Editor: Mimi Lozano ©2000-2016
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Editor: Mimi Lozano ©2000-2016
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Letters to the Editor |
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P.O. 490
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I have gotten my DNA tested. Like most Mexicans, maternally I'm Native, paternally, I'm European. I also have substantial Jewish DNA.
Cheers
Joel F Perez
joel@flhinc.comI
CO-President/CFO/CBDO/COO
Fashion's Little Helpers, Inc.
www.amazon.com/shops/FashionsLittleHelpers
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FAMILY HISTORY RESEARCH |
Growing Critically Conscious Teachers by Angela Valenzuela |
 valenz@AUSTIN.UTEXAS.EDU |
I
am happy to announce this edited volume, currently in press with
Teachers College Press and the National Latino/a Education Research and
Policy Project (co-pub.) with a Foreword by Dr. Sonia Nieto and an
Afterword by Christine Sleeter. It is titled, Growing
Critically Conscious Teachers: A
Social Justice Curriculum for Educators of Latino/a Youth. View the wonderful endorsements below by Antonia Darder and Linda Darling-Hammond. Thanks to all of the contributors (see Table of Contents below). This has truly been a labor of love. Many thanks, as well, to the gifted Latina artist, Tanya Torres, for her permission for me to use "Cacibayagua," this symbol of a Taino goddess, for the book cover. It represents well what this volume conveys, namely, that growing critically conscious teachers isn't simply about creating pathways for them into the teaching profession, but also about growing consciousness—or concienticazión, as expressed by the late Brazilian educator, Paolo Freire. |
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| Here
are artist Tanya Torres' words about "La Cacibayagua." Cacibayagua by Tanya Torres "From Cacibayagua came the majority of the people who settled the island." Fray Ramón Pané I thought the cave Cacibayagua, from which the Taínos are said to have come, might be a place of earth and river water from whose veins flows life. Cacibayagua is earth, and she is also water. Like the Black Virgin, she is the color of the Earth. Water, cave, virgin goddess, like the ancient Goddess, mother of all. The Relación of Fray Ramon Pane
Contents
Foreword Sonia
Nieto
Acknowledgments
Preface:
Uses of the Handbook
1.
True to Our Roots: NLERAP and the Grow Your Own Teacher Education
Institutes Initiative
Angela Valenzuela 2. Teacher Capacities for Latino and Latina Youth Carmen I. Mercado 3. Teaching for Critical Consciousness: Overarching Topics, Themes, Frameworks, and Instructional Activities Adele Arellano, José Cintrón, Barbara Flores, and Margarita Berta-Ávila 4. PAR Entremundos: A Practitioner’s Guide Julio Cammarota, Margarita Berta-Ávila, Jennifer Ayala, Melissa Rivera, and Louie Rodríguez 5. Social Justice Education Project (SJEP): A Case Example of PAR in a High School Classroom Julio Cammarota 6. Conclusion: El Árbol/The Tree: Returning to the Root Angela Valenzuela
Afterword Christine
Sleeter
Endorsements:
Antonia
Darder
Linda
Darling-Hammond Growing
Critically Conscious Teachers: A Social Justice Curriculum for Educators
of Latino/a Youth |
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THE EDUCATION OF MEXICAN STUDENTS IN ORANGE COUNTY by Simon Ludwig Treff
This is an MA Thesis by Treff (1934) of the education of Mex Ss in OC. . .some of the findings
are typical of the M.A. theses by students at USC, 1910s-1940s. Many of the conclusions are
suspect, racist. . .You can download and print them by going to the USC Library archives. .
Albert Vela, Ph.D. cristorey38@comcast.net
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NORTHWESTERN UNITED STATES |
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Here are three scenes from the history of slavery in
North America.
In 1637, a group of Pequot Indians, men and boys, having risen up against English colonists in Connecticut and been defeated, were sold to plantations in the West Indies in exchange for African slaves, allowing the colonists to remove a resistant element from their midst. (The tribe’s women were pressed into service in white homes in New England, where domestic workers were sorely lacking.) In 1741, an 800-foot-long coffle of recently enslaved Sioux Indians, procured by a group of Cree, Assiniboine, and Monsoni warriors, arrived in Montreal, ready for sale to French colonists hungry for domestic and agricultural labor. And in 1837, Cherokee Joseph Vann, expelled from his land in Georgia during the era of Indian removal, took at least 48 enslaved black people along with him to Indian Territory. By the 1840s, Vann was said to have owned hundreds of enslaved black laborers, as well as racehorses and a side-wheeler steamboat.
A reductive view of the American past might note two
major, centuries-long historical sins: the enslavement of stolen
Africans and the displacement of Native Americans. In recent years, a
new wave of historians of American slavery has been directing
attention to the ways these sins overlapped. The stories they have
uncovered throw African slavery—still the narrative that dominates
our national memory—into a different light, revealing that the seeds
of that system were sown in earlier attempts to exploit Native labor.
