha Hecho por los Españoles" (Stuttgart, 1936).
Departamento de la Estadística Nacional, "Annuario de 1930" (Tacuba, D.F., Mexico, 1932).
Basil C. Hedrick et al., "The North Mexican Frontier: Readings in Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography." (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1971).
Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática (INEGI). "Estadísticas Históricas de Mexico, Tomo I" (Aguascalientes, INEGI, 1994).
Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática (INEGI). Tabulados Básicos. Estados Unidos Mexicanos. XII Censo General de Población y Vivienda, 2000 y 2010.
Paul Kirchhoff, "The Hunter-Gathering People of North Mexico," in "The North Mexican Frontier: Readings in Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography" (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1971), pp. 200-209.
Philip Wayne Powell, "Soldiers, Indians and Silver: North America's First Frontier War" (Tempe, Arizona: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1975).
Juan Jose Prado, "Guanajuato's Legends and Traditions" (Guanajuato, Gto.: Prado Hnos., 1963).
Secretaria de Industria y Comercio, "IX Censo General de Población. 1970: Resumen General Abreviado" (Mexico, 1972).
Cyrus Thomas, "Indian Languages of Mexico and Central America" (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Smithsonian Institution, 1911, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 44).
THE SURNAME BOBADILLA: FROM LA RIOJA TO JALISCO
By John P. Schmal
The Surname "Bobadilla"
The surname Bobadilla is a surname that has been prominent in the Mexican state of Jalisco since the capital city of Guadalajara was first established in 1542. According to Richard D. Woods and Grace Alvarez-Altman, "Spanish Surnames in the Southwestern United States: A Dictionary," the double suffix added to "boba" means a small but at the same time great foolishness, or suggests an individual who is large physicially but has few brains.
It has been suggested that this could be the name given for a misunderstanding between two families that was caused by an annoyance but had lasting consequences. The Spanish-English dictionary defines "bobada" as a silly thing or stupid talk, and the adverb "bobamente" means stupidly or naively.
Origins in La Rioja
Although Bobadilla became a fairly common surname in España over time, its origin appears to be in Rioja. In fact, there is a small municipio called Bobadilla that is presently located by the River Tovia in the western part of the present province of La Rioja. Rioja is a very small autonomous community and a province of northern Spain. Its capital is Logroño and the small province is nestled between five other provinces, including Burgos (to the west), Navarra (to the east) and Zaragoza (to the southeast). During the Middle Ages, Logroño (as La Rioja was known then) frequently found itself in the middle of disputes between the Kings of Navarra and Castilla.
The specific origin of the surname Bobadilla has been obscured by time, but it appears that that several individuals from the area of Bobadilla carried some form of the surname with them to other areas of the province or the country. One of the earliest families that is known to have come from this area is "Fernández de Bobadilla" family. The progenitor of this branch was Juan Fernández de Bobadilla, who was a native and resident of Bobadilla itself, hence the surname.
The Surname Spreads
Over time, the surname spread to Castila, Andalusia and the Canary Islands. Several Bobadilla’s were granted noble status. For example, on May 9, 1520, the King of Spain made Don Fernando de Cabrera y Bobadilla the Earl of Chinchón. The Diccionario heráldico y genealógico de apellidos españoles y Americanos actually dedicates 103 pages to Bobadilla’s many Spanish branches, which are too numerous to discuss in this work. However, interested persons can access this information at the following website, which has reproduced the information from the Diccionario:
http://www.casarealrurikovich.com/antepasados/bobadilla.pdf
Bobadillas Arrive in the Americas
With the migration of Spaniards to the Americas in the Sixteenth Century, several Bobadillas are known to have embarked to the New World. In April 1535, Francisco de Bobadilla, a resident of Ubeda (a city in Jaén in Spain's south) left for the Americas. In February 1538, Alonso de Bobadilla left the Villa of Bobadilla for a life in the New World.
The Bobadillas of Jalisco
The first known Bobadilla to arrive in Jalisco was Pedro Bobadilla, from Extremadura, an autonomous community of western Spain. Pedro Bobadilla has been described as the "conquistador de Jamaica" who came to Nueva España and Nueva Galicia. He was married to Maria and was one of the first 63 founders of Guadalajara in 1542. Pedro was also the first to die in the newly-established parish. Pedro’s son, Francisco Bobadilla is also listed as an early resident of Guadalajara.
Since the 1540’s, the surname Bobadilla has spread from Guadalajara to many parts of the State of Jalisco, but is most prevalent in the following communities:
Copyright © 2013 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
Sources:
Archivo General de Indias. Pasajeros a Indias : libros de asientos (Sevilla, 1978).
Casa Real e Imperial Rurikovich, "Linaje Bobadilla," Online:
http://www.casarealrurikovich.com/antepasados/bobadilla.pdf
De Atienza, Julio. Nobiliario Español: Diccionario heraldico de Apellidos Españoles y de titulos nobiliarios (Madrid, 1959).
García y Carraffa, Alberto and Arturo. Diccionario heráldico y genealógico de apellidos españoles y Americanos (1920-1963), 86 volumes.
Martins Zuìquete, Alfonso Eduardo. Armorial lusitano; genealogia e heraìldica (Lisboa, Editorial Enciclopeìdia, 1961).
Muria, Jose Maria and Olveda, Jaime. Lecturas históricas de Guadalajara : generalidades históricas sobre la fundación y los primeros años de Guadalajara (Instituto Nacional de Antropologiìa e Historia, Guadalajara, 1991).
Origen del apellido Bobadilla. Online:
http://www.misabueso.com/nombres/apellido_bobadilla.html
Woods, Richard D. and Alvarez-Altman, Grace. Spanish Surnames in the Southwestern United States: A Dictionary (G. K. Hall, Boston, 1978).
THE HISTORY OF INDIGENOUS SINALOA
By John P. Schmal
The State of Sinaloa, with a surface area of 56,496 square kilometers, is
basically a narrow strip of land running along the Pacific Ocean and represents
only 2.9% of the national territory. Politically, the state is divided into
eighteen municipios, with its capital at Culiacán. Sinaloa's 656 kilometers of
coastline includes many beaches, bays, peninsulas, islands and coastal lagoons
(221,600 hectares).
Sinaloa is bordered to the north by Sonora and
Chihuahua; to the south, by Nayarit; to the east by Durango, and to the west, by
the Gulf of California. The eighteen municipios of Sinaloa are home to
approximately 2,425,675 inhabitants. The coastal plain is a narrow strip of land
that stretches along the length of the state and lies between the ocean and the
foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental Range, which dominates the eastern part
of the state. Sinaloa is traversed by many rivers, which carve broad valleys
into the foothills. The largest of these rivers are the Culiacán, Fuerte, and
Sinaloa.
During the early part of the Spanish colonial period, Sinaloa belonged to the
Spanish province of Nueva Vizcaya, which took up a great deal of territory
(610,000 square kilometers), most of which today corresponds with four Mexican
states. Because of its great mining potential, Sinaloa was coveted by the
Spanish who sought to exploit its mineral wealth. However, the early resistance
of the indigenous peoples proved to be a stumbling block to their plans. Their
resistance is described below:
First Contact (1531)
In December 1529, the professional lawyer turned
Conquistador, Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán, led an expedition of 300 Spaniards and
10,000 Indian allies (Tlaxcalans, Aztecs and Tarascans) into the coastal region
of what is now called Sinaloa. Before arriving in the coastal region, Guzmán's
army had ravaged through Michoacán, Jalisco, Zacatecas, and Nayarit, provoking
the natives to give battle everywhere he went. The historian Peter Gerhard, in
The North Frontier of New Spain, observed that Guzmán's army "engaged in
wholesale slaughter and enslavement."
In March 1531, Guzmán's army reached the site of present-day Culiacán (now in
Sinaloa), where his force engaged an army of 30,000 warriors in a pitched
battle. The indigenous forces were decisively defeated and, as Mr. Gerhard
notes, the victors "proceeded to enslave as many people as they could
catch." The indigenous people confronted by Guzmán belonged to the Cáhita
language group. Speaking eighteen closely related dialects, the Cáhita peoples
of Sinaloa and Sonora numbered about 115,000 and were the most numerous of any
single language group in northern Mexico. These Indians inhabited the coastal
area of northwestern Mexico along the lower courses of the Sinaloa, Fuerte,
Mayo, and Yaqui Rivers.
During his stay in Sinaloa, Guzmán's army was ravaged by an epidemic that
killed many of his Amerindian auxiliaries. Finally, in October 1531, after
establishing San Miguel de Culiacán on the San Lorenzo River, Guzmán returned
to the south, his mostly indigenous army decimated by hunger and disease. But
the Spanish post at Culiacán remained, Mr. Gerhard writes, as "a small
outpost of Spaniards surrounded on all sides but the sea by hostile Indians kept
in a state of agitation" by the slave-hunting activities of the Spaniards.