The record of Native enslavement also shows how the white desire to
put workers in bondage intensified the chaos of contact, disrupting
intertribal politics and creating uncertainty and instability among
people already struggling to adapt to a radically new balance of
power.
Before looking at the way Native enslavement happened
on the local level (really the only way to approach a history this
fragmented and various), it helps to appreciate the sweep of the
phenomenon. How common was it for Indians to be enslaved by
Euro-Americans? Counting can be difficult, because many instances of
Native enslavement in the Colonial period were illegal or ad hoc and
left no paper trail. But historians have tried. A few of their
estimates: Thousands of Indians were enslaved in Colonial New England,
according to Margaret Ellen Newell. Alan Gallay writes that between
1670 and 1715, more Indians were exported into slavery through Charles
Town (now Charleston, South Carolina) than Africans were imported.
Brett Rushforth recently attempted a tally of the total numbers of
enslaved, and he told me that he thinks 2 million to 4 million
indigenous people in the Americas, North and South, may have been
enslaved over the centuries that the practice prevailed—a much
larger number than had previously been thought. “It’s not on the
level of the African slave trade,” which brought 10 million people
to the Americas, but the earliest history of the European colonies in
the Americas is marked by Native bondage. “If you go up to about
1680 or 1690 there still, by that period, had been more enslaved
Indians than enslaved Africans in the Americas.”
Between 1670 and 1715, more Indians were exported into
slavery through Charles Town than Africans were imported.
The practice dates back to the earliest history of the European colonies in the future United States. Take the example of the Pequot who were enslaved in 1637 after clashing with the English. As Newell writes in a new book, Brethren by Nature: New England Indians, Colonists, and the Origins of American Slavery, by the time the ship Desire transported the defeated Pequot men and boys to the Caribbean, colonists in New England, desperate for bodies and hands to supplement their own meager workforce, had spent years trying out various strategies of binding Native labor.
During the Pequot War, which was initially instigated
by struggles over trade and land among the Europeans, the Pequot, and
rival tribes, colonists explicitly named the procurement of captives
as one of their goals. Soldiers sent groups of captured Pequot to
Boston and other cities for distribution, while claiming particular
captured people as their own. Soldier Israel Stoughton wrote to John
Winthrop, having sent “48 or 50 women and Children” to the
governor to distribute as he pleased:
Ther is one … that is the fairest and largest that I
saw amongst them to whome I have given a coate to cloath her: It is my
desire to have her for a servant … There is a little Squa that
Stewart Calaot desireth … Lifetennant Davenport allso desireth one,
to witt a tall one that hath 3 stroakes upon her stummach …
A few years after the conclusion of the war, in 1641, the colonists of Massachusetts Bay passed the first formal law regulating slavery in English America, in a section of the longer document known as the Body of Liberties. The section’s language allowed enslavement of “those lawfull Captives taken in just warres, and such strangers as willingly selle themselves or are sold to us,” and left room for legal bondage of others the authorities might deem enslaved in the future. The Body of Liberties codified the colonists’ possession of Native workers and opened the door for the expansion of African enslavement.
Europeans did not introduce slavery to this continent.
Many, though not all, of the Native groups in the land that later
became the United States and Canada practiced slavery before Europeans
arrived. Native tribes, in their diversity, did not have a uniform
approach to enslavement (given Americans’ propensity to collapse all
Native people together, this bears reiterating). Many of those
traditions also changed when tribes began to contend with the European
presence. “There are many slaveries, and colonialism brings
different slaveries into contact with one another,” historian
Christina Snyder, who wrote a history of Native slavery in the
Southeast, told me. Contact pushed Native practices to change over
time, as tribes contested, or adapted to, European demands. But,
broadly speaking, Native types of enslavement were often about
kinship, reproductive labor, and diplomacy, rather than solely the
extraction of agricultural or domestic labor. The difference between
these slaveries and European bondage of Africans was great.
Historian Pekka Hämäläinen, in his 2009 book The
Comanche Empire, writes of Comanche uses of slavery during their
period of dominance of the American Southwest between 1750 and 1850.
The Comanche exercised hegemony in part by numerical superiority, and
enslavement was part of that strategy. Hämäläinen writes that
Comanches put captives through a rigorous process of enslavement—a
dehumanizing initiation that brought a non-Comanche captive into the
tribe through renaming, tattooing, beating, whipping, mutilation, and
starvation—but stipulates that once a person was enslaved, there
were varying degrees of freedom and privilege she or he could attain.
Male captives might be made blood bondsmen with their owners,
protecting them from ill treatment and casual sale; women might be
married into the tribe, after which time they became, as Hämäläinen
puts it, “full-fledged tribal members”; younger, more
impressionable children might be adopted outright. After a period of
trauma, captives could, quite possibly, attain quasi-free status;
their own children would be Comanches.
160115_HIST_Sioux-02
Photo illustration by Lisa Larson-Walker. Photos via Library of Congress & Wikimedia Commons.
In his book Bonds of Alliance: Indigenous and Atlantic
Slaveries in New France, Brett Rushforth writes about a similar
tradition of “natal alienation” practiced by enslaving tribes in
the Pays d’en Haut (the French name for the Great Lakes region and
the land west of Montreal) in order to strip a captive of his or her
old identity and life. Rushforth does not sell short the awfulness of
these processes; still, he pointed out: “Rather than a closed slave
system designed to move slaves ‘up and out’—excluding slaves and
their descendants from full participation in their masters’ society,
even when freed—indigenous slavery moved captives ‘up and in’
toward full, if forced, assimilation.” This was more than Africans
enslaved by Europeans could hope for, after the legal codification of
hereditary chattel slavery in the 17th and early 18th centuries.
Native American Slaves in New France
As many as 10,000 Indians were enslaved between
1660–1760. Here are the names we know.
The disconnect between Native uses of slavery and European understandings of the practice often made for miscommunication. In some places, ironically enough, Native groups themselves initiated the trade in captives to the Europeans. In the Pays d’en Haut, Rushforth found in his research, Indian groups believed in “a diplomatic function of captive-taking.” Early in their time in the area, French officials found themselves offered Native slaves as tokens of trust, peace, and friendship. “When the French embedded themselves in these Native systems of alliance and trade and diplomacy, they found themselves engaged in these captive exchanges—not unwillingly, of course,” Rushforth told me. “At the same time, the French were trading African slaves in the Caribbean and South America, so it’s not like the Indians forced this upon the French. The French found the diplomatic function of it to be kind of confusing. They didn’t know what to make of it at first, and then they sort of manipulated it to their own advantage.”
In some places, Native groups themselves initiated the
trade in captives to the Europeans.
Rushforth notes that the political equilibrium that prevailed before the arrival of Europeans had kept the Native slave trade minimal. “If you’re a Native group in the Midwest and it’s hunting season, you have to make a choice,” he said. “ ‘Are we going to go after an enemy, or are we going to stock up on meat and hides and other things?’ It’s either hunting or captive-raiding. And so that created these disincentives to go after captives, because there were all kinds of reasons you wanted to have peace, all kinds of reasons you wanted to have your economy running.”
Soon, however, French officials, desiring more slaves,
began to incentivize Native people to take captives by promising
desirable goods in return. Nearby tribes began to raid one another in
earnest, often venturing far into the interior of the present-day
United States to grab Pawnee and other Plains Indians. With French
traders now offering goods and comestibles in exchange for captives,
the old political balance was disrupted. “If you can go raid your
enemies and trade them, for food and cloth and other things, you can
actually sort of collapse those two choices into one,” Rushforth
said. “That means the choice to raid for captives was much less
costly for them. And so they actually did it much more often.” The
French, wanting to be secure from violence in Montreal, made rules
that pushed the chaos of raiding farther away—circumscribing the
sale of Native slaves from nearby tribes, for example. “So they can
create all of this extractive force,” Rushforth noted, “and it
just makes everything chaotic and destructive out there.”
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As in the Pays d’en Haut, so in the American South, where the demand for Indian slaves changed the political relationships between tribes. “Once Europeans showed up and they demanded that the supply of Native slaves amp up to meet the demand, Native practices regarding slaves changed,” Snyder said. “So people who might once have been adopted or killed now became slaves.” Europeans didn’t just displace Native Americans—they enslaved them, and encouraged tribes to participate in the slave trade, on a scale historians are only beginning to fathom.
Captives experienced enslavement by 17th-century
Europeans in a much different way than enslavement by another Indian
tribe. If a Native person was made captive by a rival tribe, a set
of relatively predictable traditions governed his or her treatment.
But after a Native captor sold a captive to a European, the person
was swept into a global system. She, or he, was now a commodity. In
the South, Snyder said, “[Natives] basically became slaves in a
really similar way to African slaves, who were also arriving at the
same time in South Carolina.” Reduced to a source of labor, and
caught up in a wide-reaching web of exchange, the Native slave could
be sold very far away. Rushforth points to instances of Apaches and
other Plains peoples being sold, through Quebec, to the Caribbean.
“There were Plains Apaches who showed up on sugar plantations in
Martinique,” he said.
While the histories of Native enslavement and
enslaving might seem to be separate spheres of study, they too are
intertwined. Tribal groups could find themselves shifting from
enslavers to enslaved, as their relationships to Euro-Americans, and
with other tribes, changed over time. To illustrate this concept,
Snyder points to the story of the Westo Indians, a group originally
from around Lake Erie, who spoke an Iroquoian language. They left
the North in the middle of the 17th century, Snyder says,
“probably because of Iroquois competition over guns and
slaving,” and moved to the Southeast, where they enslaved local
Indians for sale to colonists. “But then the colonists got
anxious, or they were afraid that this group was too powerful,”
Snyder said; in 1680, a group of Carolinians armed the Savannah
Indians and empowered them to break the Westos’ strength in the
area. The remaining Westos were, themselves, sold to the Caribbean
as slaves.