Nuño de Guzmán was eventually brought to justice for his genocidal actions.
Settlement (1530-1536)
Daniel T. Reff, the author of Disease, Depopulation,
and Culture Change in Northwestern New Spain, 1518-1764, explains that
"viruses and other microorganisms undergo significant genetic changes when
exposed to a new host environment, changes often resulting in new and more
virulent strains of microorganisms." The Indians of the coastal region,
never having been exposed to Spaniards and their diseases previously, provided
fertile ground for the proliferation of smallpox and measles. It is believed
that as many as 130,000 people died in the Valley of Culiacán during the
Measles Pandemic of 1530-1534 and the Smallpox Plague of 1535-1536.
As the Spaniards moved northward they found an amazing diversity of indigenous
groups. Unlike the more concentrated Amerindian groups of central Mexico, the
Indians of the north were referred to as "ranchería people" by the
Spaniards. Their fixed points of settlements (rancherías) were usually
scattered over an area of several miles and one dwelling may be separated from
the next by up to half a mile. The renowned anthropologist, Professor Edward H.
Spicer (1906-1983), writing in Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico,
and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960, observed that
most ranchería people were agriculturalists and farming was their primary
activity.
Distant Enclave
In 1533, Diego de Guzmán (the nephew of Nuño) fought a brief battle with the
Yaquis along the banks of the Yaqui River. "His force dispersed the
Indians," notes Professor Spicer, "...but he nevertheless seems to
have lost heart for further conquest and did not follow up his victory. He was
greatly impressed with the fighting ability of the Yaquis who opposed him."
Thus, the small province of Culiacán, according to Peter Gerhard, "became
a distant enclave of Spanish power, separated by a hundred miles of hostile
territory from the rest of" the Spanish Empire. In 1562, the area was
included in the newly established Spanish province of Nueva Vizcaya (which - at
the time - included the modern day states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua and
Durango).
The Encomienda System
By the beginning of the Seventeenth Century, Spanish
authorities had organized many of the Indians in Durango and Sinaloa into
encomiendas. Although encomienda Indians were supposed to provide labor
"for a few weeks per year," the historian Ms. Susan M. Deeds explains
that "they often served much longer and some apparently became virtual
chattels of Spanish estates." She goes on to say that the Jesuits'
"systematic congregation of Indians into villages" starting in the
1590s encouraged the development of encomiendas by making Indians more
accessible to their encomenderos." In practice, Mrs. Deeds concludes,
encomiendas usually resulted in the "tacit enslavement of Indians."
In 1599, Captain Diego de Hurdaide established San Felipe y Santiago on the site
of the modern city of Sinaloa. From here, Captain Hurdaide waged a vigorous
military campaign that subjugated the Cáhita-speaking Indians of the Fuerte
River - the Sinaloas, Tehuecos, Zuaques, and Ahomes. Initially, these indigenous
groups, numbering approximately 20,000 people, resisted strongly, but eventually
they were subdued.
The Acaxee Revolt (1601)
The Acaxee Indians lived in dispersed rancherías in
the gorges and canyons of the Sierra Madre Occidental in northwestern Durango
and eastern Sinaloa. Once the Jesuit missionaries started to work among the
Acaxees, they forced them to cut their very long hair and to wear clothing. The
Jesuits also initiated a program of forced resettlement so that they could
concentrate the Acaxees in one area.
In December 1601, the Acaxees, under the direction of an elder named Perico,
began an uprising against Spanish rule. The author Susan Deeds, writing in
"Indigenous Rebellions on the Northern Mexican Mission Frontier from
First-Generation to Later Colonial Responses," states that the Acaxee
Revolt "was characterized by messianic leadership and promises of
millennial redemption during a period of violent disruption and catastrophic
demographic decline due to disease." Claiming to have come from heaven to
save his people from the false doctrines of the Jesuits, Perico planned to
exterminate all the Spaniards. Although he promised to save his people from the
Catholic missionaries and their way of life, his messianic activity included
saying Mass, and performing baptisms and marriages.
Ms. Deeds observes that the Acaxee and other so-called first generation revolts
represented "attempts to restore pre-Columbian social and religious
elements that had been destroyed by the Spanish conquest." In the following
weeks, the Acaxees attacked the Spaniards in the mining camps and along mountain
roads, killing fifty people. After the failure of negotiations, Francisco de
Urdiñola led a militia of Spaniards and Tepehuán and Concho allies into the
Sierra Madre. Susan Deeds writes that "the campaign was particularly
brutal, marked by summary trials and executions of hundreds of captured
rebels." Perico and 48 other rebel leaders were executed, while other
rebels were sold into slavery.
Initial Contact with the Mayo Indians (1609-1610)
The Mayo Indians were an important Cáhita-speaking
tribe occupying some fifteen towns along the Mayo and Fuerte rivers of southern
Sonora and northern Sinaloa. As early as 1601, they had developed a curious
interest in the Jesuit-run missions of their neighbors. The Mayos sent
delegations to inspect the Catholic churches and, as Professor Spicer observes,
"were so favorably impressed that large groups of Mayos numbering a hundred
or more also made visits and became acquainted with Jesuit activities." As
the Jesuits began their spiritual conquest of the Mayos, Captain Hurdaide, in
1609, signed a peace treaty with the military leaders of the Mayos.
Spanish Contact with the Yaqui Indians (1610)
At contact, the Yaqui Indians occupied the coastal
region of Sinaloa along the Yaqui River. Divided into eighty autonomous
communities, their primary activity was agriculture. Although the Yaqui Indians
had resisted Guzmán's advance in 1531, they had welcomed Francisco de Ibarra
who came in peace in 1565, apparently in the hopes of winning the Spaniards as
allies in the war against their traditional enemies, the Mayos.
In 1609, as Captain Hurdaide became engaged with the pacification of the
Ocoronis (another Cahita-speaking group of northern Sinaloa), he reached the
Yaqui River, where he was confronted by a group of Yaquis. Then, in 1610, with
the Mayo and Lower Pima Indians as his allies, Captain Hurdaide returned to
Yaqui territory with a force of 2,000 Indians and forty Spanish soldiers. He was
soundly defeated. When he returned with another force of 4,000 Indian foot
soldiers and fifty mounted Spanish cavalry, he was again defeated in a bloody
daylong battle.
Conversion of the Mayo and Yaqui Indians (1613-1620)
In 1613, at their own request, the Mayos accepted
Jesuit missionaries. Soon after, the Jesuit Father Pedro Mendez established the
first mission in Mayo territory. In the first fifteen days, more than 3,000
persons received baptism. By 1620, with 30,000 persons baptized, the Mayos had
been concentrated in seven mission towns.
In 1617, the Yaquis, utilizing the services of Mayo intermediaries, invited the
Jesuit missionaries to begin their work among them. Professor Spicer noted that
after observing the Mayo-Jesuit interactions that started in 1613, the Yaquis
seemed to be impressed with the Jesuits. Bringing a message of everlasting life,
the Jesuits impressed the Yaquis with their good intentions and their
spirituality. Their concern for the well being of the Indians won the confidence
of the Yaqui people. In seeking to protect the Yaqui from exploitation by mine
owners and encomenderos, the Jesuits came into direct conflict with the Spanish
political authorities. From 1617 to 1619, nearly 30,000 Yaquis were baptized. By
1623, the Jesuits had reorganized the Yaquis from about eighty rancherías into
eight mission villages.
Detachment of the Province of Sinaloa and Sonora (1733)
In 1733, Sinaloa and Sonora were detached from Nueva
Vizcaya and given recognition as the province of Sonora y Sinaloa. Ms. Deeds
commented that this detachment represented a recognition of ³the growth of a
mining and ranching secular society in this northwestern region.
Rebellion of the Yaqui, Pima, and Mayo Indians (1740)
The Yaqui and Mayo Indians had lived in peaceful
coexistence with the Spaniards since the early part of the Seventeenth Century.
Ms. Deeds, in describing the causes of this rebellion, observes that the Jesuits
had ignored "growing Yaqui resentment over lack of control of productive
resources." During the last half of the Seventeenth Century, so much
agricultural surplus was produced that storehouses needed to be built. These
surpluses were used by the missionaries to extend their activities northward
into the California and Pima missions. The immediate cause of the rebellion is
believed to have been a poor harvest in late 1739, followed in 1740 by severe
flooding which exacerbated food shortages.
Ms. Deeds also points out that the "increasingly bureaucratic and
inflexible Jesuit organizationŠ obdurately disregarded Yaqui demands for
autonomy in the selection of their own village officials" Thus, this
rebellion, writes Ms. Deeds, was "a more limited endeavor to restore the
colonial pact of village autonomy and territorial integrity." At the
beginning of the revolt, an articulate leader named El Muni emerged in the Yaqui
community. El Muni and another Yaqui leader, Bernabé, took the Yaquis'
grievances to local civil authorities. Resenting this undermining of their
authority, the Jesuits had Muni and Bernabé arrested.