In the late-18th-century Southeast, the Native relationship to slavery took a surprising turn. There, a relatively small group of Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws held Africans in bondage. Historian Tiya Miles has written two histories of Cherokee slaveholding. Miles places the number of enslaved people held by Cherokees at around 600 at the start of the 19th century and around 1,500 at the time of westward removal in 1838-9. (Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws, she said, held around 3,500 slaves, across the three nations, as the 19th century began.) “Slavery inched its way slowly into Cherokee life,” Miles told me. “When a white man moved into a Native location, usually to work as a trader or as an Indian agent, he would own [African] slaves.” If such a person also had a child with a Native woman, as was not uncommon, the half-European, half-Native child would inherit the enslaved people (and their children) under white law, as well as the right to use tribal lands under tribal law. This combination put such people in a position to expand their wealth, eventually operating large farms and plantations. This was the story of James Vann, the father of Joseph, the steamboat owner; the elder Vann’s mother was Cherokee, while his father was white.
Apaches and other Plains peoples were sold, through
Quebec, to the Caribbean.
In the second and third decades of the 19th century, the Cherokee strategy to keep the American government from taking their land was to prove their own sovereignty as a “civilized” people. They were trying, Miles said, “to form a Cherokee government that looked like the U.S. government, to publish laws, establish a Supreme Court, establish a principal city, to create a police force, to create a newspaper.” These efforts were concurrent with the growth of slavery, another adopted tradition that would show that Cherokees were truly assimilating.
160115_HIST_Cherokee-02
Photo illustration by Lisa Larson-Walker. Photos via Library of Congress & Wikimedia Commons.
The United States government—Congress considered
itself in charge of Indian affairs and, starting in the 1780s,
established a series of governmental structures meant to manage
tribal relations—“had really clear ideas about what it meant to
be civilized,” Miles said. “That included a different gendered
differentiation of labor, so men were supposed to stop hunting; they
were supposed to come back and farm. Women were supposed to be in
the household. And enslaved people were supposed to be out in those
fields, helping to produce even more crops and eventually allowing
the native man to have more of a supervisory role.” Indian
agents—white men appointed by Congress to liaise with the
tribes—would report to their supervisors on the degree to which
Cherokee slaveholders were fulfilling the expectations of white
observers. Some white onlookers thought James Vann far too lenient
in the way he socialized with the (by one count) 70 enslaved
Africans who worked on his plantation. Still, he prospered,
eventually owning 400 to 800 acres of land, a store, a tavern, and a
trading post.
The material success of slaveholders such as Vann did
not, in the end, save the Cherokees from removal. While some Native
slaveowners in the South may have been “temporarily enriched” by
slaveholding, historian Claudio Saunt argues, “as the demand for
captives rose, it destabilized the entire region. The dehumanization
of non-Europeans ultimately allowed white colonists to justify the
killing of Southeastern Indians and the appropriation of their
lands.” The explicitly racist underpinnings of slavery in the
South left Native people there, even slaveholders who participated
in the system, vulnerable. When white demand for land prevailed, the
Native population would inevitably lose.
During removal, some wealthy Cherokees were able to
take their enslaved people along. Many walked the Trail of Tears,
along with the Natives who held them in bondage. “If you were rich
in the Southeast, you got to basically start over again with a
captive labor force,” Miles said. “Which doesn’t mean that
removal wasn’t awful; it was still awful. But it meant that you
had a leg up in rebuilding your wealth.”
Slave narratives—there are Works Progress
Administration oral histories given by black slaves who were once
owned by Cherokees and other tribes—report favorably on the
experience of being held by Natives. Miles told me that she thought
the historian should take these narratives with a grain of salt,
pointing out that there are also many stories of Native slaveholders
selling or punishing their black bondsmen. “There were more ways
to have a margin of autonomy in Native American contexts. There are
examples of Native people freeing their slaves and marrying them,”
she said. “But at the same time there are many instances of very
violent behavior that tended to take place on the larger
plantations. … So it depended on where you were enslaved and who
you were enslaved by.” Some Native people who held Africans on
small farms, where they might “eat out of the same pot as the
master” (as Miles put it), treated them as a kind of family. In
her first book, however, Miles wrote about a Cherokee farmer who
enslaved an African woman, lived with her for decades, and never
freed her, despite her bearing his children. In that particular
case, years of intimacy did not lead to emancipation.
* * *
The historians I spoke with said that they found this
history challenging to talk about in moral terms—perhaps more so
than the history of African slavery. “I think popular history
likes to talk about good guys and bad guys,” Snyder told me. The
complexities of the history of Native enslavement leave such clear
distinctions behind. “Some may think that I do not philosophize
enough,” Alan Gallay writes in the introduction to his book,
“that I have the responsibility of always separating good from
evil, of creating a parable from which the moral of the story may
easily be drawn. I wish that it were so simple.”
The fact that Native people so often assisted in the
enslavement of people from other tribes makes this story a
complicated one. Yes, Europeans did have Native assistance in
implementing their ends; they were also the ones who put Native
tribes under the existential pressures that forced many Indians to
sell fellow Natives into slavery. This tragedy does not make for so
clear-cut a narrative as, say, the bravery of the fugitive African
Americans who took the Underground Railroad to freedom. Yet it is a
tragedy nonetheless.
The many stories of Native slavery force us to think
about the strategies Native people used to respond to the relentless
European desire for labor. Some, like the Yamasee—who, with their
allies, rose up to challenge British colonists in South Carolina in
1715-16—fought enslavement with violent resistance. Some, like the
warriors who brought the long coffle of Sioux to Montreal in 1741,
or the Cherokee, Creek, Chickasaw, and Choctaw who took their
African slaves to Indian Country in the 1830s, tried to adapt by
becoming part of the system.
Later, some worked within European law to challenge a
tradition of Indian enslavement. In 1739, a Native man known only as
“Caesar” sued for his own freedom in New London, Connecticut. He
argued that his mother, Betty, who had surrendered during King
Philip’s War in 1676, should have been set free after 10 years of
servitude, rather than enslaved, and that he himself should have
been born a free man. More than a few second- and third-generation
Native slaves brought such cases in New England in the 1730s and
1740s, and in so doing, writes Margaret Ellen Newell, they fueled
New England’s growing abolitionism, forcing men in power to
reconsider the legal basis for enslavement. Natives were thus part
of the history of American slavery at its beginning, and at its end.
* * *
Further Reading
New England:
Margaret Ellen Newell: Brethren by Nature: New
England Indians, Colonists, and the Origins of American Slavery
The Southwest:
James F. Brooks, Captives and Cousins: Slavery,
Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands
Pekka Hämäläinen, The Comanche Empire
Andrés Reséndez, The Other Slavery: The Uncovered
Story of Indian Enslavement in America
The Midwest:
Carl J. Ekberg: Stealing Indian Women: Native Slavery
in the Illinois Country
The Great Lakes:
Brett Rushforth: Bonds of Alliance: Indigenous and
Atlantic Slaveries in New France
The Pacific Northwest:
Leland Donald: Aboriginal Slavery on the Northwest
Coast of North America
Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown, Indian Slavery in
the Pacific Northwest
Indian Territory:
Barbara Krauthamer, Black Slaves, Indian Masters:
Slavery, Emancipation, and Citizenship in the Native American South
Tiya Miles, Ties That Bind: The Story of an
Afro-Cherokee Family in Slavery and Freedom
Celia Naylor, African Cherokees in Indian Territory:
From Chattel to Citizens
Fay Yarbrough, Race and the Cherokee Nation
Gary Zellar, African Creeks: Estelvste and the Creek
Nation
The Southeast:
Robbie Ethridge and Sheri M. Shuck-Hall, eds, Mapping
the Mississippian Shatter Zone: The Colonial Indian Slave Trade and
Regional Instability in the American South
Alan Gallay, The Indian Slave Trade: The Rise of the
English Empire in the American South, 1670-1717
Alan Gallay, ed., Indian Slavery in Colonial America
Tiya Miles, The House on Diamond Hill: A Cherokee
Plantation Story
Claudio Saunt, Black, White, and Indian: Race and the
Unmaking of an American Family
Christina Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country: The
Changing Face of Captivity in Early America
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The Bureau of Indian Education |
| The Bureau of
Indian Education Mission, as described in Title 25 CFR Part 32.3, is to provide high quality
education opportunities from early childhood through life in accordance with a tribe’s
needs for cultural and economic well-being. In performing this mission, the BIE takes into account the spiritual, mental, physical, and cultural aspects of school-aged children within their family and tribal community. The BIE, under the Assistant Secretary – Indian Affairs, in the U.S. Department of the Interior (DOI), is headed by a Director, who ensures the mission is achieved. There are 183 BIE-funded schools, located on 64 reservations in 23 states, serving approximately 48,000 American Indian students. Of these, 126 are tribally-controlled under Indian Self Determination and Education Assistance Act (P.L. 93-638) contracts or Tribally Controlled Schools Act (P.L. 100-297) grants, and 57 are Federal schools operated by the BIE. BIE funds or operates off-reservation boarding schools and peripheral dormitories near reservations for students attending public schools, and oversees two postsecondary schools: Haskell Indian Nations University and Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute. http://www.bie.edu/cs/groups/xbie/documents/document/idc1-030931.pdf |
"Charles Roessel, Director of the US Bureau of Indian Education (BIE), said that even without a federal truth and reconciliation process, federal Indian schools are seeking to address the past by establishing schools for Indian students that build culture, language learning and tribal sovereignty into the curriculums. Of the $130 million proposed for the BIE's 2016 budget, Roessel said there would be a significant increase for tribal language programs." "Indian education has a dark history, but now is not the time to dwell on it because it's an exciting time," he said. "We're redefining what education is and what success means for Indian students. We're ensuring the Indian voice is heard, and that the culture and history is taught and respected," Roessel insisted. For Small, her fight for the children of Chemawa is also inextricably tied to the modern struggles of Native people. An Oregon Department of Transportation plan to build a cloverleaf exchange at an Interstate 5 exit would be less than a football field from the cemetery and could potentially disturb the remains of the Chemawa children, she said. "There needs to be a voice for a children, they
need to have the prayers and ceremony to go to the next camp,"
Small said. "But people act like the cultural genocide never
happened, but as long as this get swept under the rug, it will
continue."