The arrests triggered a spontaneous outcry, with two thousand armed indigenous
men gathering to demand the release of the two leaders. The Governor, having
heard the complaints of both sides, recommended that the Yaqui leaders go to
Mexico City to testify personally before the Viceroy and Archbishop Vizrón. In
February 1740, the Archbishop approved all of the Yaqui demands for free
elections, respect for land boundaries, that Yaquis be paid for work, and that
they not be forced to work in mines.
The initial stages of the 1740 revolt saw sporadic and uncoordinated activity in
Sinaloa and Sonora, primarily taking place in the Mayo territory (in the south)
or in the Lower Pima Country (to the north). Catholic churches were burned to
the ground while priests and settlers were driven out, fleeing to the silver
mining town at Alamos. Eventually, Juan Calixto raised an army of 6,000 composed
of Pima, Yaqui and Mayo Indians. With this large force, Calixto gained control
of all the towns along the Mayo and Yaqui Rivers.
However, in August 1740, Captain Agustín de Vildósola defeated the insurgents.
The rebellion, however, had cost the lives of a thousand Spaniards and more than
5,000 Indians. After the 1740 rebellion, the new Governor of Sonora and Sonora
began a program of secularization by posting garrisons in the Yaqui Valley and
encouraging Spanish residents to return to the area of rebellion. The Viceroy
ordered the partition of Yaqui land in a "prudent manner."
The Yaquis had obtained a reputation for being
courageous warriors during the rebellion of 1740 and the Spanish handled them
quite gingerly during the late 1700s. As a result, the government acquisition of
Yaqui lands did not begin began until 1768 and lasted up to 1877. From the 1700s
until 1929, the Yaquis – sometimes with the assistance of the Mayo’s –
waged war first against the Spanish Empire and later (after 1821) against the
Mexican Republic. Most of the hostilities took place in Sonora between the
Yaquis and the Mexican army. After 1827, the Mayos did not take any major part
in the Yaqui insurrections that would continue into the Twentieth Century.
The 1921 Mexican Census
In the unique 1921 Mexican census, residents of each
state were asked to classify themselves in several categories, including "indígena
pura" (pure indigenous), "indígena mezclada con blanca"
(indigenous mixed with white) and "blanca" (white). Out of a total
state population of 341,265, only 3,163 individuals (0.9%) claimed to be of pure
indigenous background. A much larger number - 335,474, or 98.3% - classified
themselves as being mixed, while only 644 individuals classified themselves as
white (0.2% of the state population). While it is likely that most of the 44,779
persons claiming to be of indigenous descent probably did not speak an Indian
language, both the pure and mixed classifications are a testament to Durango¹s
undeniable indigenous past.
The number of people who spoke indigenous languages in the state was even
smaller than the number who had claimed to be of pure indigenous heritage in the
1921 census. In the 1930 census, a mere 843 residents of Sinaloa admitted that
they were monolingual speakers on indigenous languages. Of this total, 809 spoke
the Mayo language. Another 6,317 were bilingual, speaking both Spanish and an
indigenous language.
The 2000 Census
According to the 2000 census, the population of
persons five years and more who spoke indigenous languages in Sinaloa amounted
to 49,744 individuals, representing 2.2% of the state population. However,
government estimates classified 87,948 persons as "Indígena,"
representing 3.5% of Sinaloa¹s 2,536,844 population.
These individuals spoke a wide range of languages, many of which were
transplants from other parts of the Mexican Republic. The largest indigenous
groups represented in the state were: Mixteco (13,752), Mayo (9,077), Náhuatl
(6,446), Zapoteco (5,042), Tlapaneco (2,881), Tarahumara (1,913), and Triqui
(947). The presence of a large number of Mixteco speakers was due, in large
part, to the state's horticultural production.
The 2010 Census
In the 2010 census, Sinaloa ranked 25th among the Mexican states (and the Federal Distrito) with only 0.9% of its population speaking indigenous languages (23,426 individuals). Mayo was the most commonly spoken language in Sinaloa (47.2%), with Náhuatl as the second most common language.
In addition, Sinaloa also ranked 25th in the percentage of persons 3 years of age and older who were considered to be of indigenous descent (4.6%). Coincidentally, the Mayo Language was also the 25th most commonly spoken language in Mexico, regardless of where they lived (0.59% of all indigenous speakers).
The agricultural interests in Sinaloa actively
recruited indigenous people from the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero, brining tens
of thousands of Zapotecs, Tlapanecos, Triqui, and Mixtecos from those southern
states each year. While some of these people returned home after laboring for
several years, others moved on to the United States or made Sinaloa their
permanent residence.
Copyright © 2013 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
Sources
Susan M. Deeds, "Indigenous Rebellions on the Northern Mexican Mission
Frontier: From First-Generation to Later Colonial Responses," in Susan
Schroeder, Native Resistance and the Pax Colonial in New Spain. Lincoln,
Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1998, pp. 1-29.
Departamento de la Estadísticas Nacional. Annuario de 1930. Tacubaya, D.F.,
1932.
Peter Gerhard, The Northern Frontier of New Spain. Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1982.
Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática (INEGI).
Estadísticas Históricas de Mexico, Tomo I. Aguascalientes: INEGI, 1994.
INEGI. Censos de Población y Vivienda, 2000 y 2010.
INEGI, Censo de Población y Vivienda (2010): Panorama sociodemográfico de México (March 2011).
INEGI, Principales resultados del Censo de Población y Vivienda 2010.
Cynthia Radding, "The Colonial Pact and Changing Ethnic Frontiers in
Highland Sonora, 1740-1840," in Donna J. Guy and Thomas E. Sheridan (eds.),
Contested Ground: Comparative Frontiers on the Northern and Southern Edges of
the Spanish Empire, pp. 52-66. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1998.
Daniel T. Reff, Disease, Depopulation and Culture Change in Northwestern New
Spain, 1518-1764. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991.
Robert Mario Salmon, Indian Revolts in Northern New Spain: A Synthesis of
Resistance (1680-1786). Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1991.
Edward H. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the
United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960. Tucson, Arizona:
University of Arizona Press, 1997.
THE SURNAME LEDESMA: FROM SALAMANCA TO MEXICO
By John P. Schmal
The Surname Ledesma
When you search the online White Pages for the Los Angeles, California, area, you will find that there are 98 Ledesma’s living in the L.A. area. This surname – while not very common in the overall population – is prevalent in several parts of both Mexico and the United States (especially Texas and California). Members of my own family are descended from the Ledesma’s who lived in Guanajuato for more than three centuries. But Ledesma’s have lived in other areas of Mexico too. So, one is tempted to ask, where did this surname get its origins?
In the "Dictionary of Surnames," Patrick Hanks and Flavia Hodges indicate that Ledesma is a habitation name from places so called in the provinces of Logroño, Salamanca and Soria. They explained that Ledesma is a place name that may have derived from a superlative form of a Celtic adjective meaning "Broad" or "wide."
According to Richard D. Woods and Grace Alvarez-Altman, "Spanish Surnames in the Southwestern United States: A Dictionary," the surname Ledezma was derived from Leda" in Castilian which comes from "lada – meaning everything related to a noble woman. Woods and Alvarez-Altman also described Ledezma as a Castilian name from the villa of Ledesma in Salamanca. Ledesma also has variant forms, Ledezma and Ledesmo.
Origins in Salamanca
The "Diccionario Heráldico y Genealógico de Apellidos Españoles y Americanos" states that the surname Ledesma originated in the area of the Villa de Ledesma in the province of Salamanca. Habitation names like Ledesma were usually acquired by a person who lived by or close to a place of that name. In this case, a person living near the village of Ledesma who moved to another area may have been referred to as "the man from Ledesma" – or simply known as Ledesma. And hence a surname was born.
Even today, the small villa of Ledesma has less than 2,000 inhabitants. The province of Salamanca is located in western Spain and is part of Castile and León. The capital city of Salamanca is approximately 200 kilometers (120 miles) west of the Spanish capital, Madrid, and 80 kilometers (50 miles) east of the Spanish-Portuguese border. The Diccionario also states that the surname spread to many other areas of Spain, but was particularly prominent in Castilla la Vieja (Old Castile), which was located in the northern part of the former Kingdom of Castile.
One branch of the surname appears to have originated in the City of Zamora, a city in Castile and León not far from the border with Portugal. The progenitor of this branch was Pedro Gonzalo de Ledesma, a native of Zamora, who married María de Herrera. Their grandson, Gonzalo de Ledesma y Avila, also a native of Zamora, became a Knight of the Military Order of Santiago in 1528.