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An Unknown Latino Tuskegee Airman Has Been Discovered
The Dominican Studies Institute has unveiled the first known Dominican soldier to serve in the famous squad during World War II.
An exhibit that opened Wednesday at the City College of New York pays tribute to Dominicans who served in the U.S. armed forces during World War II. Among the honorees will be Esteban Hotesse, a Dominican native who immigrated to the country as a child, enlisted during World War II, and served in the lauded Tuskegee Airmen brigade. A determined academic, Edward De Jesus, made the discovery during a three-year research mission into the role of Dominican servicemen and women “who made significant contributions to the war effort or who made significant contributions to society” says De Jesus, a research associate at the Dominican Studies Institute at CUNY.
“It’s exciting. It’s been rewarding for me to find out something that is not known to the public, to show people something that they’ve never seen before, that they’ve never heard before,” De Jesus says of the discovery.
While poring over hundreds of military records, De Jesus came across an Army Enlistment Record with all the names of those who served in the Army and were born in the Dominican Republic. Hotesse’s name was among them, but it was misspelled in the database (with the last name missing the last "e"). De Jesus followed the paper trail and eventually discovered that Hotesse’s unit was a bombardment group made up of black soldiers. He was a Tuskegee Airman. Though his team was scheduled to go into battle, they never saw combat abroad. The trail led De Jesus to a naturalization record, a Census form, and a marriage certificate. He was even able to learn that Hotesse had been registered in the armed services as having a “semi-skilled construction occupation.”
http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/11/unknown-latino-tuskegee-airman-discovered/433479/
Sent by Mercy Bautista Olvera
03/01/2016 07:12 AM
TABLE OF CONTENTS
UNITED STATES
HERITAGE PROJECTS
HISTORIC TIDBITS
HISPANIC LEADERS
LATINO PATRIOTS
EARLY LATINO PATRIOTS
SURNAMES
DNA
FAMILY HISTORY
EDUCATION
Growing Critically Conscious Teachers by Angela Valenzuela
CULTURE
BOOKS AND PRINT MEDIA
ORANGE COUNTY, CA
LOS ANGELES COUNTY
CALIFORNIA
NORTHWESTERN, US
SOUTHWESTERN, US
TEXAS
MIDDLE AMERICA
EAST COAST
AFRICAN-AMERICAN
INDIGENOUS
America’s Other Original Sin By Rebecca Onion
The Bureau of Indian Education
SEPHARDIC
ARCHAEOLOGY
MEXICO
CENTRAL & SOUTH AMERICA
OCEANIC PACIFIC
PHILIPPINES
SPAIN
INTERNATIONAL
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Los Angeles, Someone once referred to east l.a. as the ellis island of the west.
newly
arrived jews, russians, Japanese, Mexicans and a few other groups of
people
initially stayed there as a place holder; after a while they moved on to
more affluent parts of los angeles; that is, except chicanos and Mexicans
who remained.
Our family and many members of our extended family moved to east l.a. from
el paso, texas just before the outbreak of world war II; our families also
brought the word chicano with them; it was a word of self-identification
that they and others of Mexican background used since the twenties thru out
various barrios in el paso ; the family barrios primarily included
"el
barrio de las chivas" and "el barrio del Diablo". In east
l.a. we found
residence in the various public housing projects; We also found that
chicanos and people that preferred to call themselves mejicanos didn't
readily mingle with each other socially. this social divide surfaced
sharply during the 60's when the war on poverty brought needed
employment
training programs and other resources to places like east l.a. Gabachos
administered several of the larger community programs. A few chicanos were
hired as community assistants. Some of these administrators issued a
caveat
that the word chicano was not to be used during program working hours. A
group of mejicanos found the word chicano demeaning and went to these
gabacho authorities demanding that this word not be used. Chicano employees
caught using this word were either reprimanded or terminated. I along with
several "camaradas" organized other chicanos from throughout east l.a
and
put an end to this discrimination against raza. We forced the removal of
all program administrators behind this anti-chicano caveat , replacing them
with Chicanos and Spanish speaking latinos that identified with chicanos.
And as for the group of Mejicanos that opposed us, we made them an offer
they couldn't refuse that eventually led to a better mutual understanding
for all of us. And when the movimiento hit, seemingly overnight the word
chicano became respectable, bringing many out of the closet; individuals I
knew that had never considered themselves chicanos, saw the light and
instantly became chicano activists, some even became brown beret leaders. a
new game soon ensued until this day about who was more chicano than the
other.
Viva la raza mikea@WINFIRST.COM
LARED-L@LISTSERV.CYBERLATINA.NET
LOW EXPECTATIONS
As indicated before, At age 14, I was enrolled in 7th grade at Washington Irving Junior High School. Since I did not speak English, they placed me in a series of classes along with mentally and physically challenged students. I was not the only immigrant non English speaking student placed in these Special Ed classes. There were other from other parts of the world. The only way to get out of these classes was to excel and obtain a C average. I spend the 7 and 8th grades in these classes but certainly by the 9th grade I was enrolled in so called “regular classes,” many of them vocational in nature. I took every voc ed course offered. I was getting D,s and C’s in most of them and this created problems with other students from the barrio (Toonerville) where I lived. One incident in particular stands out. My last period was PE and at the end of the semester, each student was given his report card in the Home Room class at the start of the day. Each student was to take its report card to each class and give it to the instructor for them to fill in the grade. During the last period, PE, we gave it to the instructor. At the end of the period , he asked us to form a line and proceeded to pass the report cards and we all saw what each student had obtained. I had mainly C’s and the Chicano students from the barrio had seen my grades. On the way home they began to question me because of my so called high grades. They had obtained D’s, F’s and U’s. They accused me of acting white. My relationship with most of them changed for the worst. At that moment, I did not understand what had occurred. However, as the years passed and I was enrolled in the doctoral program, I understood such dynamics. They had all internalized low expectations. The educational institutions had failed them; it expected them to fail and they did. It was the self fulfilling prophecy. There is an extensive body of research which documents the failure of the school system in the United States for students from low income and communities of color. These students are expected to fail and the educational institutions, broadly defined) reinforces such low expectation. Por eso estamos como estamos. por eso nunca progresamos.
Cirenio A. RodriguezLARED-L@LISTSERV.CYBERLATINA.NET
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JMPENA@aol.com
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Mi estimado y fino amigo Noble Caballero Don Fernando Muñoz Altea.
Distinguidas personas asistentes.
Envìo las fotos tomadas durante la presentación de su Magnìfica obra “BLASONES Y APELLIDOS”, agradeciendo su amable atenciòn por haberme enviado la invitación para asistir a este evento.
Reciba un afectuoso saludo con mis mejores deseos.
Tte. Corl. Intdte. Ret. Ricardo R. Palmerìn Cordero.
Enviado desde Correo para Windows 10
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Envìo la imagen del registro eclesiàstico del matrimonio de D. Adulfo Pedraza Valdèz y Da. Marìa Garza Zozaya. Doña Marìa Garza Zozaya era hija de DOÑA MARÌA JOSEFA ZOZAYA LA HEROÍNA DE LA BATALLA DE MONTERREY DE 1846, el nombre de esta heroica Dama ha pasado a la Historia, puès durante la Batalla recorrìa las filas Mexicanas, entre el humo y la sangre, repartìa refrescos y comestibles a la tropa, animàndola al combate con delirante entusiasmo y Patriotismo. Veiasele en las azoteas, yendo a dar de beber a los mas esforzados combatientes, reanimando a los que extenuaba la fàtiga, consolando a los heridos, prodigando vino, pan y carnes a los bravos, sin cesar de repetir con acento vibrante y argentino.” FUEGO MUCHACHOS. FUEGO. BUENA PUNTERÌA. A ELLOS. VIVA MÈXICO. ALLÀ VOY. UN MOMENTO ALLÀ VOY. NO DESPERDICIAR UN SOLO TIRO. VIVA LA PATRIA. VIVA MONTERREY. Fuentes. Episodios Militares Mexicanos. Heriberto Frìas. No.13. D. Adulfo Pedraza y Da. Marìa Garza. Febrero 6. “En la Yglesia Parroquial de la Ciudad de S. Felipe de Linares, a seis de Febrero de mil ochocientos ochenta y siete, practicadas las diligencias matrimoniales, solicitada y obtenida la dispensa de las tres moniciones que deben preceder al matrimonio, la cual fue otorgada por el Yllmo. Sr. Obispo de Linares Sr. Dr. Jacinto Lopez y no haber resultado ningún canónico impedimento que obste al matrimonio. Yo el Canònigo honorario Dn. Darìo de Jesus Suàrez Cura propio de dicha Ciudad, casè y velè de madrugada infacie eclesiae a D. Adulfo Pedraza, soltero, preceptor de veintiocho años de edad, originario y vecino de Hualahuises, hijo legitimo de D. Cresencio Pedraza y Da. Maria de Jesus Valdès, ya difuntos; con Da. Marìa Garza, cèlibe de veintiocho años de edad, originaria de Matamoros y desde su infancia vecina de esta Ciudad, hija legitima de los difuntos D. Juan Martin Garza y Da. Josefa Zozaya. Fueron testigos de su matrimonio D. Pedro Garza Cordova y D. Francisco Medellìn. Doy fè. Dr. Darìo de J. Suàrez”. Fuentes. Family Search. Iglesia de Jesucristo de los Santos de los últimos Dìas. Investigò. Tte. Corl. Intdte. Ret. Ricardo R. Palmerìn Cordero. M.H. Soc. Genealògica y de Historia Familia de Mèxico y de la Sociedad de Genealogìa de Nuevo Leòn.