Another branch of the Ledesma surname originated in Alba de Tormes, another municipio of Salamanca. The progenitor of this branch was Francisco de Ledesma, a native of Alba de Tormes and the husband of Ana de Ortega, a native of Valladolid. They were the parents of Andres de Ledesma, also a native of Alba de Tormes, who was married to Juana de la Puerta y Robles, a native of Madrid. Their son, José de Ledesma y de la Puerta, a native of Madrid, also became a Knight of the Military Order of Santiago in 1674.
Still another branch of the surname came from Madrigal de las Altas Torres, a municipio in the province of Ávila, where the progenitor Rodrigo de Ledesma married Teresa Arias. Their grandson, Fernando de Ledesma was a resident of Cantalapiedra (in Salamanca) who was made a nobleman by the Royal Chancellery of Valladolid in 1489.
A separate branch of the Ledesma family appears to have lived in Madrid in the person of Pedro de Ledesma, a native of Madrid, who married Inés Sánchez de Vargas during the Sixteenth Century. They were the ancestors of a long line of Ledesma’s in Spain’s capital, including Francisco Isidro de Ledesma y Verdugo who became a Knight of the Order of Santiago in 1623.
The Ledesma’s Arrive in the Americas
With the migration of Spaniards to the Americas in the Sixteenth Century, several persons with the surname Ledesma are known to have embarked to Peru or Nueva España (Mexico), including the following persons who were cited in "Pasajeros a Indias:Libros de Asientos:"
Early Ledesma’s in Nueva España
According to Hugh Thomas’ "Who’s Who of the Conquistadors," Pedro de Ledesma, a native of Salamanca, Spain was a "secretario y escribano de Audiencia" in Santo Domingo from 1511. He took part in the Narváez Expedition (1527-28) and later appeared in the Yucatan.
The Ledesma’s of Puebla and Distrito Federal
In Nueva España, one Salvador de Ledesma Mercado was a resident of Puebla de los Angeles and married Rosa María de Ortega. Their descendants lived in the area of Puebla starting the Ledesma Mercado branch of the surname. Starting in the latter half of the 1500s and continuing through the generations, various members of this family were baptized in the Cathedral of Puebla de Zaragoza (in the present-day state of Puebla) and in some Mexico City churches.
On November 6, 1620, Juan Alonso de Ledesma a resident of Puebla de Zaragoza, was married in the Cathedral to Ana Franca. Seven years later, on May 25, 1627, Antonio de Ledesma (the son of Antonio Ledesma and Juana de Meneses – both deceased) was married to Mariana Enriquez, a widow. Seventeen years later, in the same Cathedral, Antonio de Ledesma Espinoza was married to Maria de Leon on July 24, 1637. This Antonio may have been the son of the earlier cited Alonso Ledesma and his first wife.
Many individuals surname Ledesma continued to be baptized or married in the Puebla and Mexico City churches in the course of the next two centuries. For example, on August 23, 1807, one Jose Rafael de Ledezma y Mercado – the son of Jose Ygnacio de Ledezma y Mercado and Gertrudis Grajales – was married to María Marciala Gomez Malpica y Arinez – the daughter of Facundo Gomez and Francisca Dominga De Arinez – in Asunción Parish in Mexico City (Distrito Federal) [Family History Film Number 35278].
Guadalajara
One of the earliest inhabitants of the young settlement of Guadalajara (Jalisco) in the 1540s was Pedro Ledesma, who had accompanied Francisco Vásquez Coronado in his search for Cibola in 1540 and with Mendoza in the pacification of Jalisco. He came from Mexico City.
The Ledesma’s of Guanajuato
In 1603, the Villa de Salamanca was established in Guanajuato by Viceroy Gaspar Zúñiga y Acevedo, himself a native of Salamanca. San Marcos Irapuato – located a short distance away – had already been established in 1589. A considerable number of early Spanish settlers in these towns were from Salamanca, including the Ledesma’s who settled in the area during the early 1600’s.
Tradition has stated that the earliest known Ledesma to arrive in the nearby area of Valle de Santiago was Leandro Ledesma, who is believed to have arrived in the area during the first half of the Seventeenth Century. On June 24, 1648, in the Parish Church of Irapuato, Juan de Ledesma, the son of Melchor Ledesma and María Leonor de Aguire, was married in the parish church to María Belasquez, the legitimate daughter of Agustin Marquez and Isabel Velasquez.
One of the early Ledesma’s living in Salamanca was Domingo Ledesma, who was the husband of Micaela Espinosa. Domingo is presumed to be a descendant of Leandro Ledesma, although a direct link has not yet been made. Domingo and Micaela had at least three known children
The Ledesma’s of San Jose Parangueo
Marcelino Ledesma and Josefa Rodriguez were the parents of several children, including Pablo Jose Ledesma, who was married on Feb. 28, 1729 to Gertrudis Garcia. Together Pablo and Gertrudis had several children, including:
Maximiliano Ledesma and his wife María Guadalupe Garcia, had among other children, Jose Ubaldo Baca, who would marry María Ygnacia Baca (the daughter of Manuel Baca and María Josefa Redondo) on October 18, 1809 in San Jose Parangueo, and together they would have the following known children:
At around the same time, another Ubaldo Ledesma had at least four children with one Antonia Garcia. All four children were baptized in San Jose Parangueo:
It is assumed, although not proven, that the two Ubaldo Ledesma’s – living in the same parish at the same time – may have been cousins.
The Ledesma’s of Guarapo
Ubaldo Ledesma and Maria Ygnacia Baca’s younger son, Jose Santiago Ledesma, was married on April 2, 1838 in La Asuncion Parish in Guarapo, Guanajuato to María Gregoria Gutierres (the daughter of Leandro Gutierres and Maria Teresa Gonzales). Santiago and Maria Gregoria Gutierres had at least ten children, including:
The oldest born child of Santiago, Francisco Ledesma, was – as noted above – married to one Ramona Garcia and together they had the following children, all of whom were baptized in Guarapo (except the last child):
Today the surname Ledesma is very common in the region surrounding Salamanca, San Jose Parangueo, Guarapo and Valle de Santiago. The offspring of Domingo Ledesma and Micaela Espinosa have had four centuries to multiply across the entire area, as indicated by the large families noted above. The Ledesma surname remains a prominent surname in some parts of the State of Guanajuato.
Jalostotitlán
According to the Padron (church register) of Jalostotitlán (Jalisco) for 1650, three Ledesma’s were recorded as members of the Jalostotitlán Parish, all three living in separate households:
Twenty years later, the Jalostotitlán church census of 1670 also recorded three Ledesma’s:
When the church records in Jalos (or Xalos) commence in the early 1700s, family history researchers find several Ledesma’s married and baptized in the church. On October 15, 1707, Antonio de Ledesma, a native and resident of Jalos, was married to Ysabel de Chavarria. In those years, still more Ledesma’s lived to the east in Santa María de los Lagos, now known as Lagos de Moreno, not far from Jalisco’s eastern border with the State of Guanajuato.
Ledesma’s in Paso del Norte
Some branches of the Ledesma family also made their way to the north. Researchers Aaron Magdaleno, John B. Colligan and Terry L. Corbett have organized and published some of the Paso del Norte (now Ciudad Juarez) records, providing researchers with some insight to the Ledesma family of El Paso del Norte. On March 21, 1757, a mulato called Pedro Ledesma, the son of Joseph Ledesma and Maria Candelaria Gomez , was married to Barbara de la Peña, also a mulata (the daughter of Cristobal de la Peña and Maria Olguin), in Paso del Norte. A year later, on September 11, 1758, the widower Geronimo Ledesma was married to his second wife, Micaela Moreno. And three years later, on November 4, 1761, Ramon Ledesma married one Gertrudis Leyva.
Several years later on November 14, 1768, Juan Joseph Ledesma, classified as Español, the son of the earlier cited Geronimo Ledesma and his first wife, Barbara Micaela Moreno, was married to Manuela Torres (the daughter of Cristobal Torres and Francisca Sandoval). And on November 2, 1788, Jose Domingo Ledesma, the son of Jose Ledesma and Maria Manuela Torres, was married to María Andrea Balencia (the daughter of Juan Balencia and Petrona Paula Rivas.
Ledesma in the United States
The URL howmanyofme.com reports that 17,500 people in the U.S. have the surname Ledesma and that it is the 2211th most popular last name. While not all of these Ledesma’s are necessarily related, it is very likely that many of the Ledesma’s will find that their ultimate roots lie in the Spanish province of Salamanca.
Acknowledgements and thanks to: Aaron Magdaleno, John B. Colligan, Terry L. Corbett, Sergio Gutiérrez, and Maria Mercedes Tavera Sosa de Ledesma (married to a descendant of Domingo Ledesma and Micaela Espinoza).
Dedication: Max, Marissa, Jeremy and Andrew Warden (descendants of Domingo Ledesma and Micaela Espinoza) and Mary Schmal Warden (married to a descendent of Domingo Ledesma).
Copyright © 2013 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
Sources:
Archivo General de Indias. "Pasajeros a Indias : Libros de Asientos" (Sevilla, 1978).
Colligan, John B. and Corbett, Terry L. editors). "A Guide to the 1788 and 1790 Censuses of El Paso del Norte Arranged Alphabetically and Listed to Indicate Possible Family Groupings."
García y Carraffa, Alberto and Arturo. "Diccionario Heráldico y Genealógico de Apellidos Españoles y Americanos" (1920-1963), 86 volumes.
Gutiérrez, Sergio. Padron y Memorias del Partido de Xalostotitlan, 1650." (2011)
Gutiérrez, Sergio. Padron y Memorias del Partido de Xalostotitlan, 1670." (2011)
Hanks, Patrick and Hodges, Flavia," A Dictionary of Surnames." (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988).
"How Many of Me," Online:
http://howmanyofme.com/search/
Magdaleno, Aaron (editor). "El Paso Del Norte - Nuevo Mexico (Roots) Miscellaneous 1680-1727," (California: 2009)
Muria, Jose Maria and Olveda, Jaime. "Lecturas Históricas de Guadalajara : Generalidades Históricas sobre la Fundación y los Primeros años de Guadalajara." (Instituto Nacional de Antropologiìa e Historia, Guadalajara, 1991).
Woods, Richard D. and Alvarez-Altman, Grace. "Spanish Surnames in the Southwestern United States: A Dictionary." (G. K. Hall, Boston, 1978).
Spain and Portugal for Visitors, "The Moorish Conquest," Online:
http://spainforvisitors.com/archive/features/moorishinvasion.htm
Thomas, Hugh. Who’s Who of the Conquistadors (London: Cassell & Co., 2000)
Tour Spain, Travel Guides, "History of Santander, Spain," Online:
http://www.tourspain.org/santander/history.asp
MOCTEZUMA’S DESCENDANTS IN AGAUSCALIENTES
Copyright © 2013 by John P. Schmal
For many years, Aguascalientes and Nueva Galicia researchers have agreed that one branch of Moctezuma’s descendants ended up in Aguascalientes. However, the paper evidence for this theory has been difficult to assemble. And, at this point in time, there are still some gaps. It is believed that the researchers Guillermo Tovar de Teresa and Mariano Gonzalez-Leal have put together more detailed analysis on this lineage, but at this time, we will present what we have, which present parts of the picture.
GENERATION 1: MOTEZUMA II XOCOYOTSIN (1480-1520)
MOCTEZUMA II XOCOYOTSIN II was born about 1480 as the son of AXAYACTL TLATOANI (Water Mask" or "Water Face"), who was the sixth Emperor of the Aztecs, reigning over Tenochtitlán from 1469 to 1481. Axayactl was himself the grandson of Emperor MOCTEZUMA I (reigned 1440 to 1469), the monarch that he succeeded. Moctezuma II became the Emperor of the Aztec Empire in 1502 and was killed on June 29, 1520 during the fall of Tenochtitlán.
In May 2010, Margo Tamez, in submitting a dissertation to Washington State University, discussed the Moctezuma-Esparza lineage and the fact that female descendants of Moctezuma were granted "significant encomiendas in perpetuity" by the Spanish Crown. In fact, three of Moctezuma‘s children were awarded special legal recognition, privileges and rights for themselves and their descendants.
GENERATION 2: MARIANA LEONOR MOCTEZUMA (1505-1562)
MARIANA LEONOR MOCTEZUMA was one of the daughters of Moctezuma II. It is believed that she was Moctezuma’s daughter by a noble Mixtec woman of Acatlan, a town and province that was in alliance with Tenochtitlán at the time of the Spanish invasion. Leonor was Christianized by Hernán Cortés and was then endowed with the encomienda of Ecatepec. The fact that Moctezuma was the father of Leonor (alias Marina) and father-in-law of X’poval [Christoval] de Valderrama is confirmed by a segment of this 1574 chart in Mexico’s Archivo General:
Marianna was married in 1527 to Juan Páez, a conquistador who died by late August 1529. Two years later in 1531, Mariana married her second husband, Cristobal de Valderrama. Don Cristobal, a native of Burgos, España, was a conquistador who served in Michoacán, Colima and Zacatula. The History of Tarímbaro (Michoacán) states that Cristobal de Valderrama was given the encomienda of Tarímbaro (1526-1537) and of Ecatepec, and he is mentioned in the text of Michoacán’s early history during the 1530s until his death in November 1537. Mariana and Don Cristobal had only one daughter, Leonor de Valderrama y Moctezuma, who was baptized sometime around 1532.
GENERATION 3: LEONOR DE VALDERRAMA (born 1532 – died 1562)
Doña LEONOR DE VALDERRAMA Y MOCTEZUMA, the second encomendera of Tarímbaro and Ecatepec, was probably born around 1532 and died in 1562 when she was only 30 years old. Leonor de Valderrama y de Moctezuma was married to DIEGO ARIAS DE SOTELO, a native of Zamora, España, who was born around 1525. It is believed that Diego was the son of Fernando de Sotelo and Maria de Villasenor.
The relationship of Leonor (alias Marina) and X’poval [Christoval] de Valderrama to their daughter Leonor de Balderrama who married Diego Arias Sotelo is confirmed by a segment of the 1574 Archivo General chart referenced earlier:
Diego Arias de Sotelo came to Nueva España in 1550 as a waiter of Viceroy Luis de Velasco and served as Alcalde Ordinario de Méjico in 1561. Diego and Leonor were involved in lengthy law-suits which consumed the rest of their lives and which, according to Chipman, involved the disputed properties in Ecatepec and Tlatelolco.
During the late 1560s, Diego Arias Sotelo got into trouble with the Vice Royalty, along with his brother, who was executed for his alleged crimes against the state. Diego Arias Sotelo was exiled to Spain in 1568 for his participation in the plot of Don Martin Cortes, but his son Fernando stepped in to take over the encomienda of Ecatepec from him.
Leonor Valderrama and her husband Diego Arias de Sotelo had the following children:
On September 7, 1553, in the Asuncion Parish records, Diego Arias de Sotelo and his wife, Doña Leonor de Balderrama baptized their daughter Ana. The baptism is shown below:
Unfortunately, the 1574 Archivo General chart refers to the Leonor de Valderrama and Diego Arias Sotelo as the parents of Fernando Sotelo de Moctezuma and "otros hijos [other children] de Diego Arias Sotelo."
However, this excerpt from a 1594 matrimonio informacion document from the Archdiocese of Mexico City provides the following information: "X’poval [Christobal] Sotelo Valderrama natural de esta ciudad hijo legitimo de Diego Arias Sotelo y Don Leonor ---- [unreadable] - difuntos [deceased]. This is the brother of Petronila Sotelo alias Petronila Moctezuma. This document was the result of diligent research in Mexico City's information matrimonios by Mercy Bautista Olvera.
It is believed that Leonor died in 1562. Her husband, Diego Arias de Sotelo died four years later on July 7, 1566.
GENERATION 4: PETRONILLA MOCTEZUMA (born 1552)
PETRONILA SOTELO MOCTEZUMA was probably born around 1552 in Mexico City. It is believed that in 1571 she was married to MARTIN GABAI DE NAVARRO, also known as MARTIN NABARRO. A marriage of Petronila and Martin has not been located yet, however, they were referenced several times as an ancestral married couple Martin Nabarro and Petronila Montesuma in a 1703 Diocese of Guadalajara informacion matrimonio document for a marriage that took place in Nochistlán as seen below:
In an earlier section of the same document, the following relationship is outlined: Theresa Ponze, the daughter (hija) of Nicolas Ponze, the granddaughter (nieta) of Doña Juana de Siordia, great-granddaughter (bisnieta) of Maria Gabai, and great-great-granddaughter (terzera nieta) of Martin Nabarro and of Doña Petronila Montesuma.
The known children of Petronila Sotelo (alias Moctezuma) and of Martin Gabai de Navarro are shown below:
GENERATION 5: FRANCESCA GABAI (1573-1652) – WIFE OF LOPE RUIZ DE ESPARZA (1569-1651)
According to the doctorate dissertation Margo Tamez, when Lope Ruiz de Esparza (1569-1651), a Basque colonist, married Ana Francisca Moctezuma Gabay (1573-1652), "high status was secured, and certain facets of aboriginal title through his wife‘s ancestral lineage, recognized by the Spanish Crown as a direct line descendent of Moctezuma II, facilitated the acquisition of lands and wealth for his heirs vis-à-vis intermarriage with an Indigenous woman with immense social and political capital."