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A team from Oxford University has discovered that the Celts, Britain's indigenous people, are descended from a tribe of Iberian fishermen who crossed the Bay of Biscay 6,000 years ago. DNA analysis reveals they have an almost identical genetic "fingerprint" to the inhabitants of coastal regions of Spain, whose own ancestors migrated north between 4,000 and 5,000BC. News UK This BritainCelts descended from Spanish fishermen, study finds. annebronco03@msn.com Don't tell the locals, but the hordes of British holidaymakers who visited Spain this summer were, in fact, returning to their ancestral home. A team from Oxford University has discovered that the Celts, Britain's indigenous people, are descended from a tribe of Iberian fishermen who crossed the Bay of Biscay 6,000 years ago. DNA analysis reveals they have an almost identical genetic "fingerprint" to the inhabitants of coastal regions of Spain, whose own ancestors migrated north between 4,000 and 5,000BC. The discovery, by Bryan Sykes, professor of human genetics at Oxford University, will herald a change in scientific understanding of Britishness. People of Celtic ancestry were thought to have descended from tribes of central Europe. Professor Sykes, who is soon to publish the first DNA map of the British Isles, said: "About 6,000 years ago Iberians developed ocean-going boats that enabled them to push up the Channel. Before they arrived, there were some human inhabitants of Britain but only a few thousand in number. These people were later subsumed into a larger Celtic tribe... The majority of people in the British Isles are actually descended from the Spanish." Professor Sykes spent five years taking DNA samples from 10,000 volunteers in Britain and Ireland, in an effort to produce a map of our genetic roots. Research on their "Y" chromosome, which subjects inherit from their fathers, revealed that all but a tiny percentage of the volunteers were originally descended from one of six clans who arrived in the UK in several waves of immigration prior to the Norman conquest. The most common genetic fingerprint belongs to the Celtic clan, which Professor Sykes has called "Oisin". After that, the next most widespread originally belonged to tribes of Danish and Norse Vikings. Small numbers of today's Britons are also descended from north African, Middle Eastern and Roman clans. These DNA "fingerprints" have enabled Professor Sykes to create the first genetic maps of the British Isles, which are analysed in Blood of the Isles, a book published this week. The maps show that Celts are most dominant in areas of Ireland, Scotland and Wales. But, contrary to popular myth, the Celtic clan is also strongly represented elsewhere in the British Isles. "Although Celtic countries have previously thought of themselves as being genetically different from the English, this is emphatically not the case," Professor Sykes said. "This is significant, because the idea of a separate Celtic race is deeply ingrained in our political structure, and has historically been very divisive. Culturally, the view of a separate race holds water. But from a genetic point of view, Britain is emphatically not a divided nation." Origins of Britons Oisin Descended from Iberian fishermen who migrated to Britain between 4,000 and 5,000BC and now considered the UK's indigenous inhabitants. Wodan Second most common clan arrived from Denmark during Viking invasions in the 9th century. Sigurd Descended from Viking invaders who settled in the British Isles from AD 793. One of the most common clans in the Shetland Isles, and areas of north and west Scotland. Eshu The wave of Oisin immigration was joined by the Eshu clan, which has roots in Africa. Eshu descendants are primarily found in coastal areas. Re A second wave of arrivals which came from the Middle East. The Re were farmers who spread westwards across Europe. Roman Although the Romans ruled from AD 43 until 410, they left a tiny genetic footprint. For the first 200 years occupying forces were forbidden from marrying locally. |
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Health Society & Culture Environment Technology Agriculture & Fisheries Natural Sciences Blogs RESEARCH & STUDY DNA links Native Americans with Europeans November 22, 2013 http://sciencenordic.com/dna-links-native-americans-europeans Ancient DNA reveals that the ancestors of modern-day Native Americans had European roots. The discovery sheds new light on European prehistory and also solves old mysteries concerning the colonisation of America. By: Rasmus Kragh Jakobsen http://sciencenordic.com/dna-links-native-americans-europeans Sent by John Inclan MIMI THREE PHOTOS TO GET |
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03/01/2016 07:12 AM
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Hi Mimi,
Photo of Hidalgo, a gorgeous Spanish Barb horse owned by Marjorie & Jerry
Dixon, displayed at our living history day on Saturday, Feb 12, 2916.
Marjorie is the person wearing a colorful skirt & straw hat. Additionally
are pictures of the Tucson Presidio Museum hounds and children learning about
historical games of the late 1700s. Enjoy! Love, Monica.
mart1602@hotmail.com