Lope Ruiz de Esparza
Lope Ruiz de Esparza – a native of Pamplona, Navarra – is documented by the Catalogo de Pasajeros a Indias (Vol. III - #2.633) as having sailed from Spain to Mexico on Feb. 8, 1593. Lope, who was the son of Lope Ruiz de Esparza and Ana Días de Eguino, was a bachelor and a servant of Doñ Enrique Maleon. After arriving in Mexico, Lope is said to have married Francisca de Gabai Navarro y Moctezuma somewhere in Mexico City in 1595. This marriage has not been located.
Aguascalientes
At some point, Lope and Francesca made their way to Aguascalientes in the Spanish colony of Nueva Galicia. The town of Aguascalientes had been formally established by a decree of October 22, 1575 during the height of the Chichimeca War (1550-1590). As a result, the small villa got off to a bad start and during the height of the hostilities (1582-1585), the population of the villa was reduced to only one caudillo, two vecinos [residents] and 16 soldiers. However the last Chichimec raid took place in 1593, after which the threat from native peoples quickly diminished. At this point Spanish settlers – mostly cattlemen and farmers – began arriving in Aguascalientes.
By 1610, the small town of Aguascalientes had some 25 Spanish residents, about fifty families of mestizos, at least 100 mulatos, twenty Black slaves, and ten Indians. It is likely that these twenty-five Spanish inhabitants probably included persons with the surnames Ruiz de Esparza, Alvarado, Tiscareno de Molina, Luebana, and Fernandez de Vaulus. The Registros Parroquiales (Parish Registers) for La Parroquia de la Asunción (Assumption Parish) in Aguascalientes began at various points around this time: marriages in 1601, baptisms in 1616 and deaths in 1620. And the vast majority of the people who were baptized or married in this church in the early years were mulatos, mestizos and indios (as indicated by the 1610 tally).
The first evidence we have of Lope’s presence in Aguascalientes is an October 8th, 1611 marriage of two people who are described as servants (criados) of Pedro Fernandez de Vaulus (most likely a nephew of Francesca Gabai de Ruiz de Esparza). This marriage was performed in the presence (en presencia) of three people, one of whom was Lope Ruiz de Esparza.
GENERATION 6: THE RUIZ DE ESPARZA CHILDREN OF AGUASCALIENTES
Lope Ruiz de Esparza and Francisca de Gabay had the following children:
Both Lope Ruiz de Esparza and his wife Francesca served as padrinos at numerous baptisms and marriages in the Aguascalientes during their long lives. However, their own children were not baptized in the Aguascalientes parish church until 1618. It is possible that records were kept in their private chapel in Morcenique and that these records were never turned over to the parish or may have been lost at some point.
LORENZA ESPARZA (The fourth-born child of Lope and Francesca) (1602-1690)
LORENZA RUIZ DE ESPARZA, the fourth-born child of Lope and Francesca, was probably born around 1602. On May 16, 1623, in Morcenique, Lorenza was married to Luis Tiscareno de Molina, a native of Triana, across the river from Sevilla in Castilla. Their marriage is shown below:
The approximate text of this marriage reads as follows:
En la estançia de Morçenique desposé…a Luis Tiscareño de Molina hijo de Juan Tiscareño y Elvira Márquez naturales de Triana en Sevilla en Reynos de Castilla con Lorença Ruiz de Esparza hija legítima de Lope Ruiz de Esparça y Francisca de Gabadi, su muger, vecinos de esta villa. Fueron testigos Martín Fernández de Vaulux y Francisco Maçías Valadez y Salvador Ruiz de Esparça, cuñado del dicho Luis Tiscareño de Molina. Fueron padrinos: Francisco Sánchez Montes de Oca y Ana Ruiz de Esparça, su muger, cuñados del dicho Luis Tiscareño de Molina.
The known children of LORENZA RUIZ-DE-ESPARZA and LUIS TISCARENO-DE-MOLINA-Y-MARQUEZ were:
According to the Aguascalientes Parish Book, Lorensa Ruis De Esparsa, the widow of Luis Tiscareño, was buried on June 3, 1690 (Aguascalientes Film 299856, Book 2, page 150).
GENERATION 7: MARIA TISCARENO DE ROMO DE VIBAR (born 1634)
MARIA TISCARENO was born eleven years after the marriage of her parents, Lorenza Ruis de Esparza and Luis Tiscareno de Molina. Her baptism on March 13, 1634 described María as "hija de Luis Careño [Tiscareno] y Lorenza Ruis." The actual baptism from the Aguascalientes film was located on Family History Library Film 299421 and has been reproduced below:
Several sources have reported that on May 5, 1658, in the Chapel of Los Tiscareños, CAPITAN JUAN ROMO DE VIVAR (born around 1632) married María de Molina Tiscareño, the daughter of Luis de Molina and Marquez Tiscareño.
We do not have a copy of this marriage. However, from 1658 forward, Juan Romo and Maria Tiscareno are frequently listed in the baptism book of Aguascalientes, both as padrinos and as parents. Although they were the parents of several children, only some of those children were baptized in Aguascalientes. Others may have been baptized in the private family chapel, and the records may not have been transferred to the Parish of Aguascalientes.
Juan Romo de Vibar and María de Tiscareno are believed to have had several children including:
On December 18, 1691, according to the Aguascalientes Parish Book, Juan Romo de Vivar – the husband of Maria de Tiscareño – was buried at the Convento De Nuestra Señora De La Concepsion (Aguascalientes Film 299856, Book 2, page 160). The death record for his wife has not been located.
GENERATION 8: THERESA ROMO DE VIBAR (1662 – 1691)
Aguascalientes research specialists, including Mariano Gonzalez, have stated that Juana Teresa Romo de Vibar was born about 1662, possibly baptized in the private Tiscareno chapel or in another parish. What is known is that Doña Juana Teresa – when she was about 17 years old – was married to CAPITAN DON JOSEPH DE LA ESCALERA Y VALDES on September 10, 1679. The two page document for their marriage (Aguascalientes Film 299823) is reproduced below:
The known children of Jose de la Escalera and Teresa Romo who were baptized in the Parish of Aguascalientes are listed below:
According to the Aguascalienes Parish Book, Teresa Romo De Vivar – the wife of Joseph de la Escalera – was buried in the Church of Aguascalientes on Dec. 24, 1691 (Aguascalientes Film 299856, Book 2, page 160). She was probably only 29 years old at the time.
THE SURNAME OROZCO: FROM VIZCAYA TO AGUASCALIENTES
By John P. Schmal
The Surname "Orozco"
The surname Orozco (or Orosco) is a surname that has been prominent throughout both Spain and Mexico over the last few centuries. According to Richard D. Woods and Grace Alvarez-Altman, "Spanish Surnames in the Southwestern United States: A Dictionary," two elements form this surname: "oros" which means holly tree and the suffix "-ko" which suggests place. Orozco therefore means place of the holly trees. Orozco is also believed to have been derived from the Latin word "orosius" – the son of bringer of wisdom.
However, Orozco is also widely accepted as a Basque surname that indicates that one is a descendant of the ancient Señores de Vizcaya. In the Dictionary of Surnames, Patrick Hanks and Flavia Hodges offered an alternative explanation for the surname Orozco, indicating that it was Basque and that the first element of the name may have derived from the Basque oru (plot of land).
Spanish Origins
It seems likely that the surnames Orozco (or Orosco) – in all their forms (i.e. single surnames or double surnames) – may have evolved from several points of origin in different parts of Spain. According to García y Carraffa’s Diccionario heráldico y genealógico de apellidos españoles y Americanos , one form of the surname, Orozco de Vizcaya, originated among ancient horsemen whose descendants moved to the city of Trujillo in the present-day province of Cáceres in the Extremadura region of western Spain.
Another family of this surname seems to have originated in the villa de Villademiro in the partido de Castorgeriz in the Province of Burgos. And still another Orozco surname developed in the villa of Portillo in the judicial jurisdiction of Olmedo. Today Portillo is a municipio within the Province of Valladolid in the north of Spain.
García y Carraffa also noted that another branch of Orozco lived in the small village of Candeleda of the judicial district Arenda de San Pedro in the Province of Avila (Central Spain). The progenitor of this family was Diego de Orozco, a native of Candeleda and Alcaide (Warden) of the village castle and the husband of Doña Isabel Monte, who was a native of Turégano in the province of Segovia. Their son was Diego de Orozco Monte, also a native of Candeleda, followed in the footsteps of his father as the Warden of the village castle. Diego married Doña María de Olmedo, a native of Arenas de San Pedro (which is just east of Candeleda). This branch of the surname continued to occupy Candeleda for several generations.
The Oroscos Arrive in the Americas
With the migration of Spaniards to the Americas in the Sixteenth Century, several Orosco’s are known to have embarked to Nueva España (Mexico), including:
Francisco de Orozco
Persons with the surname Orozco are known to have played significant roles in the early history of both Nueva España and Nueva Galicia (which was the first Spanish name given for the areas now known as Aguascalientes, Jalisco and Zacatecas). One of Hernán Cortés’ chief lieutenants in his conquest of Tenochtitlán (the Aztec name for the present day Mexico City) was Francisco de Orozco, who was believed to have come from Ubeda or Sanlúcar el Mayor. It was Orozco who first made his way to Oaxaca, claiming the region for Cortés and subduing the Mixtec inhabitants. He died in 1524 in Oaxaca.
Orosco in Guadalajara
Diego de Orosco from Toledo – mentioned above as a pasajero to Nueva España in 1535 and the son of Francisco Orozco –became one of the first 63 founders of Guadalajara in 1542. According to Steven F. Hernandez and Tony Campos, other Orosco’s soon came to prominence in Guadalajara. Juan Bautista de Orozco, who immigrated to Nueva España in 1566 (as noted above), was appointed an oídor of the Real Audiencia de Guadalajara in the same year and served in that position until 1571.
Dr. Gerónimo Orozco and the Founding of Aguascalientes
Juan Bautista de Orozco’s brother, Gerónimo de Orozco y Lerma, was believed to have been born in Sevilla sometime between 1518 and 1522, as speculated by Hernandez and Campos. Sometime after arriving in Nueva España, Gerónimo became a licenciado (lawyer or attorney) with a degree from the University of Salamanca. Then in 1559, he obtained a doctorate in law from the University of Mexico.
For fifteen years up to 1572, Doctor Orozco served as an oídor in the Real Audiencia. His life is described in great detail by Steven Hernandez and Tony Campos in their article, "Basic Foundations of Significant Families of Mexico: Tello de Orozco," in the SHHAR Genealogical Journal, Volume 5 (2003).
On December 15, 1574, Dr. Geronimo de Orozco y Lerma took office as the Governor-President of the Royal Audiencia of New Galicia. From his headquarters in Guadalajara he played an important role in organizing the settlement of the Villa de la Asunción de las Aguas Calientes (Villa de Aguascalientes). On October 22, 1575 Orozco signed the certificate of foundation for the new villa, which today is a major urban center of Mexico.
Gerónimo de Orozco established Aguascalientes during the long Chichimeca War, in which the native peoples of the area attempted to stop the Spanish advance and waged a very effective guerilla warfare against the Spaniards and their indigenous allies from the south (i.e., Christianized Indians). The intensity of the Chichimeca War led to numerous engagements.
Some researchers have stated that Geronimo Orozco was killed during a skirmish between Chichimecas and Spanish troops either in December 1580 or in April 1581. However, Hernandez and Campos have stated that Gerónimo continued to serve as the Governor until his death in 1592. Dr. Gerónimo de Orozco married Beatriz Tello de Sandoval around 1554 or 1555 and, together, they had ten children, including the following:
The descendants of Gerónimo and Beatriz and their many children are discussed in great detail in Steven Hernandez and Tony Campos’ article cited above and in the sources at the end of this story. Anyone who has Orozco ancestors should consult this work to see if they have any connections to this lineage, which is extensive throughout several parts of Mexico and discusses seven generations of Orozco’s.
Aguascalientes Grows
By 1582, the threat to the small villa of Aguascalientes became so serious that the population had dwindled to one military commander, 16 soldiers and two citizen residents. In effect, the small settlement – located in the middle of the war zone – was under siege. But in the late 1580s, the threat of Indian attack diminished steadily, as the Spanish authorities attempted to negotiate a peace with the Indians of the region. The last Indian attack took place in 1593, after which the threat of hostile attack disappeared entirely and the region experienced a new peace.
The new-found peace of the 1590s, according to the historian Peter Gerhard, "brought a tide of Spanish settlers beginning in the 1590s, mostly cattlemen and farmers, together with Indian and Negro retainers." By 1610, the small town of Aguascalientes had approximately 25 Spanish residents, about fifty families of mestizos, at least 100 mulatos, twenty Black slaves, and ten Indians.
By 1616, the Parish records at Nuestra Señora de la Asunción de Aguascalientes mention La Estancia de Santiago as the property of one Jerónimo de Orozco and his wife, Doña Ángela Temiño de Velasco. Some researchers have stated that Jerónimo was a descendant of Alberto de Orosco, a first cousin of Geronimo de Orosco y Lerma, the founder of the city. Angela, for her part, was a great-granddaughter of Hernán Flores de la Torre, a conquistador of Nueva Galicia, and his wife Maria Alvarez de la Torre.
On September 24, 1618, Jerónimo and Angela had their son, Juan, baptized in the Parish Church. Another child, Maiana, was baptized on January 5, 1623. During the first few decades of the parish, Jerónimo, his wife and his children and grandchildren would serve as padrinos for many of the baptisms and marriages that took place in town.
The first known marriage of an Orosco in the Aguascalientes parish records was the marriage of one Diego de Orosco – another son of Jerónimo and Angela – who married Doña María Medel on April 14, 1637.
By the time of the 1648 Padron (church registry or census), Angela de Velasco – now the widow of Geronimo – was living with her family in "La cassa de Geronimo de Orosco" with her son Diego, her grandchildren and a large number of servants. By this time, Diego had lost his first wife, and had married a second wife, Maria de los Ynojos, and now had two children with her.
Living elsewhere in the City was Juan Marín de Penalosa who would later marry Francisca de Orosco y Santa Cruz, the daughter of Lucas Orosco y Santa Cruz of San Luis Potosi and Leonor Marin of Aguascalientes.
Don Juan de Villaseñor Orozco
According to J. Ignacio Avila Garibi, Don Juan de Villaseñor Orozco was among the founders of Valladolid de Michoacán (later known as Morelia, the capital of the State) and the encomendero of Huango, Puruándiro and other cities. It is believed that he was born at Vélez de Castilla in Spain around 1500 and he died in 1566 at Tacámbaro, Michoacán. He was married to Doña Catalina Cervantes de Lara (a native of Sevilla, Spain) and they are believed to be the ancestors of a long line of notable individuals in Mexican history.
Through their son, Federico de Villaseñor y Cervantes de Lara, Juan and Catalina were the great-great-great-great-great-grandparents of Don Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, the priest from the city of Dolores in Guanajuato who led the first battles of the Mexican Revolution in 1810. Dolores would later be renamed Dolores Hidalgo in his honor and that is the name it carries today.
Through another son, Diego, Juan and Catalina were the great-great-great-great-great-great-grandparents of Don Agustin de Iturbide, a native of Morelia (1783), who played a significant role in the last part of the Mexican Revolution, eventually becoming Emperor of Mexico and then losing his life in 1824.
Orozco in Mexico
Persons with the surname Orozco (or Orosco) have continued to play significant roles in Mexican political and cultural life. According to Wikipedia, José Clemente Orozco (November 23, 1883 – September 7, 1949) was a Mexican social realist painter who specialized in bold murals. Living around the same time, was Pascual Orozco Vazquez (28 January 1882 – 30 August 1915) who was a Mexican revolutionary leader. The surname in both forms continues to be fairly prevalent in some parts of Jalisco, Zacatecas and Aguascalientes, as well as other parts of the country.
Copyright © 2013 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
Sources:
Archivo General de Indias. Pasajeros a Indias : libros de asientos (Sevilla, 1978).
Campos, Tony and Hernandez, Steven F., "Basic Foundations of Significant Families of Mexico: Tello de Orozco," in Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research (Steven F. Hernandez, editor), Genealogical Journal, Volume 5 (2003), pp. 167-238.
Davila, J Ignacio. Los nietos de Don Juan (Mexico, D.F., 1949)
Davila, J Ignacio. Los nietos de Juan de Villasenor Orozco, fundador de Valladolid (Michoacan, Mexico, 1948).
García y Carraffa, Alberto and Arturo. Diccionario heráldico y genealógico de apellidos españoles y Americanos (1920-1963), 86 volumes.
Gerhard, Peter. The north frontier of New Spain (Oklahoma: Univ of Oklahoma Press, 1993).
Hanks, Patrick and Hodges, Flavia, A dictionary of surnames (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988).
Hardy, Rose and Valdez, Dave. A genealogical look at the 1648 padron of Aguascalientes (2010).
Méndez de Torres y Camino , Daniel Alejandro. Archivos parroquiales de Aguascalientes: Siglo XVII (San Jose, California: 2011).
Muria, Jose Maria and Olveda, Jaime. Lecturas históricas de Guadalajara : generalidades históricas sobre la fundación y los primeros años de Guadalajara (Instituto Nacional de Antropologiìa e Historia, Guadalajara: 1991).
Rodríguez, Juan Manuel. "Gerónimo de OrozcoPor mercadointerno: El fundador de Aguascalientes y León, fue muerto por chichimecas" (October 22, 2011). Online:
http://mercadointerno.wordpress.com/2011/10/22/geronimo-de-orozco/
Wikipedia, "Orozco," Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orozco
Woods, Richard D. and Alvarez-Altman, Grace. Spanish Surnames in the Southwestern United States: A Dictionary (G. K. Hall, Boston, 1978).
THE SURNAME RUBALCABA
By John P. Schmal
Origins in Santander
The surname Rubalcaba (also spelled Robalcava or Ruvalcaba) is known to have originated in the Mountains of Santander, with branches of the surname radiating from Medina de Cudeyo, Liérganes and Navajeda, three locations that are presently located in eastern Cantabria (northern Spain). Today, Cantabria is considered an autonomous area with Santander as its capital. It is bordered on the east by the Basque Autonomous Community, on the south by Castile and León (the provinces of León, Palencia and Burgos), on the west by Asturias and on the north by the Cantabrian Sea.
Cantabria
The area of Cantabria has experienced several rulers. In 409, the area became independent of the Roman Empire, only to be taken over by the Germanic Visigoths in 574. In 714, the Moors arrived, capturing Amaya, the Cantabrian capital. However, in 722, the Moors suffered a series of setbacks while trying to subdue the people in the Cantabrian Mountains. This period, in fact, marks the beginning of the Reconquista, which would end with the conquest of Granada in 1492.
Arabic Origins
Although the surname Rubalcaba appears to have originated in Santander, there is a widely-accepted theory that the name was derived from an Arabic term, "Rub al
Khali" which literally means "the empty quarter." It has been suggested that the name was introduced to the Iberian Peninsula during the Moorish conquest that took place in Eighth Century. Although the Moors were soon to be evicted from northern Spain, some influences remained.
The Ruvalcaba Branch
However, my friend and fellow researcher, Paola Ruvalcaba de Tamayo, has an explanation that has come down through her own family. Paola’s grandfather, Alejandro Ruvalcaba, was a well-known and highly respected professor in Aguascalientes. At one point in his long career, Professor Alejandro did some research on his last name. He found that "Rubal" had evolved from the word Rubio (a fair-haired or blonde person) and that cava came from the Arab word, "to dig." Having found out this information, Alejandro changed his name from Rubalcava to Ruvalcaba because, as Paola states:
Although Alejandro was proud of the uniqueness of his surname, he still decided to change it to the spelling that Paola’s family in Los Angeles continues to use to this day, Ruvalcaba.
Rubalcaba’s Come to Nueva Galicia
The first known Rubalcava to arrive in the area of Nueva Galicia (Jalisco, Zacatecas and Aguascalientes) was Matheo González de Rubalcava, who was allegedly a native of Liérganes, Santander, born sometime around 1490. His wife was Juana María Gonzalez, the daughter of the conquistador, Ruy Gonzalez. One of his sons was Capitán Alonso Gonzalez de Ruvalcaba, who eventually moved to Teocaltiche (located in present-day Jalisco, just south of the State of Aguascalientes and each of Nochistlán in Zacatecas) and is the ancestor of many Rubalcava’s in that area.
It is believed that the surname González de Rubalcava implies "the González family from the place called Rubalcava." However, after a few generations in Mexico, most descendants discarded the Gonzalez but retained Rubalcava or some variant of it. A few individuals also maybe have chosen the surname Gonzalez as well.
Teocaltiche
The surname Gonzalez de Rubalcava arrived in Teocaltiche in northern Jalisco in the second half of the Sixteenth Century, when Capitán Don Alonso Gonzalez de Rubalcava and his wife, Doña Beatriz Lopez de Fuenllana, arrived in the area. As stated earlier, Alonso was the son of Matheo de Rubalcava and of Juana María Gonzalez. Some sources have claimed that Alonso was born in Mexico City, but the researcher Mariano González-Leal believes that he was probably born in Heras, a small town 14 kilometers from Santander and just a short distance from Liérganes.
Capitán Alonso married Beatriz Lopez de Fuenllana, a native of Patzcuaro (in present-day Michoacán) and the daughter of "el conquistador," Juan López de Baeza y Santaela and of Isabel Pérez de Fuenllana. Baeza had travelled with Nuño de Guzmán, in his path across Jalisco and Zacatecas in the early 1530s.
Among other things, Alonso Gonzalez de Rubalcava was a talented mason who played a major role in building the second Cathedral of Guadalajara between in the late 1560s, working at the direction of the master builder, Martin Casillas. Details about the life of Alonso de Rubalcava (or Robalcaba) have been discussed in the following article by Mariano González-Leal: "Alonso de Robalcaba: Estudio biográfico sobre uno de los grandes genearcas alteños," published in the SHHAR Genealogical Journal, Volume 5 (2003), pp. 63-77.
In 1570, at the approximate age of 40 years, Alonso moved to Patzcuaro where he met and married Beatriz. Soon after, they moved to the Teocaltiche region where their offspring were born, raised and flourished. The children of Alonso and Beatriz included:
Alonso’s son Matheo de Rubalcava and his wife Jerónima Morales had five children of their own, most of whom continued to live in Teocaltiche and raise their respective families there. However, Mateo – as a widower – and one daughter, Maria, would eventually move on to Aguascalientes.
The Aguascalientes Rubalcaba’s
Although the main trunk of the Rubalcaba family resided in Teocaltiche, Santa María de los Lagos and Nochistlán (now in Zacatecas), some members of the Rubalcaba family eventually moved on to the large settlement of Aguascalientes. In fact, on June 14, 1622, Mateo de Robalcaba, the widower of Jerónima (mentioned above), was married in the parish of Aguascalientes to Luisa de Ávila, who was also a widow, and the daughter of Alonso Ximénez and Catalina de Ayala. One of the witnesses to the marriage was Matheo’s sister, María.
Three years later, on October 9, 1625, Matheo and Gerónima’s 16-year-old daughter, Maria López, was married to Domingo de Rebollo, a widower and resident of Zacatecas at the time. However, by the time of the 1648 Aguascalientes Padron (Church Census or Register of Parishioners), the only known descendant of the Robalcaba’s registered was Juana Gonsales de Rubalcava, the daughter of Captain Fulgencio Gonzalez de Rubalcava (mentioned above) and Luisa de Rodas y Villegas of Santa Maria de Los Lagos. Juana was then the wife of Jasinto Losano (the son of Christoval Losano and Maria de Ysla), whom she had married on September 6, 1632 in Santa Maria de Los Lagos.
Rubalcaba’s Spread Far and Wide
During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, the descendants of Matheo González de Rubalcava carrying the surname Rubalcaba and its variant spellings (Robalcava, Rubalcava, Rubalcaba) multiplied and many of them lived in Aguascalientes and Calvillo (Aguascalientes); Yahualica, Villa Hidalgo, Lagos de Moreno and Teocaltiche (Jalisco); Leon and Guanajuato (Guanajuato); as well as other nearby areas.
It is likely that most – if not all – of the Robalcaba’s and Rubalcava’s living in these areas today are descended from the original Matheo who came to Mexico from Liérganes in Cantabria, España (Spain). For researchers who descend from this line and are curious about the family’s first two hundred years in Nueva Galicia, valuable information can be found for various branches of the family in the following works:
Rubalcaba’s in Other Areas
Rubalcaba’s are also known to have lived in some areas of Tamaulipas and Jalisco, and a fair amount of them have immigrated to Los Angeles, California and some parts of Texas. Some people with the surname also migrated to Peru during the colonial period. However, it is fairly certain that most – if not all – of the individuals carrying this surname probably came to the same region of Spain.
Copyright © 2013 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
Note: This is dedicated to my friend and research buddy, Paola Ruvalcaba de Tamayo, whose family comes from Aguascalientes.
Sources:
De Anda Sáncehz, Nicolás. Teocaltiche de Nueva Galica: lugar con rico mosaic de linajes de Mercaderes Andariegos y frecuentes migraciones (Secretaría de Cultura – Gobierno de Jalisco, 2007)
De Atienza, Julio. Nobiliario Español: Diccionario heraldico de Apellidos Españoles y de titulos nobiliarios (Madrid, 1959).
García y Carraffa, Alberto and Arturo. Diccionario heráldico y genealógico de apellidos españoles y Americanos (1920-1963), 86 volumes.
Gonzáleaz-Leal, Mariano, "Alonso de Robalcaba: Estudio biográfico sobre uno de los grandes genearcas alteños," in Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research (Steven F. Hernandez, editor), Genealogical Journal, Volume 5 (2003), pp. 63-77.
Hardy, Rose and Valdez, Dave. A genealogical look at the 1648 padron of Aguascalientes (2010).
Méndez de Torres y Camino , Daniel Alejandro. Archivos parroquiales de Aguascalientes: Siglo XVII (San Jose, California: 2011).
Ruvalcaba de Tamayo, Paola. Family Tradition
Spain and Portugal for Visitors, "The Moorish Conquest," Online:
http://spainforvisitors.com/archive/features/moorishinvasion.htm
Tour Spain, Travel Guides, "History of Santander, Spain," Online:
http://www.tourspain.org/santander/history.asp
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